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AMERICAN HISTORY 



BOOKS BY J. A. JAMES, Ph.D. 
AND A. H. SANFORD, M.A. 
Published by Charles Scribner's Sons 

Our Government — Local, State 
and National . 

(Also published in Special State Editions) 

Government in State and Nation 

American History . . . 
Readings in American History 




George Washington 
i the ptkiuting by Gilbert Stuait. Property of the MetropoUtaa Uuseum of Art. By permissioo 



AMEKICAN HISTORY 



BY 

JAMES ALTON JAMES 

<»ROFESSOR OP HISTORY IN NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY 



ALBERT HART SANFORD 

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE LA CROSSE, WISCONSIN, 
STATE NORMAL SCHOOL 



WITH MANY 
ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS 



CHARLES SCRIBlSrER'S SOKS 
NEW YORK CHICAGO BOSTON 






5^' 



Copyright. 1909. 1913, 1915, 1917, 1919, by 

CHARLES SCRIBNERS SONS 

M 



rib -6 1920 



©CI.A55 9 781 



Vn 



PREFACE 

It has been the aim oi the authors of this book to give 
the main features in the development of our Nation, to 
explain the America of to-day, its civilization and its tra- 
ditions. In order to do this, it was necessary to select 
topics from the various fields of human ac+ivity, the politi- 
cal, industrial, social, educational and religious. Empha- 
sis has been placed upon the fact that the position the 
United States occupies among the great nations is due 
primarily to the achievements of men and women in these 
fields. Consequently the military phases of our history, 
striking as some of them are, have in a measure been sub- 
ordinated to the accounts of the victories of peace. We 
have thought it desirable also to give greater prominence 
than has been usual in school texts to the advance of the 
frontier and to the growth and influence of the West. 
Particular care has been taken to state the essential facts 
in European history necessary to the explanation of events 
in America. 

How may the subject be best presented to the pupils of 
high-school age has been constantly in mind. To that end, 
only trustworthy illustrative material has been included 
and the maps have been prepared with great care. While 
there is no separate chapter or section devoted to a discus- 
sion of the physical geography of America, it will be noted 
that the influence of geographical conditions has been con« 
stantly stated in connection with events and conditions 
mentioned in the volume. 

The references given in the suggestive questions at the 



a Preface 

end of each chapter are to books which might well be in- 
cluded in a school or a public library. Teachers will, no 
doubt, modify these supplementary references to suit local 
conditions. A more extensive list is accessible in the syl- 
labus, "History in the Secondary Schools," issued under 
the auspices of the New England History Teachers* Asso- 
dation and published by D. C. Heath and Co. 

Wherever possible, by means of marginal references and 
supplementary questions, the intimate relations between 
American history and government have been in licated. 
The outlines to be found in Appendix I carry out this 
plan of correlation in so far as it is practicable. 

We are under obligation to many teachers of history in 
the secondary schools for practical suggestions. We desire 
especially to express our indebtedness to the following 
teachers of history for reading certain chapters of the 
manuscript and proof: William H. Shephard, North High 
School, Minneapolis; L. A. Fulwider, Freeport, 111., High 
School; B. E. Powell, New Trier Township, 111., High 
School; Carlo F. Sargent, Northwestern Academy, Evans- 
ton; Edward C. Page, DeKalb, 111., State Normal; A. D. 
S. Gillett, Superior, Wis., State Normal; William Kittle, 
Secretary of Normal Board of Regents, Madison, Wis.; 
Dr. Royal B. Way, Beloit College; and to J. P. Odell, 
Instructor in English, Northwestern University. Professor 
Charles W. Mann, of Lewis Institute, Chicago, has read 
much of the manuscript and nearly all of the galley proofs. 
He has also kindly furnished a number of illustrations. 

We shall be pleased to be informed of any errors and 
to receive any suggestions which may make the book more 
usable. 



CONTENTS 



•LA.PTEll 9A«M 

I. — The Discovert of America, 1 

II. — Spanish Exploration and Colonization, . . 17 

III. — The Rivalry of Nations in the Sixteenth 

Century, 27 

IV. — Virginia and Maryland, 37 

V. — New England, 60 

VI. — Further English Colonization, .... 68 

VII. — The Colonies after the Restoration, 1660- 

/1690, 85 

VIII. — The French in America, 104 

IX. — The English Colonies in the Eighteenth 

Century, 128 

X. — Causes of the American Revolution, . . 142 

XL— The Revolutionary War, 1776-1783, . . .162 

XII. — The Period of the Confederation, 1781- 

1789, 183 

XIII. — The Formation of the Federal Consti- 
tution, 197 

XrV. — Organization of the New Governmei^, 

THE Federalists in Control, . . . .215 

XV.— Foreign Relations, 1793-1801, 226 

XVI.— Democracy and Expansion, 1801-1811, . . 241 

XVII. — The Second War for Independence, . . 259 
vii 



S List of Illustrations 

View of Quebec, ... 124 

A Colonial Fire Engine, 130 

Three-shilling Massachusetts Bill op 1741, .... 132 

A Satire on Royal Government, 137 

Benjamin Franklin, 146 

John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, 149 

Samuel Adams, 150 

Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia, 153 

Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, 157 

Room in Independence Hall in which the Declaration 
WAS Signed, 159 

Lafayette, . . 169 

Colonel Daniel Boone, ... 171 

North Carolina Currency, 174 

John Paul Jones, 175 

The Old Potts House at Valley Forge, used by Wash- 
ington AS Headquarters, 182 

View of Pittsburg in 1790, 190 

John Jay, 192 

First United States Coin, 193 

Dollar of 1794, . 216 

Alexander Hamilton, 219 

Home of Washington, 223 

Fort Washington (Cincinnati), 230 

John Adams, 232 

Samuel Slater, 237 

Model of Cotton Gin, 238 

Thomas Jefferson, 242 

John Marshall, 243 



/ List of Illustrations jd 

rAea 

Cavalry Private, 1801, 244 

The Clermont, 249 

James Madison, , 254 

Tecumseh, . 256 

Infantry Privaie, 1810, . 260 

The Constitution and Guerriere, ....... 263 

Flat-boat, 275 

Plan of the Erie Canal, 277 

James Monroe, 286 

John Quincy Adams, 290 

Henry Clay, 291 

ToHN C. Calhoun, 293 

The Hermitage, 294 

Andrew Jackson, 298 

First Steam Train Run on the Pi nnsyl v a.nia State 
Railroad, 300 

Old Railroad Time-table, 301 

City of Washington, 1830, 305 

Daniel Webster, 307 

William Lloyd Garrison, 315 

Wendell Phillips, 317 

Campaign Button, 319 

Samuel F. B. Morse, 323 

Home of John C. Calhoun, 324 

Harriet Beecher Stowe, 340 

Stephen A. Douglas, 347 

James Russell Lowell, 358 

Roger B. Taney, 360 

John Brown. , , 363 



xii List of Illustrations 

i-AOB 

Campaign Button,. . , 365 

Abraham Lincoln, . t - 369 

Jefferson Davis, . . 372 

Salmon P. Chase, 374 

The Cairo — A Mississipppi River Gunboat, .... 383 

John Ericsson, 384 

Transverse Section op the Monitor through the 
Center of the Turret, 385 

George B. McClellan, 386 

Gen. Thos. J. Jackson, •. . . . 391 

Facsimile of a Vicksburg Newspaper Printed on Wall 
Paper, 395 

Fractional Currency of the Civil War Period, . . 400 

Ulysses Simpson Grant, 404 

Philip H. Sheridan, 407 

ViLLiAM Tecumseh Sherman, . . , 408 

General Robert E. Lee, C. S. A., ... ... 410 

Parole Signed by a Confederate Soldier, . , . .417 

Amnesty Oath to be taken by Confederates, . . .417 

Charles Sumner, 422 

Facsimile of a Bill for Furnishing the State House 
AT Columbia, S. C, in 1872, 429 

Facsimile OF a "Gratuity" Voted to Governor Moses 
BY the South Carolina Legislature in 1871, . . 431 

Horace Greeley, 433 

William H. Seward, 438 

Samuel J. Tilden, . 446 

Rutherford B. Hayes, 448 

James A. Garfield, 462 

George William Curtis, 463 



List of Illustratiom xiii 

PAoa 
GrOVER Ct.CVEtiAND, »•••••••*•••. 465 

Benjamin Harrison, • • • « • .469 

James G. Blaine, . • 47] 

William Jennings Bryan, •••••••• ^ .. 483 

William McKinley, , , c - . . 484 

Side and Front Views op Bell's First Telephone, . 491 

Thomas A. Edison, 492 

The United States Battle-ship Maine Entering 
Havana Harbor, January, 1898, 498 

The Rough Riders, 503 

Theodore Roosevelt, 509 

Machine which Reaps, Threshes, and Bags Grain at 
the Same Time, 511 

At Work on the Panama Canal in the Culebra Cut, . 515 

Steel Productions, 1903, 518 

A Cotton Mill, Augusta, Ga., 521 

William H. Tajt, 524 

WooDRow Wilson, 537 

Jane Addams, 539 

Major-General George W. Goethals, 544 

Robert Lansing, 553 

James W. Gerard, 556 

General Pershing, 558 

Herbert Hoover, 562 

William G. McAdoo, 563 

Samuel Gompers, 564 

A Liberty Loan Poster, 569 



LIST OF MAPS 

VAM 

Mediaeval Trade Routes, 6 

Regions Explored by Columbus and Vespucius, ... 11 

Early Geographical Ideas of America, 13 

Spanish Voyages of Exploration and Conquest, ... 18 
The Outward Voyages of Great Explorers, ... 28 
Grants made to the London and Plymouth Companies, . 38 
Early Settlements in Virginia and Maryland, ... 40 

The New England Colonies, 57 

New Netherland in 1656, 72 

The Carolina Grant by Charter of 1665, .... 75 

The Middle Colonies, , 80 

Location of Indians in the Seventeenth Century, . . 99 

The Explorations of Champlain, 105 

The Routes of the French Explorers, 109 

North America IN 1689 and 1713 (colored), 112 

The French and Indian Wars, 1689-1748, .... 114 
French Posts and Portages in the West, . . . .116 
Western Forts — French and Indian War, . . . .121 
European Possessions by Treaty of Paris (colored), . 125 

The Vicinity of Boston During the Siege, 155 

The Campaign of 1776, 163 

Campaigns op 1777, 166 

The West During the Revolution, 17^1 

XV 



xrl LUt of Map 

The War in the Southern States, ..**.♦. 177 

Map Showing the Position op the French and Ameri- 
can Troops at Yorktown 178 

The United States in 1783 (colored), *.,,.. 1S7 

Distribution of Population in 1790, 208 

Wayne's Campaign and Treaty op Greenville, . . . 231 

Presidential Election op 1800, 236 

The United States in 1803 (colored) 246 

War, 1812, on the Northern Frontier, . . . , • 262 

Leading Roads and Waterways, 1825 (colored), . . . 278 

Distribution of Population in 1820, 279 

Election of 1824, 295 

Election of 1828, 295 

Canals and Railroads, 1840 (colored), 296 

Distribution of Population in 1830, 299 

Texas at the Time of Annexation, . 329 

Western Part of the United States in 1S50, . . . 338 

Acquisition of Territory, 1789-1853 (colored), . . 349 

Distribution op Population, 1860, 353 

Railways in 1860, 355 

Election, 1860, 365 

Charleston Harbor, 375 

The Vicinity op Washington, 377 

The United States in 1861 378 

The Seat op War in the West, 382 

McClellan's Campaign in Virginia, 1862, ..... 387 

Campaigns in the East, 1862-1863, 389 

Map op the Battle of Gettysburg, ...... 393 

The Vicksburg and Chattanooga Campaigns, . . . 394 



List of Maps xvii 

PA«B 

Grant's Campaign, 1864-1865, . 403 

Map Illustrating Sherman's March TO THE Sea, . . . 409 

Election Map of 1876, . 447 

Population Map, 1880, 461 

Election Map of 1896, 482 

The Philippine Islands, , . 500 

The West Indies and Adjacent Shores, 501 

The Commerce of the Pacific (colored), .... 505 

Movement of Centers of Population and Manufac- 
tures, 1790-1910, 508 

Panama Canal AND United States Canal Strip, . . . 514 

The Vanderbilt Railboad System, ...... 517 

Election Maps of 1908 and 1912, 540 

Pacific Possessions and Routes via Panama Canal, . 542 

The Route of General Pershing's Troops into 

Mexico, 550 

Submarine War Zone Proclaimed by Germany, Feb- 
ruary 1, 1917 555 

Military Map of the United States, 570 

The Western Front, . . . . • 575 

The Meuse-Argonne Battle, 577 



AMERICAN HISTORY 

CHAPTER I 
THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA 

The geographical separation of the American conti- 
I^ents from those of the Eastern Hemisphere is the first 
great fact in their history. It was, in part, a consequence 
of this fact that there was an entire lack of contact between 
the peoples of Europe and the New World during the 
many centuries when civilization was developing in the 
former. The original inhabitants of America were en- 
tirely uninfluenced by European ideas, and never devel- 
oped beyond a primitive stage of civilization. When, at 
last, the streams of influence began to flow between the 
Old World and the New, the civilization that ciossed the 
Atlantic was not Oriental, nor classic, nor medieval, but 
modern. America came under European influence pre- 
cisely at the time when the new life and the new spirit of 
progress that characterize modern times were becoming 
dominant. 

The long isolation of America was due to the obstacles The North, 
that lay in the way of its discovery by Europeans. These ^^g^^ ^°^' 
were, briefly, (1) the great ocean that lay between; (2) the 
lack of adequate means of navigation; and (3) the lack of 
the spirit of adventure and geographical inquiry, or its 
employment in other directions. These difficulties were 
temporarily overcome five centuries before the time of 
Columbus by the hardy and advent' i^o us Northmen of 
the Scandinavian peninsula. They had made conquests 
upon the coasts of England and of northern France, and 
had penetrated even to Mediterranean countries. They 

1 



Americpn History 



x^eif Eric- 
son and 
Violand. 



Ancient 
knowledge 
of the 
sphericity 
and size of 
the earth. 



sailed in their long boats* to. Iceland (874 A.D.), and there 
built up a considerable colony. Greenland was next found, 
and here Norse settlements existed for several centuries. 
In the year 1000, I^eif Ericson, sailing from Norway for 
Greenland, lost his way and explored for some distance 
along a strange coast, which we may believe was that of 
Nova Scotia or of New England. In one locality he found 
grapes in abundance; and so we have the name Wineland, 
or Vinland. Other voyages followed that of Leif, and 
tunber was carried from Vinland to Greenland and to Ice- 
land. The Northmen traded for furs with the Indians, or 
"skraelings," as they called the natives, and, of course, 
quarrels arose between them which led to the abandon- 
ment of the colony. The Norse occupation of American 
coasts was not renewed because of the difficulty and un^ 
profitableness of the voyage. 

This account follows the old Norse traditions or sagas, which 
were first written in permanent form about two centuries after 
the events they describe. It is impossible to tell how many of 
the details of the accounts are true. Since no tangible remains 
of the Norse settlements exist, the exact location of their explora- 
tions cannot be determined. Probably the Norse visits to 
Vinland had no influence upon the discovery of America by 
Columbus; for the knowledge of them seems to have had no 
existence in southern Europe during the Middle Ages. 

It has been stated that before the fifteenth century the 
people of Europe lacked the means of navigation, and 
the curiosity and determination that were necessary to 
surmount the difficulties of a trans-Atlantic voyage. The 
idea that such a voyage was possible had not been lack- 
ing; it was, in fact, based upon the belief in the sphericity 
of the earth. This belief was of very ancient origin, 
having been taught by the Greeks of the sixth century 



* It was the custom of the Northmen to make a sea-roving chieftain's 
boat his tomb and to cover it with a huge mound of earth. One of 
these Viking ships was unearthed at Gokstad, Norway, in 1880, and 
another at Oseberg in 1903. Each is over one hundred feet long. See 
Century Magazine, September, 1905, 729-733. 



The Discovery of America 3 

before Christ. Aristotle (fourth century B.C.), Strabo 
(contemporaneous with Christ), PUny (first century A. D.), 
and Claudius Ptolemy (about 150, A.D.), are among the 
learned men of Greece and Rome who taught this fact. 
Moreover, the size of the earth had been approximately 
calculated, although ancient authorities never reached an 
agreement upon this matter. This knowledge concerning 
the shape and size of the earth did not die out with the 
decline of learning that took place during the Middle mission to 
Ages ; but, preserved by the Arabians and by the scholars JJ^ggJ^" 
of the monasteries, it was transmitted to the time of Co- 
lumbus. At this time "astronomers, philosophers, men 
of general learning, and even navigators and pilots were 
quite familiar with the idea and quite in the habit of 
thinking of the earth as a sphere." * 

In the Colombina Library at Seville there may be seen a Latin 
treatise upon geography written by Cardinal D'Ailly or Alliacus, 
a learned theologian and philosopher; and upon its margins are 
annotations in the handwriting of Columbus. Now, this author 
(writing about 1400) quotes Roger Bacon (about 1250), who in 
turn quotes Aristotle as authority upon these matters. Thus 
"the torch which Aristotle had kindled was transmitted by 
Bacon to Alliacus; Alliacus handed it on to Columbus."! 

Nor did the geographers of ancient times hesitate to 
follow their ideas to logical conclusions; viz., that the great 
sea which lay west of the Pillars of Hercules (Gibraltar) 
was the same that washed the eastern shores of Asia ; and 
that a vessel sailing westward from Spain would surely 
reach those shores. Such beliefs were, of course, confined 
to the learned few and to navigators. The mass of peo- 
ple in both ancient and medieval times held the concep- 
tion of a flat earth, surrounded by oceans, and covered 
by the dome-like heavens. 

* Cheyney, European Background of American History, 52. 

t Payne. History of America, I, 50. For a reproduction of AUi- 
acus's treatise showing the annotations of Columbus, see Wilson, 
History of the American People, I, 3. Also Winsor, Narrative and 
Critical History, I. 31. 



American History 



Geocraph- 
ical discov- 
ery was one 
p lase of 
• lie Re- 
:iaissance. 



tmprove- 

ments in 
navigation. 



At the beginning of modern times, conditions became 
favorable for the accompUshment of the trans-Atlantic 
voyage and the discovery of America. 

1. The fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries mark a 
transition period in the history of civilization; for there 
came about in these centuries many changes presaging the 
new intellectual activity of modern times. This was the 
high tide of the Renaissance. The human mind was as- 
suming the attitude of inquiry toward both nature and 
man. Hence we have notable contributions to civilization 
not only in the fields of art and literature but also in those 
of science and invention. We find at this time evidences 
of that modern scientific curiosity coupled with the practi- 
cal spirit of enterprise which had been lacking in ancient 
and medieval times, and which we may regard as an in- 
dispensable condition for the discovery of the New World 
by the Old. This was the age of exploration — men were 
making geographical discoveries in all directions. The 
reaching out for new lands was but one form in which 
the intellectual activity of the new era found expression. 
The epoch-making voyage of Columbus was not an iso- 
lated event, but only one in a long series of discoveries. 
''The greatest fruit of the Renaissance was America."* 

2. In the time of Columbus the facilities for making 
an extensive ocean voyage were better than ever before. 
The compass, probably derived by the Arabs from the 
Chinese, had been used in navigation for several centuries, 
and gradually mariners had become emboldened by its use. 
The astrolabe, by means of which latitude could be de- 
termined from observations of the heavenly bodies, was a 
great aid to navigation. In the thirteenth century the 
small galleys of ancient times began to be superseded by 
high-built vessels fit to navigate the ocean and large 
enough to carry the stores needed on a long voyage. 

3. The immediate cause, supplying the impulse for 
the crossing of the Atlantic Ocean, was commercial, 

* Payne, History of Amerif'" '14, 



The Discovery of America 



It was simply the necessity for opening up new routes Trade wi 

for commerce with the Orient. The old routes, as *^® ^f^* 

. 111.. ^^^ ^^^™ 

shown on the accompanying map, had been m use since lated by 

ancient times. India and other eastern countries had cxusade* 

been, from time immemorial, the sources of luxuries and 




Medieval Trade Routes. 



riches craved by the people of Mediterranean countries. 
That great movement of the twelfth and the thirteenth 
centuries known as the Crusades had brought Europeans 
into closer contact with travellers and traders from the 
East; thus new products were introduced into Europe, the 



American History 






mm trade 



routes and methods of trade became more familiar, and 
from this time the growth of commerce became very 
marked. The sugar and spices, silks and jewels, drugs 
and oils of the East were exchanged for the iron, tin, lead, 
grains, wool, soap, and furs of the Mediterranean and 
Baltic countries. 

Fifteenth-century Europeans believed that the commerciai 
possibilities of that indefinite and almost unknown region called 
"India," were by no means fully developed. Vague stories 
were afloat concerning the untold riches of that land and of others 
lying beyond. From Cathay (China) had come accounts of 
populous empires and their enormous resources. Marco Polo, 
r.n Italian, had first travelled in Cathay, and later had lived there 
ifor seventeen years in official service. His accounts of the 
country and its riches, written about two centuries before the 
discovery of America, and while he was lying in a Genoese prison, 
were now being studied with great interest. 

The necessity for a new route to the eastern countries 
came about when, in the fourteenth century, the Turks 
began to attack the caravans and to restrict the trade by 
the old routes. Constantinople was captured by the Turks 
in 1453; and before the end of the fifteenth century a like 
fate was suffered by all the cities that were centres of Euro- 
pean trade on the Black Sea and the eastern Mediter- 
ranean. Trade was not forbidden, but the supply of 
eastern products available for European markets was very 
much reduced, because merchants were burdened with re- 
strictions, because life and property became unsafe, and 
because the barbarous Turks, caring little themselves for 
the luxuries of the East, cared less to import them for sale 
in the West. At the same time, the growth of wealth in 
European countries gave rise to an increased demand for 
these goods. The Red Sea route was not closed until the 
Turks captured Egypt, early in the sixteenth century; but 
the Arabs had a monopoly of the trade by this route, and 
raised the prices. All western Europe felt the burden of these 
new conditions ; and it was the determination to open up new 
highways of commerce with the East and thus at once to 



The Discovery of America 7 

thwart the enmity o/ the Turks and to introduce comj..3ti« 
tion with the Arabs, that led to the discovery of America. 




Christopher Columbus 
Marine Museum, Madrid 



Contemporaneously with these changes, others of great The fnflii. 
consequence were taking place. The nations of western ^^"^^^^ 
Europe, whose borders touched the Atlantic Ocean, were Henry of 
rising into prominence, and foremost among them was the 
little kingdom of Portugal. Prince Henry of Portugal 



8 American History 

(1394-1460), gave great encouragement not only to scien- 
tific investigation but also to practical exploration. By 
the year 1460 Portugese navigators had visited all the 
island groups that lay off the coast of Africa — the Ma- 
deiras, the Canaries, the Azores, and the Cape Verde 
Islands — and were pushing their voyages gradually south- 
ward along the coast of that continent. Besides the trad- 
ing motive that incited these voyages there came to be 
a conscious attempt to discover a new route to India, an 
attempt based upon the current belief (this in turn based 
upon classic authorities) that Africa did not extend so far 
south as the equator. Therefore, it was argued, a short 
voyage to India could be made around this continent. 
During the third quarter of the fifteenth century the Portu- 
guese voyagers sailed farther south on the western coast 
of Africa, crossing the equator in 1471, and later finding 
longer stretches of coast to the southward. 
Thet:Ui5y*, Columbus had lived in Portugal, probably between 
at^f.MX)n> j^yQ ^j^j I486, and during a large part of this time was in 
the maritime service of that country. Consequently he 
was familiar with the advanced ideas of geography and 
navigation there prevalent. It was his contention that 
the shortest water route to India lay due west across the 
Atlantic Ocean, rather than around Africa. 
False geo- Although, in ancient times, a close approximation had 
We^^^^^^ been made to the actual size of the earth, it was the belief 
pf Columbus that the islands lying off the eastern coast of 
Asia were distant from the Canaries only 2,500 miles. 
This view is explained by the fact that, according to many 
authorities of his time, Asia extended eastward for a dis- 
tance equal to the entire width of the Pacific Ocean. 
This geographical error was most fortunate for Columbus; 
for had his knowledge of the distance between Europe and 
Asia been accurate, he would probably never have under- 
taken the voyage. 

The ambition of Columbus was aided by another geographical 
misconception; viz., that in the mid-Atlantic islands existed that 



The Discovery of America 9 

wrould serve as half-way stages on the western voyage. English 
and Portuguese sailors had repeatedly set forth to find these fabled 
islands, but without success. 

In the biography of Columbus, written by his son Ferdinand, The letters 
we are told that a famous doctor of Florence, Toscanelli by ^^^ "^^P 
name, wrote letters, first to a friend in Portugal and later to nelli^^^^ 
Columbus, sustaining the geographical ideas above stated and 
encouraging the execution of a voyage across the Atlantic Ocean. 
Accompanying his letter in each case was a map showing the 
proximity of Asia to the western coast of Europe, and also show- 
ing, in favorable positions, various islands that we know to be 
mythical. It is said in the biography that Columbus carried a 
copy of this map when on his first voyage. 

The most eminent authorities disagree upon many points in 
the life of Columbus. We may be certain that he led a seafaring- 
life during his youth and that his occupation as a man was map- 
and chart-making. He went on many voyages, and probably 
visited the coasts of Africa and of Iceland. He was a deep stu- 
dent of all available writings upon geography and navigation. 
His convictions were based upon years of patient study. 

By the end of the fifteenth century the times were ripe 
for the long-postponed transatlantic voyage; the idea of 
its possibility rested upon a secure foundation; many bold 
voyages were being undertaken, and Portugal was the 
centre of maritime activity. Here Columbus first made 
an effort to secure aid in the execution of his plans. But 
the Portuguese were interested in the route around Africa. 
Columbus was, in consequence, forced to seek aid else- 
where, and in 1484 he went to Spain, at the same time 
sending his brother Bartholomew to England. 

In his application for aid at the Court of Spain Colum- The expert 
bus dwelt mainly upon the commercial advantages that coiumbus 
would certainly result from liis success; and upon the pros- in Spain, 
pect of carrying the Christian religion to the heathen 
peoples of the East. For years he pleaded in vain. The 
greatest obstacle to his success was the fact that the Span- 
ish monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella, were then engaged 
in that fierce struggle with the Moors which ended in 1492 
with the capture of Granada. When the war was over, 
Columbus was summoned to the court, and then arose 



10 American History 

another obstacle which nearly defeated his plans. The 
terms upon which Columbus was willing to lead his ex- 
pedition were, in view of the attendant risk, considered al- 
together too high. But finally, through the efforts of in* 
fluential friends of Columbus, Queen Isabella authorized 
the expedition. 

In the negotiations preceding his voyage, we mark the 
perseverance of Columbus as that of a really great man 
his practical wisdom is seen in his demand that the expe- 
dition should be equipped on a scale large enough to ac- 
complish the end in view; and his supreme faith and cour- 
age challenge our admiration. He dared to do what others 
had only dreamed of. 
rhefour The first voyage, from its beginning at Palos in Spain 

"oyages. ^j^^-j ^^^^ discovery of a small island in the Bahama group, 
on October 12, 1492, lasted ten weeks. We must hold 
constantly in mind the fact that Columbus believed that 
the lands discovered were Asiatic. It was well known 
that many islands lay to the south and east of Asia 
When, however, Columbus reached the northern coast Ox 
Cuba, and when on his second voyage (1493), he explorec^ 
its southern coast, he believed that he was on the main 
land of Cochin China. To him, Hayti was the northern 
end of Cipango (Japan) — that wonderfully rich island of 
which Marco Polo had written exaggerated reports. The 
first and second voyages were disappointing; only small 
quantities of gold liad been found, and the populous cities 
of India still lay beyond. In the conviction that his goal 
lay farther south, Columbus directed his third voyage 
(1498) that way, and found the northern coast of South 
America at the mouth of the Orinoco River. This he 
spoke of as ''the main land and very large"; and again 
as "another world. '* In the same year, the Portuguese 
navigator, Vasco da Gama, sailed around Africa to India 
and returned with a rich cargo. This proved a serious 
blow to the reputation of Columbus, and constituted one 
cause for the discoverer's decline in favor. Added to this 



The Discovery of America 



11 



were the failure of the colonies that he had planted in the 
West Indies and the machinations of his enemies both 
in the colonies and at the Spanish Court. But Columbus 
was permitted to make one more effort to penetrate the 
obstacles that lay between Spain and India. In 1502-1504 
he skirted the coasts of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama 
in a vain effort 
to find the 
straits that 
would lead 




him into the 
Indian Ocean. 
Columbus 
died in 1506, 
a broken and 
defeated old 
man, still _ be- 
lieving that he 
had found Asia 
and the Indies, 
and south of 
these "another 
world." 

How dfd it 
happen that 
the continents 
of the Western 

Hemisphere received the name "America," instead of 
being named for their real discoverer, Columbus ? When 
the Portuguese had succeeded in exploring extensive 
coasts along western Africa, the Pope issued a decree The " L'ne 
granting to that nation the control of those heathen coun- cItion™*es- 
tries and of others that they might discover even "as far tablished. 
as India." Upon the return of Columbus from his first 
voyage, it became evident that Spain also must have a 
claim in Asiatic waters. To arrange the division between 
^hese two countries, a bull was issued by Pope Alex- 



VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS 
iSt 

2nd 
3rd 
ith 

VOYAGES OF VESPUCIU8 

1st -— -. 
2nd 
3rd 



The Regions Explored by Columbus and Vespuciua 



12 



Amencaii History 



ander VI In 1493, and this was supplemented by a treaty 
in 1494, which finally settled a **line of demarcation." 
This was a meridian located 370 leagues west of the 
Cape Verde Islands.* The Portuguese, then, were free 
to make their future voyages along the African coast and 
eastward to Asia; while the Spanish, going westward 



ilie ex- 
ploration 
of the 
South 
American 
coast. 




Americus Vespucius 

From Herrera's Historia Generale de las India 

across the line of demarcation, might explore and colon- 
ize the heathen lands in that direction. 

Now, in the year 1500 a Portuguese navigator, Cabral 
by name, was making a voyage around Africa to India. 
In the tropical latitudes the course of his fleet bore so far 
westward that he sighted the coast of Brazil. This he 
knew must be east of the line of demarcation and hence 
within the sphere assigned to Portugal. When the news 
of Cabral's discovery reached Portugal, an expedition was 
sent out, with which went Americus Vespucius, an as- 
*About 41 degrees west longitude from Greenwich. 




i,^ 



wa^.v.-. 



CAPE VeRDE IB. 






d^^'^ 



ONDO NOVO > 



SKETCH OF A MAP MADE BY BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. THE EARLIEST TO 
CONTAIN THE NAME MONDO NOVO (NEW WORLD) 



11 




THE LENOX GLOBE 



EARLY GEOGRAPHICAL IDEAS 
OF AMERICA 

I The connection of the New World 
with Asia 

II The New World (South America) a 
separate continent 

III The application of the nanne"Amenca 
to both continents 



'itMtfvuS- 




MERCATOR'S MAP 1541 



Early Geographical Ideas of America 



ng of 
vmerica. 



14 American History 

tronomer and navigator. In the years 1501 and 1502 this 
expedition skirted the coast of BrazU from Cape St. 
Roque southward for 700 leagues, reaching 35 degrees 
south latitude. In previous years other expeditions had ex- 
plored the northern coast of South America, and thus the 
idea of the immensity of this land, dimly realized by Colum- 
bus, became impressed upon men's minds. This was in 
truth a real continent; and, moreover, it was a continent 
hitherto unknown; for it lay under and south of tlie equator. 
It is not strange, therefore, that when Vespucius wrote an 
account of his voyage he called this land "Mundus Novus,'* 
or the New World. Copies of his letter were printed in 
many different editions and scattered broadcast, especially 
through northern Europe. 
I he nank In 1507 WaldscemiiUer, a German geographer, was pub- 
lishing a treatise, and in his comments upon the explora- 
tions of Vespucius he used the following language: ''But 
now these parts have been more extensively explored, and 
another fourth part has been discovered by Americus Ves- 
pucius . . . wherefore I do not see what is rightly to hinder 
us from calling it Amerige or America, i. e., the land of Ameri- 
cus, after its discoverer Americus, a man of sagacious mind, 
since both Europe and Asia have got their names from wo- 
men."* The newly invented art of printing made possible the 
rapid multiplication of the geographies in which this sugges- 
tion was made; as a result, the name America soon became 
fixed, first upon the southern continent, and later upon the 
northern one also, when it was no longer confused with Asia. 

Slight protest against the injustice thus unintentionally done 
Columbus arose at this time in Spain, because of the ignorance 
there concerning the use of the name America in northern Europe. 
On the other hand, in the countries outside of Spain, people failed 
to realize this injustice because little was known concerning 
Columbus's third voyage. The account of this voyage of 1498 
was not printsd in Latin until 1508, several years after the voy- 
ages of Vespucius had become celebrated. 

♦Quoted in Fiske, Discovery of America, II, 136. See here also n. 
fac -simile in Latin of the passage quoted. 



The Discovery of America 15 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. General accounts of the Northmen. Higginson, Larger 
rOstory of the United States, chap. 2. Fiske, Discovery of Amer- 
ica, I, chap. 2. Thwaites, The Colonies, 21-23. Lamed, 
History for Ready Reference (America lOth-llth centuries). 

2. Contemporary accounts. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 16. 
Old South Leaflets, No. 31. American History Leaflets, No. 3. 

3. What reasons does Fiske give for believing the accounts of 
the sagas? Discovery of America, I, 178-194. 

4. The Viking ship. Higginson,* 31-35. Fiske, 172-175. 

5. A poetical version of the Norse visits to America is found 
in Longfellow's "Skeleton in Armor." 

6. What reasons are there why the Norse discoveries produced 
no effect in Europe? Fiske, I, 257-262. 

7. What nation of ancient times resembled the Northmen in 
their prominence as a sea-faring and exploring people ? 

8. Interesting accounts on the following topics are found in 
Fiske's Discovery of America, Vol. I: The Influence of the Cru- 
sades, 270-276; Marco Polo, 280-287; Difficulties of Exploration, 
309-316; Prince Henry the Navigator, 316-320. See map of 
Portuguese voyages, 324. 

9. Marco Polo's account of Japan and Java is givea in Old 
South Leaflets, No. 32. 

10. Where are the Turks to-day ? Who controls the shortest 
route from Western Europe to India? Has Columbus's idea 
been realized? 

11. Maps showing the two different ideas of Africa are found 
in Fiske, Discovery, I, 265. 304. 

12. For an excellent summary of commercial conditions pre- 
ceding the discovery of America, see Adams, Civilization During 
the Middle Ages, 283-290. 

13. Reasons why Europeans were eager to reach the East. 
Cheyney, European Background of American History, 9—19. 

14. General accounts of the discovery of America. Higgin- 
son, Larger History of the United States, 52-64. Bancroft, 
History of the United States, I, 7-9; 12-13. Earned, History for 
Ready Reference, "America." 

♦Where, as in this reference, and the next, a title is omitted, it hat 
been given in some previous reference of the same set. 



16 American History 

15. Contemporaneous accounts, (a) Columbus's Letter to 
St. Angel, written on the return from his first voyage, in Ameri- 
can History Leaflets, No. L (6) Here, also, are extracts from 
the journal of Columbus, dated October 10 and 11, 1492. (c) For 
other extracts from the journal, see Hart, Contemporaries, I, 
35-39. (d) Columbus's letter to Sanchez, Hart, Source Book, 
1-3. (e) The account of the discovery, from the Life of Colum- 
bus, by his son. Old South Leaflets, No. 29. (/) The memorial 
of Columbus to Ferdinand and Isabella (1494) presenting his 
plans for a colony. Old South Leaflets, No. 71, 1-8. (g) Let- 
ter of Columbus to the monarchs (1503), Hart, Contempo- 
raries, I, No. 19. (h) Columbus's account of Cuba, Old South 
Leaflets, No. 102. 

16. Preparations of Columbus for his work. Bourne, Spain 
in America, 8—20. 

17. The following topics are discussed in Fiske's Discovery of 
America, Vol. I: — Columbus's relations with Toscanelli, 355-367. 
The early life of Columbus, 349-354. Ideas of the earth, 377- 
381. The first voyage, 421-431. Second voyage, 462-478. 
Third voyage, 488-498. Fourth voyage, 504-513. 

18. Adams's Christopher Columbus. His first appearance at 
the court of Spain, 49-53. His visit to La Rabida, 61-63. His 
demands and the commission, 63-71. The first landing place, 
88-93. Relations with the Indians on the second voyage, 129- 
139; 144-146; 159-163. Third voyage, 177-182. Arrest and 
imprisonment of Columbus, 195-204. His character, 251-257. 

19. Important topics in this chapter are treated in James and 
Mann, Readings in American History, chapter I, The Dwscovery 
of America. 



CHAPTER II 

SPANISH EXPLORATION AND COLONIZATION 

Columbus and his contemporaries made only a begin- New gee 
ning in the discovery and exploration of America; their probien^ 
work revealed the problems that lay before the explorers 
who were to follow. Men were asking, did any part of 
the newly discovered lands belong to the mainland of Asia ? 
Could the strait be found that would lead the voyager 
through the island groups into the Indian Ocean? In 
what direction lay Cathay and Cipango, and how far dis- 
tant were the shores of India ? Gradually, in the course of 
the events that followed, the truth was revealed that a con- 
tinuous coast-line barred the way to Asia, and that beyond 
this barrier lay another ocean, vaster by far than the At- 
lantic. 

The earliest Spanish settlements were established on the Spanish 
island of Hayti, then called Hispaniola. Porto Rico w^as tkms!^^ 
soon occupied, and next Cuba. From these stations lines 
of exploration radiated in three directions, south-west, west, 
and north-west, until the continental coast-line lay com- 
pletely revealed. The voyages of Columbus to the Pearl 
Coast of northern South America (1498) and to Darien 
(1502-1503) were followed by other Spanish expeditions in 
those directions. The search for gold led to the establish- 
ment of Spanish posts on the Istlimus of Panama, and it is 
among the adventurers who were exploring in this region 
that we find Balboa. Inspired by the suggestion of a rich 
land lying to the southward, Balboa crossed the isthmus 
and beheld the Pacific Ocean (1513), naming it the 
South Sea in contrast to the Caribbean, or northern, sei^. 



18 



American History 



ihe dis- 
covary of 
the Pacific 
Ocean, and 
Florida. 



Explora- 
tion and 
conquest 
of Mexico. 



Thus was taken the first step toward the discovery and 
conquest of Peru. In the same year Ponce de Leon, 
Governor of Porto Rico, was given a commission to ex- 
plore northward in search of a fabled land called '^Bimini." 
On Easter Sunday, 1513, his expedition landed on the 
coast of Florida. Before returning, his vessels followed 




Spanish Voyages of Exploration and Conquest 

the coast around the southern end of the peninsula and for 
some distance along its western side. 

In the first settlement made in Cuba (1511) the scarcity 
of Indian slaves led to a slave-catching expedition to the 
westward by Cordova. He found the coast of Yucatan 
(1517), and here the Spaniards first saw signs indicating 
that the Indians of this region were comparatively advanced 
in civilization and were possessed of great wealth. In the 
following year the coast of Mexico was explored; here were 
indications that the Spaniards had at last found the rich 
and populous lands described by Marco Polo. Cortez 
was now sent (1519) to take possession of this country and 



Spanish Exploration and Colonization 19 



to push onward until Cathay was reached. But instead 
of the civihzed peoples of the East, Cortez found in his 
progress the barbarous Indians of Mexico. The explo- 
rations of Pineda, who, in 1519, first skirted the Gulf of 
Mexico from Florida to Mexico, demonstrated the hopeless- 
ness of the search for a strait leading to the Indian Ocean. 
Evidently, the way to Asia lay not directly west. A 
brave Portuguese na\igator, Magellan, believed that a 
route might be found around the southern end of the new 
continent, America, which would be shorter than that 
around the Cape of Good Hope. 

Appealing to the Spanish Court for a fleet, Magellan maintained 
that the Spice Islands, or Moluccas, of which Portugal was just 
then taking possession, were outside its jurisdiction; for he wrong- 
ly supposed that they lay east of the meridian which continued 
the Pope's line of demarcation on the other side of the globe. 
Persuaded by his arguments, the Spanish Government fitted 
out a fleet of five ships. It was more than a year after his sail- 
ing, that, having passed through many dangers from storm and 
mutiny, Magellan's ships threaded the straits now bearing his 
name and sailed out upon the ocean which he named the Pacific. 
Running north for some distance, he then struck westward with- 
out the least conception that five thousand miles of ocean lay 
between him and Asia. After horrible sufferings from lack of 
food and water, Magellan arrived in io21 at the Ladrone Islands 
and soon afterward at the Philippines. This was the beginning 
of that Spanish occupation of these islands which was ended so 
recently by their transference to the United States (1898-1899). 
Magellan was killed in a battle with the natives, and but one of 
his vessels, carrying the eighteen survivors of his original com- 
pany of nearly three hundred persons, traversed the entire dis- 
tance around the globe and arrived finally at Spain. Even after 
this remarkable voyage, men were slow to grasp the truth con- 
cerning the Pacific Ocean, and for many years the idea persisted 
that North America was in some way connected with Asia. 

An effort to find the Asiatic route by a northern voyage was 
made by the Spanish explorer, Gomez, in 1524, when he sailed 
as far along the coast of North America as Nova Scotia. In 
1526 D'Ayllon founded an unsuccessful colony on the Atlantic 
coast, perhaps in Chesapeake Bay near the future site of James- 
town. It was his purpose, also, to penetrate, if possible, the 
lands that barred the way to Asia. 



Anew 

route to 

India, 

around 

South 

America, 



The cir- 
cumnavi- 
gation of 
the earth. 



Other 
eTorts to 
reach Asia 



20 



American History 



The In- 
dians of 
the West 
ladies. 



The Mex- 
ican In- 
dians. 



Conditions 
attecting 
the Span- 
ish con- 
quest. 



The Indians with whom the Spaniards came into contact 
in the West Indies lived in sav'agery or in the lower stages 
of barbarism. They were sometimes docile and friendly 
to the Spaniards upon their first appearance, as in the 
Bahamas and Hayti, and sometimes hostile, as in the lesser 
Antilles. Some were cannibals of a low type. In the mai« 
it may be said that they offered little resistance to the Span- 
ish conquest of the islands. 

In Mexico, however, the Spaniards found the natives 
living in \illages where their puebhs, or adobe houses, 
were often large enough to accommodate hundreds of 
persons. They drassed in colored cotton cloth, were 
skilled in agriculture, and had constructed excellent sys- 
tems of irrigation. They possessed domestic animals, es- 
pecially fowls of various kinds, but had no beasts of burden. 
This defect was doubtless a hindrance to their advance- 
ment towards civilized life. The Mexican Indians dis- 
played considerable skill in mechanics, in pottery, and 
in working with the precious metals; but they had no 
iron implements. Picture writing had not yet developed 
into a real alphabet. In their elaborate religious system 
there was an organized priesthood, and great temples 
were constructed; human sacrifice occupied a promi- 
nent position in their worship. Politically, these Indians 
were still in the tribal state, not having developed the 
idea of nationality. The lowest political organization 
was the clan, which elected its own council and chiefs. 
The Aztecs, whose capital was the city of INIexico, con- 
stituted a confederacy of three tribes. The war chief 
of this confederacy, Montezuma, had been elected to his 
position. 

The physical geography of Mexico, Central iVmerica, and 
Peru and the character of the Indians inhabiting those 
countries, went far toward determining the nature of the 
Spanish conquest. Cortez marched his forces from the 
coast to the heart of Mexico and captured its capital city 
with comparatively little opposition; and when the Indiaas 



ISpaiiisfi Exploration and Colonizutwn 21 

revolted and turned upon the invaders, they were subdued 
without great difficulty. 

• Several reasons accountfor this fact: — (1) In their advance from 
savagery to the upper stages of barbarism these Indians had be- 
come less warlike. (2) Living in settled communities, they could 
not readily escape before the advance of the Spaniards. (3) The 
Aztecs held in subjection several of the surrounding tribes, and 
the latter were glad to aid the Spaniards when promised release 
from Aztec tyraiuiy. (4) The Spaniards' horses, armor, and fire- 
arms excited superstitious fear among the Indians. There was a 
Mexican tradition of a fair-faced god whose coming had been 
predicted, and this went far toward securing submission during 
the earlier stages of the conquest. (5) The consummate skill of 
Cortez in his negotiations with the natives, was an important 
factor in this easy victory. (6) Everywhere the Spanish abol- 
ished the practice of human sacrifice, and this gained them much 
favor from the masses of the people, who were tired of its horrors. 
Similar experiences awaited the Spaniards who, a decade later 
(1531-1533), conquered Peru under the leadership of the brothers 
Pizarro. By tactic? similar to those of Cortez, they got possession 
of the country and seized immense quantities of treasure. 

The success of Cortez in Mexico excited in Narvaez the Expior»- 
ambition to conquer the region immediately north of the North at 
Gulf of Mexico. After a Vain attempt to find, in northern t^^e Gulf «! 
Florida, cities where gold and food were abundant, Narvaez 
and his men, having lost their ships, sailed in extemporized 
boats westward on the Gulf. Before the Texan coast was 
reached Narvaez and all but four of his company had per- 
ished. The survivors, one of whom was De Vaca, passed 
eight years among the Indians in the region north of 
Mexico before reaching the Spanish settlement on the Gulf 
of California. (See map, p. 18.) 

Already stories had reached the Spaniards, of seven Coronado. 
wealthy cities north of Mexico, and now the story told by 
De Vaca, revealing the existence of a vast, unexplored 
region in that direction, fired the ambition of Coronado. 
In 1540 Coronado's expedition advanced northward from 
a point on the Gulf of California. The seven cities ol 
*' Cibola," where gold and silver were supposed to exist in 
abundance were soon found to be nothing but the pueblos 



22 



American Historic 



/jpanish 
success 
a ad failure. 



of the Zuni Indians. Later, the canon of the Colorado 
River was reached; then, turning eastward, the explorers 
advanced probably as far as the centre of Kansas. But 
there were no wealthy citie? here. Coronado returned to 
the city of Mexico, ''very sad, very weary, completely 

worn out and shamefaced." 
WW 7 De Soto had been one of 

f^' the conquerors of Peru, and 

was eager to rival the deeds 
of the Pizarros. His expedi- 
tion, landing at Tampa Bay in 
1539, wandered for three years 
northward into the foothills of 
theAlleghanies,and westward 
beyond the Mississippi River.* 
From each Indian tribe they 
demanded food, slaves, and 
guidance to the land of gold. 
Everywhere their inhumanity 
to the natives made the latter 
hostile; the attacks of the In- 
dians and the hardships of the 
journey wore away the numbers of the invaders. Finally, 
when they returned to the INIississippi River, after having 
traversed the region of Arkansas, De Soto himself died 
The survivors of this expedition floated down the greaf 
river and reached Spanish settlements on the Texan coast. 
We note a great contrast between the experiences of 
De Soto, Narvaez, and Coronado, on the one hand, and those 
of Cortez and Pizarro on the other. The results in each 
case were fraught with the greatest consequences, not only 
for the countries invaded and for Spain, but for the future 




De Soto 

From Espagnols lUustres. 



Madrid, 1726 



* Pineda (see p. 19) is thought by some authorities to have sailed for 
a short distance up the Mississippi River, and so to be its discoverer 
(1519). A river called Rio de Santo Espiritu, and corresponding in lo- 
cation to the Mississippi, is found on maps published before the date of De 
Soto's exploration. 



Spanish Exploration and Colonization 23 

United States as well. Compare the conditions that ac- 
count for the easy conquest of Mexico and Peru with con- 
ditions existing north of Mexico and the Gulf. (1) Here 
were found Indian tribes lower in the stage of barbarism, 
and consequently more intractable and warlike. (2) These 
Indians could abandon their \dllages and, secure in their 
native forests, could continue indefinitely the struggle 
against the Spaniards. (3) There was no gold in this 
region, and consequently the Spanish were not perma- 
nently attracted to it; for it was conquest, and not coloniza- 
tion, that they were bent upon. The wealth of Mexico 
and Peru lured all adventurers to those lands, and for 
them the slow and toilsome process of founding agricult- 
ural colonies had no charms.* Spanish colonization, 
therefore, took but slight hold upon the regions now in- 
cluded within the bounds of the United States. 

By the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella Spamsb 
of Castile, in 1479, the Spanish nation became consolidated, policy. 
The political tendency of this process was towards the cen- 
tralization of the national government. Moreover, there 
was necessity for a strong monarchy to enforce order in 
the kingdom and to push the wars against the Moors. 
Thus there developed in Spain a centralized, absolute 
monarchy; and absolutism is the keynote to her colonial 
policy. The royal power in Spain was advised and as- 
sisted by numerous councils, each having jurisdiction over 
certain matters; so the acquisition of colonial dependencies 
led naturally to the establishment of the 'Council for the 
Indies," which had complete control over political affairs 
in America. A similar body, the ''India House'* {Casa 
de Contratacion), controlled all trade between the colonies Gcvem 
and Spain. Viceroys and governors were appointed to 
reside in the colonies; the military government of these 
officers was checked in some measure by the authority 

* It may be said, however, that, had the latter been their ambition, 
they still might have occuoied the more southern lands, since these pro- 
duced the commodities tnat were in most demand in Europe. 



ment. 



24 



American History 



Industry. 



of courts {avdiencias) that had administrative as well as 
judicial functions. Self-government, however, existed in a 
small degree in the Spanish cities of the New World ; for 
here there existed municipal councils composed of citizens 
who were at first elected, but who afterward obtained 
their offices by inheritance or purchase. 

Industrially, Spain's policy was one of monopoly and 
restriction. Every encouragement was given to the min» 
ing of gold and silver, and many measures were enacted 
for the promotion of agriculture; but the production of 
certain crops (hemp, flax, saffron, and the olive), was re» 




A Spanish Mission Church 

stncted because these products were raised in Spain. In 
the West Indies agriculture was depressed because of 
Spain's restrictive commercial policy. Ships might sail 
to America only from Seville or Cadiz, and then only 
under royal license. But two fleets were allowed to sail 
annually. These measures limited both the means of 
transportation and the market for agricultural products, 
and depression of prices resulted. For two centuries these 
and many other commercial regulations hampered the 
trade between Spain and America. On the mainland, 
however, farming and grazing flourished and became the 



Spanish Exploration and Coloyiization 25 



principal occupation of a prosperous and contented popu- 
lation of Spaniards, Indians, and mixed p oples. 

Prominent among the motives of Columbus and many Religion 
of his successors in the New World was the Christianizing tion.^^^^** 
of the Indians. Both explorers and conquerors were en- 
joined by the Spanish authorities to convert the Indians. 
The Church was early established, and its authority was 
scarcely distinguishable from that of the State. Schools 
and colleges were also founded. Efforts were made to en- 
force industry and sobriety among the Indians and to pro- 
tect them against maltreatment by the whites. In spite of 
these good intentions on the part of the Spanish Govern- 
ment, however, the dealings of their colonists with the 
natives, during the early period, were characterized by the 
utmost cruelty. Upon this point, Spanish rule was abso- 
lute only in theory: practically, the colonists nullified the 
regulations of the home government. 



Several reasons account for this condition: (1) We might ex- 
pect that the adventurers who seek a new country, bent upon 
the quest for gold, would be harsh, and careless of the rights of 
the simple-minded natives, (2) The standards of the sixteenth 
century in human matters were distinctly lower than the stand- 
ards of to-day. (3) The efforts of many Spanish colonists in 
America to live without manual labor, and the constant demand 
from the authorities in Spain for "more gold," led inevitably to 
the establishment of slavery. When land was divided among 
the conquerors, each was also given oversight of a certain number 
of natives from whom he might exact service. This was an easy 
step toward slavery. The efforts of the priest Las Casas during 
half a century, and the enactment of regulations by the home 
government to mitigate the evils of Indian slavery were futile. 
The enforced labor of the natives in the mines depopulated the 
larger islands of the West Indies, and led directly to the importa- 
tion of negro slaves from Africa. In the interior of Mexico and 
Peru, however, the climate did not favor industries in which 
slave labor was profitable, and the institution died out. 

Finally, when the Spanish intermarried with the natives 
they showed their willingness "to descend from their 
European standard of civilization and to affiliate with them 



Relatiotu 
with the 
Indians. 



26 American History 

on a lower plane." There resulted a compromise in re- 
ligious and political institutions which was not an im- 
provement over those brought from the Old World. We 
have here one of the reasons why the Spanish American 
peoples have not progressed more rapidly. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. General accounts. Thwaites, The Colonies, 27-34; 45-48. 
Fisher, The Colonial Era, 16-22. Higginson, Larger History of 
the United States, 68-74. Parkman, Pioneers of France, 9-19. 

2. Contemporary accounts, (a) Coronado's description of 
the Seven Cities of Cibola, in his letter to Mendoza. Old South 
Leaflets, No. 20, 8-10. (6) Cortez's description of the city of 
Mexico, Old South Leaflets, No. 35. (c) One of De Soto's com- 
panions describes' the manner of his death. Old South Leaflets, 
No. 36. {d) De Vaca's description of his wanderings. Old 
South Leaflets, No. 39. {e) Hart, Contemporaries, I. Cortez., 
No. 21. Pizarro, No. 22. De Soto, No. 23. Coronado, No. 24 
(/) Hart, Source Book, Coronado, 6-8. 

3. Bancroft, L De Leon, 22-24. Ayllon and Gomez, 2.5-27. 
Narvaez and De Vaca, 27-31. Coronado, 31-37. De Soto, 38-49. 

4. Drake, Making of the Great West. De Soto, 10-20. Re. 
lations with the Indians, 21-28. Coronado, 28-39. The In- 
dians of New Mexico and their pueblos, 39-52. 

5. King's De Soto in the Land of the Floridas is excellent, 
following closely one of the original narratives of the expedition. 

6. Fiske, Discovery of America, L Mexican pueblos, 84-97. 
(Illustrations of pueblos are here, and in Higginson, 2-9.) In- 
dian society in Mexico, 97-102. Vol. II, Legend of the fair- 
faced god, 234-239. Cortez, 245-262. Mexico City, 262-274. 
De Leon, 485-486. Pineda, 486-487. Ayllon and Gomez, 490- 
492. Narvaez and De Vaca, 500-502. Coronado, 502-509. 
De Soto, 509-510. Magellan, 184-211. Balboa, 365-384. Pi- 
zarro, 390-409; 421-426. 

7. Las Casas and Indian slavery. Fiske, II, chap. 11. 
Bourne, Spain in Amerca, 253-264. 

8. For accounts of Spanish exploration and colonization, see 
James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 2. 

9. Fiction. WaF.ace, The Fair God. Haggard, Montezuma's 
Daughter. 



CHAPTER III 

THE RIV^ALRY OF NATIONS IN THE SIXTEENTH 
CENTURY 



The discovery of America in 1492 and the opening of Anew 

comme 
cial era. 



the Portuguese route to India in 1497-1498 mark an epoch commer 



in the world's history. The new discoveries wrought a rev- 
olution in geographical ideas. There was an increase of 
maritime activity; and at this time began the removal of 
commercial centres from their old seat in the Mediter- 
ranean countries to the Atlantic coasts of Europe. 

When Bartholomew Columbus went to England in the The be^in- 
interests of his brother, maritime discovery had received S"^,.°! 

, -^ English ex- 

some attention in that country, especially at the port of pioration 

Bristol. Here resided John Cabot, who, like Columbus, ^^ America, 
was a native of Genoa. In 1497 he obtained a patent from 
Henry VII authorizing him to make a voyage across the 
Atlantic. Cabot was an experienced navigator; he had 
been on many voyages and had travelled as far eastward 
as ]Mecca in Arabia, where he had seen the caravans ar- 
rive from India. His present ambition was to find a water 
.-i route by which the wealth of the East might pour into 
^.nglish ports. 

It is not known where Cabot first saw America — whether The Cabot 
at Labrador, Newfoundland, or Cape Breton Island. This ^'^^^^^s- 
land he called Cathay. The success of the first voyage 
led to a second in 1498, upon which he was probably ac- 
companied by^his son Sebastian. Of this voyage little is 
positively known, and nothing is known concerning the re- 
turn of Cabot or his subsequent history. Henry VII re- 

27 



28 



American History 



warded him with payments from the treasury; and in the 
following years the king made loans to numerous "mer- 
chants of Bristol that have been in the Newe founde 
Lande." The most direct result following Cabot's voy- 
ages was the encouragement given to the Newfoundland 







*V ^ V ^^\ ... c»eoT_^_J^ 


|/r^" 




i/^y^^ 


."•• V r^::::^^^'''i/ 


^7^ — 4 ^:i::*>^'' 


^M;fC^^--. m 


''^ \V J!y^ / 


•^VW*-^ ;/,\ 


^ ^ y\} 




A I ^ ( /INDIAN 
'H /JQOCEAN 






• « A* V 


• 



The Outv/ard Voyages of Great Explorers 



French 
voyages. 



fisheries; here not only English but also Portuguese, 
Spanish, and French fishermen swarmed in great numbers. 
In the time of Columbus, the greatest rival of Spain in 
European politics was France. It was under the power- 
ful Francis I (the defeated rival of Charles V when the 
latter was elected Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire), 
that France first contested the right of Spain to monopo- 
lize the fruits of American discovery. French seamen be- 
gan to plunder the Spanish treasure ships as they returned 



Rivalry of Nations 



29 



from Amenca. One of these corsairs was Verrazano, a "Verrazaaa 
native of Florence, who captured vessels that carried gold 
from the city of Mexico. Francis I now sent Verrazano 
to find a passage-way to China. He reached the coast of 
South Carolina in 1524 and proceeded northward, care- 
fully exploring the coast as far as New Hampshire. 

Everywhere he searched for gold, the presence of which was 
"denoted by the color of the ground." As a result of this voy- 
age, certain contemporaneous maps show the western coast of 
North America deeply indented by an arm of the Pacific Ocean, 
leaving an isthmus in the latitude of Chesapeake Bay. This en- 
couraged in other navigators the belief in an easy passage to 
the Pacific Ocean. 



An at- 
tempt to 
colonize. 



Delayed by his European wars against Charles V, it was 
ten years before Francis sent another explorer, Jacques 
Cartier, to explore the waters lying beyond Newfoundland 
and to take possession of American territory. The voyages 
of Cartier in 1534 and 1535 carried him up the St. Lawrence 
River as far as Montreal. An attempt to plant a colony 
in this region, made by Cartier and Roberval in the years 
1540-1543, was a failure. With this event the French 
Govermnent ceased its acti\dty in American colonization Cessation 
for the remainder of the sixteenth century. Little en- actTv^tT^n 
couragement had resulted from the attempts narrated America 
above; no gold had been found, the winter climate was 
severe, and the Indians were hostile. Moreover, the strug- 
gle with Spain in Europe absorbed the energies of the 
French people, and when that was ended their attention 
was given to those internal struggles known as the Hugue- 
not wars (1562-1598). 



The rise of the Protestants, known as Huguenots, in France 
was contemporaneous with the Reformation movements in 
Germany and England. Persecution and the beginning of civil 
war made the Huguenots look beyond the Atlantic for a refuge. 
A settlement at Port Royal (South Carolina) in 1562 was un- 
successful, and in 1564 another was made at the mouth of the 
St. John's River in Florida. This was not only a direct insult to 
the Spanish Govermnent, but the establishment of a colony at 



The Hu. 
guenots on 
the At- 
lantic 
coast. 



30 



American History 



dpain lost 
her oppor- 
tunity on 
the At- 
lantic 
coast of 
North 
America. 



Reasons 
for the 
inactivity 
of Eng- 
land. 



this point was a serious menace to Spanish interests; for it would 
constitute a base of operations against Spanish towns and 
treasure fleets.* Consequently, at the very time when Jean 
Ribaut was sailing with a fleet to reenforce this colony, a Span- 
ish captain, Menendez, was hastening across the ocean commis- 
sioned to destroy it and to establish in Florida a permanent mil- 
itary station and colony. The thrilling and bloody story of 
how Menendez accomplished his double purpose, massacring the 
French and founding St. Augustine in 1565 (the olde=t settle- 
ment within the limits of the United States), cannot be told here, 

These were events of vital importance in American 
history. There was at stake no less a matter than the 
occupation by European nations of the Atlantic coast. 
Whose should it be, for colonization and westward ex- 
pansion? Temporarily the Spanish were in control, but 
they were destined to go no farther in this direction. Ex- 
cept in the extreme west (among the Rocky Mountains 
and along the Pacific coast) Spanish colonies made no 
further progress within the limits of the present United 
States. This was due partly to the nature of the country 
and partly to the fact that Spain, in the closing years of the 
sixteenth century, was industrially on the decline. The 
enormous acquisition of wealth from the American mines 
discouraged, rather than stimulated, sober industry at 
home. Moreover, by the expulsion of the Moors and the 
Jews, Spain lost a most valuable contingent of her labor- 
ing population. Consequently, American gold was sen! 
abroad to pay for imported goods, and other countrief 
gained the economic advantage of supplying her popula- 
tion, and that of her colonies, with manufactures and lux- 
uries. Besides, the wars conducted by Charles V and Philip 
II exhausted Spain's revenues and weakened her power. 

We are now ready to ask, why did English interest in 
American ex-ploration, which apparently made such a 
promising beginning in the voyages of the Cabots, die out 
in the years that followed ? (1) An immecHate reason is 

* Already French Protestant seamen had plundered and burned 
Havana (1555) and pillaged Porto Rico C1559). 



Rivalry of Nations 



31 



found in the fact that by the Cabot voyages neither gold 
nor weahhy cities were discovered. (2) England was not 
at this time a commercial nation. Her foreign trade was 
carried on by foreign merchants — those of Venice and the 

Hansa towns. (3) 

In the year 1500 
England was one of 
the backward na- 
tions of Europe. 
The quickening of 
thought and the rise 
of the adventurous 
spirit that mark the 
Renaissance move- 
ment came to Eng- 
land later, in con- 
nection with the 
great events that 
occurred during the 
reigns of Henry 
Vm and Eliza- 
beth. 

Themiddieofthe 
sixteenth century 
saw the rise in Eng- 
land of a new inter- 
est in America. (1) 
Improvements in 
the art of ship- 
building gave Englishmen an advantage in the coming 
jcompetition with other nations. (2) In the Newfound- 
land fisheries the hardy sailors of the western and south- 
ern towns had received a training that gave the English 
people their **sea legs." (3) The Reformation in England, in EHgUsu 
i. e.y the breach with the Church of Rome under Henry ^^^tory 
VIII, resulted later in an intense religious strife between 
England and Spain — the militant arm of the Church. 




Sir Francis Drake 
From a print in the British Museum 



32 



American History 



Early 
English 
seamen 
md their 
2xploits. 



Francu 
Drake. 



(4) The rising commercial and maritime spirit in Eng- 
land and the rehgious rivalry with Spain both contributed 
toward the creation of that "keen national feeling'* which 
was a prominent characteristic of Elizabethan times, 

The rise of these new conditions in England explains the in- 
creasing boldness of Enghshmen upon the high seas. About 
1560 John Hawkins began his slaving voyages from the west 
coast of Africa to the West Indies. This traffic was against 
Spanish law, and a few years later he was attacked, and his fleet 
was badly disabled in a harbor on the coast of Mexico. One of 
the captains of this fleet was Francis Drake. In 1572 Drake com- 
manded an expedition to the Isthmus of Panama, where he 
raided Spanish towns, attacked Spanish vessels, and captured 
treasure that came by this route overland from Peru. Here he 
first saw the Pacific Ocean, and he resolved to sail on its waters. 
Accordingly, he set forth in 1577 with a well-equipped fleet of 
five vessels. Once having passed the Strait of Magellan, he fol- 
lowed the coast northward, plundering vessels and sailing into 
harbors to pick up stores of gold and silver. He sailed as far 
north as Oregon, took possession of the country for England, 
calling it New Albion, and then crossed the Pacific. He reached 
England safely (1580) with but one of his five vessels. Besides 
being one of the boldest voyages in American history, thip ex- 
pedition of Drake went far to hasten the open declaration of 
hostilities between England and Spain which came within a few 
years. 

English Meanwhile, the interests of sober commerce were press- 

open^com- i"g ^^r recognition. With the expansion of English com- 
merce with merce in Europe, the desire to participate in the trade with 
India and China became stronger. The Portuguese 
monopolized the route around Africa, and the Spaniards 
claimed sole proprietorship of that around South America. 
Could not Englishmen reach the East by a northern and 
b^ence a shorter route — by a " north-west passage" ? Such 
was the idea of Frobisher in sailing into the waters now 
known as Frobisher's Bay (1576-1578). Later, 1585- 
1587, John Da\ds made three similar voyages.* 

♦ It was not until 1903-1906 fhat Captain Admundsen first sailed a 
vessel the entire distance around the northern end of North America. 
%^>c Cfentury Magazine, February, 1907 tt25„ 



Ajsia. 



Rivalry of Nations 



33 



This enterprising Elizabethan age saw the l)eginnings 
of English colonial ambition. To establish colonies in 
America would further several objects. (1) In the minds 
of Englishmen, American soil sparkled with flakes of gold. 
(2) American colonies would constitute half-way stations 
on the long 
voyages to 
Asia. (3) 
They would 
also consti- 
tute bases of 
operation 
against Spain 
in the New 
World. The 
capture of 
Spanish gold 
was one 
m eans of 
"putting a 
bridle upon 
Spain." Thus 
might Eng- 
land defeat 
the European 
ambitions of 

that nation, ^. e., the subduing of Holland and the possible 
conquest of England. Such were the motives that stirred 
the first English colonizers. 

In 1583, Sir Humphrey Gilbert founded In Newfound- 
land a colony that was unfortunate from the beginning; 
sickness and desertion reduced their numbers, and Gilbert, 
sailing to England to obtain help, was himself lost in mid- 
ocean. Raleigh, his half-brother, was strongly imbued 
with the spirit of colonization, and in 1584 he sent an ex- 
pedition to make preparations for the planting of a colony. 
The region found was reputed to be "the most plentiful. 




Sir Humphrey Gilbert 



ReasoM 
for estab- 
lishing 
Americao 
c^jonies 



Early at- 
tempts a» 
colonizS' 
tioa 



torfaUura 



84 American History 

sweet, fruitful and wholesome of all the world," and "the 
people the most gentle, loving, and faithful, void of all 
guile and treason, and such as live after the manner of the 
Golden Age." Such was the description of the Carolina 
coast, thereupon named by Elizabeth, Virginia. In 1585, 
RaJeigh sent thither a company of more than one hundred 
men under Ralph Lane and Sir Richard Grenville, and a 
colony was established on Roanoke Island. The search 
for gold and for the South Sea constituted their chief oc- 
cupation for a year, until hunger drove them to return to 
England. In 1587, Raleigh sent to America another 
colony, including both men and women, under John 
White. These, too, shortly needed help from home; but 
a threatened Spanish invasion, soon to be described, pre- 
vented reenforcements from leaving England, and when, 
in 1591, the relief finally arrived the colony had disap- 
peared. 

Thus ended the earliest English attempts to found col- 
onies in America. To what was the failure owing? 

(1) Both Raleigh and Gilbert erred in selecting their 
colonists; some of them were criminals, and all were fired 
by a ''restless curiosity and a passion for adventure." 

(2) The search for gold had led to the neglect of agri- 
culture. The American coast did not furnish sustenance 
without cultivation, and the Indians could not be de- 
pended upon to retain a friendly spirit toward colonists 
who constantly violated their rights. (3) There was about 
these attempts at colonization an air of romance that was 
characteristic of the Elizabethan period. These men had 
no practical acquaintance with the means of sustaining 
life in a wild country. 

AYhile the events above described were in progress, other 
events in Europe brought to a culmination the rising hos- 
tility between England and Spain. Philip II determined 
upon the conquest of England, and in 1588 the Great 
Armada sailed with the purpose of landing an army on 
the shores of Enjjland. Thev were met in the Channel 



Rivalry of Nations 



35 



by tne ships of English seamen, which were of superior 
construction and fighting power. Their skilful attacks 
soon disabled the Armada, which, sailing into the North 
Sea, escaped around the British Isles, losing many of 
its vessels, and, what was worse, the courage of its sea- 
men. Thus 
the maritime 
power of Spain 
received a most 
serious blow.* 
The m oral 
effect of this 
victory f upon 
the English 
was corres- 
pondingly pro- 
found. • More 
than ever they 
dared to com- 
pete with Spain 
on the seas. 

The effect upon American history is readily seen. Upon 
the Atlantic coast the English people were now free to fol- 
low their commercial and colonizing ambitions unhampered fected 
by the dread of Spanish interference. ''Nowhere on the hi^tory.^* 
surface of the earth was there a region better fitted for 
European colonization. Frenchmen and Spaniards passed 
it by as offering slight hope of present gain. A higher 
power reserved it for the slower, more patient English- 
man and his kinsfolk from northern Europe. . . . Their 
mission was to plant a nation in the New World."| 

♦"Under the inspiration of this tremendous victory the Atlantic 
Ocean during the next three years swarmed with English cruisers, and 
more than eight hundred Spanish ships fell victims to their attacks." 
Tyler, England in America, 30. 

t Add to this a second victory, when a Spanish fleet was destroyed 
In the harbor of Cadiz (1596). 

JChanning, History of the United States, I, 110. 




Ship of the Sixteenth Century 



36 Ameri/urn lltstarkf 

Suggestive Questions ant> Referencia 

1. The Cabots. Make a list of the disputed questions in the 
Cabot history. What was the subsequent history of Sebastian 
Cabot? Fiske, Discovery of America, II, 1-16. Higginson, 
Larger History of the United States, 75-84. Hart, Contempo- 
raries, I, No. 26. Old South Leaflets, Nos. 37, 115. 

2. Early French explorers. Higginson, 108-120. Thwaites, 
The Colonies, 32-36. Fisher, The Colonial Era, 20-23. Ban- 
croft, History of United States, I, 14-17. Fiske, New France 
and New England, 1-12. 

3. Verrazano's Voyage. Old South Leaflets, No. 17, 1-12. 
Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies, I, 58-68. Hart, Contempo- 
raries, I, No. 34. Parkman, Pioneers of France, 193-199. 

4. Cartier. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 35. Fiske, New 
France and New England, 13-24. Parkman, Pioneers, 200-215. 

5. The Huguenot colony in Florida. Parkman, Pioneers, 
chaps. 7 and 8. Bancroft, I, 50-59. 

6. England's war with Spain and the Armada. See histories 
of England. Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 35-40. 

7. Hawkins and Drake. Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 15-28. 
Higginson, 84-101. Drake's voyage around the world. Hart, 
Contemporaries, I, No. 30. Hawkins's slave voyages. Ibid., I, 
No. 29. Drake on the California coast. Old South Leaflets, No. 
116. Tyler, England in America, 9-13. 

8. Gilbert and Raleigh. Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 28-40. Later 
History of Raleigh. Ibid., I, 52-55. Hart, Contemporaries, I, 
No. 33. Higginson, 104-10'^; 137-140. 

9. Who was Richard Hakluyt and what were his argument! 
in favor of colonization ? Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation, 5-6. 
Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 41-50. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 
46. Other reasons are stated in Hart, I, 154-157. Bogart, Eco- 
nomic History of the United States, 26-32. 

10. Make a list of mistaken ideas about America. Eggleston, 
Beginners, chap. 1. 

11. Raleigh's colonies. Bancroft, I, 69-79. Hart, Contempo- 
raries, I, No. 32. Tyler, England in America, 21-33. 

12. Further accounts are found in James and Mann, Read- 
ings in American History, chap. 3. 



CIL^PTER IV 

VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 

In the period of one hundred years whieh immediately Then«w 
succeeded the discovery of America, Spain and Poilugal commeroe 
alone had become successful colonizing nations; though 
from England, France, and Holland bold seamen and am- 
bitious colonizers had set forth. It is e\'ident that the 
sixteenth century brought about a complete revolution in 
the world's commerce. The Atlantic, and not the Medi- 
terranean, v^^as now the center of acti\'ity; the nations of 
western Europe took the place of the cities of southern 
Europe as centers of foreign trade. The new route to the 
East brought increased supplies of Eastern products, 
which were Inereby much cheapened ; and from the Ameri- 
cans now came new products — fish, furs, dyewoods, sugar, 
and tobacco, besides untold quantities of precious metals 
and stones. 

Commerce, at the end of the sixteenth century, was on The -ij>e of 
a much larger scale than ever before, as the voyages were qq^t?'^ 
longer. Something more than private enterprise was ma. 
therefore required, and in the case of Spain and Portugal 
this w^as supplied by complete national control of commer- 
cial ventures. Each government endeavored to secure 
xor its citizens a monopoly of trade with its colonies. In 
the northern European countries, on the other hand, 
the national governments were not ready to assume such 
absolute control of the new commerce; hence we find, 
especially in England, France, and Holland, the phenom- 
enon of trading companies formed in large numbers during 
the years under discussion. These companies represented 

3? 



38 



American History 



The Lon- 
don and 
Plymouth 
cotiinanies 
M lo06. 



combinations of capital, the investors being chartered 
by the government and empowered to carry on trade, es- 
tabUsh colonies, and build up the maritime interests of 
the countries concerned. 

Companies were formed in England for the conduct of 

trade with the Baltic 
countries, Russia 
(the ]Muscovy Com 
pany, 1555), the eas- 
tern Mediterranean 
countries (the Levant 
Company, 1581), 
Africa (the Guinea 
Company, 1588), and 
India (the East India 
Company, 1600). 
Thus was the Old 
World trade divided 
among the enterpris- 
ing English mer- 
chants.* It was 
natural that they 
should wish in the 
same way to share in the iVmeriCan trade. So w^e find 
the organization of companies for trade and colonization 
in ''Virginia'' (1606), Guiana (1609), Newfoundland (1610), 
and Bermuda (1612). 

Under the charter of 1606 two great companies were 
formed whose purpose was ''to make Habitation, Planta- 
tion, and to deduce a colony of sundry of our people into 
that part of America called Virginia, and other parts and 
territories in America." f I^ was from the efforts of these 




Grants made to the London and Plymouth 
Pompanies 



* Similar companies, for the development of trade in the same geo- 
graphical regions, were organized in France and Holland, and several 
such existed in Sweden and Denmark. 

t For this charter, see Preston, Documents Illustrative of American 
History, 2 13. MacDonald, Select Charters, 1-10. 



Virginia and Maryland 39 

American companies that the first permanent English 
colony grew upon the soil of the New World. 

Several of the men to whom the charter was granted by 
James I held rank and title in Enghsh official life, and a few 
were merchants. They formed two groups: the first, which 
came to be known as the London Company, might establish a 
colony on the Atlantic coast between 34° and 41° north latitude; 
the other was known as the Plymouth Company, and was to 
colonize between the parallels 38° and 45°. Within the three 
degrees of latitude where these grants overlapped, when either 
company planted a colony, the other was not to plant another 
nearer than one hundred miles from it. 

What were the motives that led to this enterprise? Themo- 
The forces that moved Englishmen to action in the later [^^^^^ ^^ 
years of Elizabeth's reign were still active: England must founders. 
guard herself against the power of Spain, and one sure 
way of doing this was to establish military and naval 
stations in America. The glory of England, too, must be 
enhanced by the expansion of her irade and by the pos- 
session of foreign lands. The way to China would surely 
be discovered, and then commerce and the products of 
American mines would enrich the nation as Spain had been 
enriched. 

To these larger aim^ were added others of a soberer industrial 
and more immediately practical character: (1) The coto^z'J''* 
commercial activity which would be fostered by the tion. 
possession of colonies was expected to create a great 
merchant marine; this, in turn, must increase England's 
naval strength. (2) England would be more independent 
and self-reliant if the naval stores which she then obtained 
from the Baltic countries could be furnished by her own 
colonies. (3) Many other products which England was 
obliged to import might be produced in those colonies* 
among these were glass, soap, and tropical products, such 
as silk, spices, and wine. On the other hand, England 
was manufacturing a surplus of woollen goods, and thesft 
might be exchanged for the articles just mentioned. 
Thus, it was argued, Englishmen would not need to send 



40 



Amerwan History 



coin abroad and their wealth would grow accordingly, 
(4) An economic condition had arisen in England which 
demanded an outlet for surplus population. The con- 
dition of agricultural laborers, especially, had changed foi 
the worse; for while prices were increasing, with the influ> 
of large quantities of the precious metals, there had been 

no corresponding 
rise in wages. At 
this time, too, manv 
farmers were con- 
verting their grain 
fields into sheep 
pastures to meet the 
great demand for 
wool; this decreased 
the demand for labor. 
In this enumeration 
of the motives that 
lay behind the colon- 
izing movement of 
which the London 
and Phnnouth com- 
panies were the out- 
come, we recognize the features of a ''practical commer- 
cial undertaking.'* We may add to these the religious 
piu-pose, more constantly stated than acted upon, of ''prop- 
agating the Christian Religion to such People, as yet live 
in Darkness and miserable Ignorance of the true Knowl- 
edge and worship of God." 
Conditions In 1607, the London Company sent to Virginia 120 

surround- ^^^^ colonists. Jamestown, where thev settled, was 
ing the nrst ' . . "^ . . 

settlement, situated on a small, sandy pennisula juttmg into the 
James Hiver from its north shore; it was, therefore, 
"low, damp, and malarious." Add to these disadvan- 
tages the hostility of the Indians, and we see the un- 
favorable circumstances under which the enterprise was 
launched. 




Early Settlements in Virginia and Maryland 
Dots indicate the location of plantations on the James river 



Virginia and Maryland 41 

But this was not all. The scheme under which the new Defects # 
colony was to be managed proved to be impractical, menu** 
Complete control of both companies was placed by the 
charter in the hands of a council appointed by the King and 
resident in England. The immediate government of the 
colony was placed in the hands of a council, also appointed 
by the King, consisting of thirteen colonists. This body 
had a president, but the first to occupy that office — Wing- 
field — proved his incapacity for executive work, and the 
result was jealousy, dissension, and all the evils that accrue 
when weak men in a hazardous position lack a leader who 
can exercise firm control. There was a leader in the colony, 
however, and gradually the direction of matters fell into 
his hands. John Smith, "the one energetic and capable 
man in these first years," compelled the men to labor; for, ^ 
he said, "he that will not worke shall not eat, unless by 
sicknesse he be disabled." He skilfully obtained corn 
from the Indians when the settlers were starving, and he 
compelled the systematic planting of corn. He maintained 
the military strength of Jamestown by drilling the men and 
building fortifications. 

The instructions of the London Company to the settlers included 
the following: "You must observe if you can whether the river 
on which you plant doth spring out of mountains or out of lakes. 
If it be out of any loke the passage to the other sea [the Pacific 
Ocean] will be the more easy. . . ." Following these instructions 
Smith made a series of explorations up Chesapeake Bay, the 
Potomac, and other rivers of Virginia. His map of Virginia be- 
came the authoritative map of this region for more than a 
century. 

After Smith's departure for England (1609), conditions Reorgaa 
in the colony grew worse. Their numbers fell from more ^^^-^^^ 
than 600 to 60, and these were abandoning Jamestown 
when they were met by a ship from England bringing 
reenforcements and, what was as important, a governor, 
Lord 'Delaware, vested with ample powers to rule the 
colony. There had been d609), a reorganization of the 
London Company under a new charter. Instead of the 



42 



American History 



Tobacco. 



The Lon-. 
don Com- 
pany's 
scheme for 
profits. 



local council, the colony was now under the autocratic 
rule of a governor appointed by the council in England. 
Under this charter the limits of the land grant were made 
two hundred miles each way along the coast from Point 
Comfort and extending ''up into the land, throughout, 
from sea to sea, west and north-west." (See map, p. 38.) 
In 1612, the second cliarter was superseded by a thirds 
under which the Company was given complete control 
over its colony. 

The high price of tobacco in England and Holland made 
labor six times as remunerative when devoted to that 
product as when applied to the raising of grains. More- 
over, tobacco was less bulky than other products and con- 
sequently less expensive to ship. The systematic culti- 
vation of tobacco began in 1612, and the success of the 
venture gave the colony a sure economic basis and greatly 
encouraged its settlement. 

The members of the London Company expected to 
make a profit from their investment, (1) by selling com- 
modities to the colonists, (2) by selling at a profit what- 
ever the colonists produced, (3) by the collection of duties 
upon goods shipped into .the colony by other traders. 
In order that the second source of income might be realized, 
all products raised in the colony must be put into a com- 
mon storehouse; from this and from supplies sent over by 
the Company, the inhabitants were to receive their main- 
tenance. If any surplus product remained this was to be 
the Company's profit. Since under this plan there was no 
individual ownership of land or of products, we have a 
true "plantation" system: the colonists were servants or 
laborers under the authority of the Company, whose work 
was supervised by overseers. The system was intended 
as a temporary measure only, to be in operation while the 
colony was being firmly established. Experience proved 
that it was a direct inducement for the lazy and the shift- 
less to become dependents rather than self-supporting 
members of the colony. In 1614 Governor Dale began 



Virginia and Maryland 43 

the abolition of this comnmnal system by assigning to 
some of the men three acres apiece which they were to 
hold as tenants and upon which they might raise enough 
for their support. 

When the London Company's "plantation" method of control The land 
in the colony gave way, some S2,000,000 had been expended, and system ia 
very small returns had been realized upon the investment. ^^S^"!**- 
Henceforth, settlers were regularly given grants of land. This 
came about in several ways: (1) Settlers who had labored for 
the Company a certain number of years were entitled to 100 acres 
of land as a dividend. (2) Investors in the Company's stock 
(called "adventurers") were entitled to the same amount of 
land for each share purchased, the shares being worth £12, 10 s. 
each. (3) Large grants were made to individuals on condition 
of their transporting to America servants and materials for the 
cultivation of an estate or "hundred." (4) Any colonist or 
any "adventurer" who should bear the expense of transporting 
a laborer to the colony (provided he remained three years) was 
entitled to fifty acres of land immediately and as much later. 
This was called a "head right." In these ways the land of Vir- 
ginia came finally to be held under private ownership — a most 
important fact in the economic development of the colony. 

The year 1619 is remarkable in the history of Virginia. The im- 
In that year arrived the first ship load of young women, J?\vom*en 
who became the wives of settlers. We see here the dis- and slave*, 
tinct recognition of the value of the home as an element 
in colonization. The demand for laborers to clear the 
forests and to care for the tobacco crop was largely sat- 
isfied through the employment of indentured servants. 
These came from several classes: (1) There was a surplus 
of laborers in England; consequently, many poor people 
had their passage to America paid b}^ planters and in 
return bound themselves to terms of service, generally in- 
extending four or six years. (2) Owing to hard condi- 
tions of life in England, vagabonds and beggars were 
numerous and troublesome. (3) Again, the penal laws 
of England were extremely harsh and the prisons over- 
flowed with convicts. These, together with the vaga- 
bonds and the child waifs of London's streets, were trans- 
ported to America on the order of the authorities, becoming 
indentured servants. Many of the servants were of good 



dentur«d 
servants. 



44 



American History 



character; some were well educated; others were of the 
worst sort; the great majority probably became useful 
citizens upon the termination of their terms of service. 
The supply of labor was further increased by the impor- 
tation of slaves. The first shipload arrived in 1619, when 
a Dutch ship anchored at Jamestown with twenty native 
Africans whom the planters purchased. Later more slaves 
were brought into Virginia and other colonies and the slave 
trade became recognized as a branch of legitimate com- 
merce. English and New England ships were the carriers. 



The Lon- 
don Com- 
pany and 
representa. 
live gov- 
ernment. 







-•^^''-'■'■^ Jamestown in 1622' 

From a contemporary Dutch print 

The year 1619 also saw the establishment of the syste g 
of representative government in Virginia. The London 
Company was a commercial corporation; but under the 
charters of 1609 and 1612 it was vested with powers of 
government over its colony.* In 1609, there were more 
than six hundred stockholders, and this number was later 
increased by the accession of several hundred merchants 

* England and other European countries have, within recent years, 
chartered commercial companies and granted to them powers of govern- 
ment over newly settled regions. Examples are found in the British 
East Africa and British South Africa companies and the German West 
Africa Company. At many points the partition of Africa within recent 
years resembles the process followed in the early history of America 



Virginia and Maryland 45 

and craftsmen of London. Then, by the charter of 1612, 
the stockholders were given the right to hold weekly meet- 
ings, besides four "general courts" each year for the elec- 
tion of officers. Now, it happened that among the stock- 
holders were many influential men of liberal \iews who 
were opposed to the policy of James I in the government 
of England; to these men the meetings of the London 
Company gave opportunity for free discussion and sharp 
criticism of the royal policy. In 1618, the Company 
ordered that the authority of the governor in Virginia 
should be limited by a council (composed of councillors 
selected by the Company), and a representative body 
which took the name House of Burgesses. The latter' 
was composed of two burgesses elected by popular vote 
from each plantation or settlement (eleven in number), 
and met first in 1619. 

King James naturally disliked the Company; enemies The 
of the Company in England criticised it for mismanage- ^^^'"'mL 
ment of the colony; so, in 1624, the King caused his at- 
torney-general to bring suit against it, in consequence of 
which the court declared the charter void. The Company 
then ceased to exist, and thenceforth the King appointed 
the governor. The House of Burgesses did not pass out 
of existence, but continued throughout colonial history. 

During the fifteen years succeeding the overthrow of Prosperitj 
the London Company, Virginia increased rapidly in popu ^^ Virginia 
lation. The tobacco industry became the permanent 
basis of prosperity; it created a demand for labor which 
brought thousands of poor people to the colony, while the 
ease of acquiring land was an inducement for the migra- 
tion of an intelligent and progressive element who became 
planters. Population spread rapidly up the broad rivers, 
because tobacco exhausted the soil ; laws intended to com- 
pel the building of cities were disregarded; and the broad 
waterways of Virginia became lined with plantations at 
whose wharves ocean-going vessels could discharge and 
receive cargoes 



46 



American History 



MARYLAND 



Balti- 
more's 
efforts to 
colonize. 



Physical 
conditions 

in Mary- 
land. 



Sir George Calvert, Lord Baltimore, a man of ability 
and of considerable prominence during the reign of James 
I, had been a member of the London Company. His in- 
terest in colonization was shown when, in 1621, he at« 
tempted unsuccessfully to found a colony on the coast of 
Newfoundland.* He then attempted to settle in Vir- 
ginia, but because he was a 
Roman Catholic, life there 
was made unpleasant for him, 
and he returned to England. 
He now (1632) sought and 
obtained a grant of land north 
of Virginia, extending to the 
fortieth degree of latitude, 
where he could be free to 
found his colony. He died 
shortly before the patent was 
executed, but his son Cecil 
at once took up his father's 
work and founded Maryland, 
named in honor of the Queen, 
Henrietta Maria. 
The first settlement in Maryland was at St. Mary's on 
Chesapeake Bay in 1634. The physical features of Mary- 
land resemble closely those of Virginia; in both, the mild 
climate, rich soil, and level lands stretching back to the 
foothills of the mountains furnished ideal conditions in 
wnich to build an agricultural colony. Moreover, the 
ivide-mouthed rivers and the many bays and inlets gave 

* The project of colonizing Newfoundland reminds us of Gilbert's 
efforts some forty years previous. Englishmen had still to learn that 
the climate of these coasts was much colder than that of European 
countries in the same latitude. Newfoundland is directly west of 
northern France and southern England, and Jamestown in Virginia 
corresponds in latitude to northern Africa. Hence the expectation that 
Virginia should produce semi-trooical products 




George Calvert, First Lord Baltimore 

After a painting by Daniel Mytens. 



Virginia and Maryland 47 

such freedom of access to the interior that here, as In Vir- Thedlw,* ^ 
ginia,. large plantations were laid out. Tobacco was at land!* 
first the staple product, and here, too, ii was planted in 
'ixcess, and the value of the plant fell very low. 

Distinct encouragement was given to the formation of 
^-arge plantations. An emigrant who came to Maryland 
bringing twenty able-bodied men well armed for defence 
was given a large grant of land — not less than 1,000 acres. 
Many estates existed, each containing thousards of acres. 
Another law had the opposite tendency, in providing that 
every indentured servant (these were especially numerous 
in Maryland), was entitled to fifty acres at the end of his 
term of service. Thus many of the large estates became 
broken up. 

Maryland was the earliest successful colony under a Thegov- 
single proprietor. The authority vested in the proprietor Mary^aacL* 
of Maryland greatly exceeded that previously given to any 
grantee of land in America. He was, in theory, the ab- 
solute lord of his colony; his authority being limited by 
the requirement that his government should be in con- 
formity with the laws of England and that he should yield 
allegiance to the King. All grants of land proceeded 
from him. Lord Baltimore did not personally visit the 
colony, but appointed a governor instead. The early 
governors were of the Baltimore family, and this con- 
tributed to the success of the colony. 

The rights of the proprietor were limited by a pro- Growth of 
vision of the charter requiring that the laws of the colony fatfve'ai'^" 
should be made '*by and with the advice, assent and ap- sembiy. 
probation of the freemen of the said pro\ince, or the greater 
part of them, or of their delegates or deputies." The 
earliest assembly summoned by the governor in accordance 
with this provision was in the nature of a primary assembly, 
being attended by as many of the freemen of the colony as 
found it convenient. In subsequent years, as settlements 
and plantations became more scattered, comparatively 
few of the freemen attended; some sent proxies, that is. 



American History 



Edigious 
conditions 
in the 
■oolony. 



delegated their votes to those who did attend. Later, 
deputies were elected to the assembly from the different 
settlements, called hundreds. Thus came about a truly 
representative system. 

An important motive in the settlement of Maryland was 
the desire of Lord Baltimore to establish a place of refuge 
for Roman Catholics, who were persecuted in England. 
He was, of course, desirous to make the exercise of the 
Roman Catholic faith perfectly free in his colony. It was 
evidently impracticable to exclude other religions, even 
had he desired to do so. From the beginning he encour- 
aged Protestant settlers to migrate to Maryland; for he 
saw that otherwise there would not be sufficient numbers 
to insure its success. He also exerted his influence to 
bring about peaceful relations between the adherents of 
different faiths; religious dissension might lead to the for- 
feiture of the charter and thus to the financial ruin of the 
proprietor. It is evident that Lord Baltimore was not the 
founder of religious toleration as a principle; but that he 
endeavored, in a broad-minded way, to find a practical 
solution for the situation as it existed in his colony. 



Suggestive Questions and References 



1. Virginia. Thwaites, The Colonies, 65-77. Lodge, Short 
History of the English Colonies, 1-15. Fisher, The Colonia* 
Era, 30-48. 

2. The motives for colonization. Fisive, Old Virginia, I, 44- 
50. Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation, 73-86; 89-91. Ban 
croft. History of the United States, I, 84-85. 

3. Fiske's Old Virginia, I. The early life of John Smith, 80- 
91. His relations with Pocahontas, 110-111; 168-173. His 
services to the colony, 130-143; 152-159. Tobacco and its 
cultivation, 174-177; 231. The first assembly, 185-188. 

4. Eggleston, Beginners. The planting of Jamestown, 25-31. 
Estimate of Smith and his writings, 31-40. Dale and other 
governors, 40-59. 

6. Hart. Co u temporaries, I. The first settlers. No. 61. Ac- 



Virginia and Maryland 49 

counts by Smith and Wingfield, Nos. 62, 63. Pocahontas, 
No. 64. The first assembly. No. 65. Accounts of Virginia, 
Nos. 66, 67. 

6. Bancroft tells the story of Virginia in detail in Vol. I, chaps. 
6, 7, and 8. See also, Drake, Making of Virginia and the Middle 
Colonies, 31-65. 

7. Maryland. Fisher, Colonial Era, 62-68. Thwaites, The 
Colonies, 81-84. Lodge, Short History, 93-99. Eggleston, 
Beginners, 240-251. Drake, Making of Virginia and the Middle 
Colonies, 66-76. 

8. Calvert's history, motives, and early attempts to colonize. 
Eggleston, 220-234. ' Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 255-265. 

9. Father White's -account of the first settlement. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, I, No. 73. 

10. To what extent and in what ways did Roman Catholics 
suffer disabilities in England under James I and Charles I ? See 
Histories of England. 

11. Give reasons for the variation in climate of western Eu- 
rope and eastern America in the same latitudes. 

12. Make a comparison of the London Company and a 
Western railroad company of to-day upon the following points: 
Charter, "adventurers," land grant, transportation of settlers, 
expected sources of profit. 

13. How many of the motives enumerated on pp. 39-40 are still 
active in English colonial policy? 

14. Does the amount of coin in a country measure its wealth ? 

15. What measures would men take to-day for the protection 
of health in camping or settling in a new region similar to that of 
Virginia ? 

16. See James and Mann, Readings in American History, 
chap. 4. 

17. The coming of women to Virginia is pictured in a novel, 
To Have and to Hold, by Mary Johnston; the same author 
portrays the life of indentured servants in Prisoners of Hope. 
See also, Goodwin, The Head of a Hundred. Sir Christopher, 



CHAPTER V 

NEW ENGLAND 

fbe spirU One of the familiar stories of American history is that 
pil^m ^^ ^^^ Pilgrim Fathers: the persecutions they suffered in 
Fathers. England on account of their religion; their flight from that 
country; their residence in Holland; and the voyage, first 
to Pl}TQOuth in England and then to the new Plymouth in 
America. The spirit of the Pilgrims appears constantly 
in the course of their history as written by William Brad- 
ford, one of their leaders. He speaks, for example, of 
their "valewing peace & their spirituall comforte above 
any other riches whatsoever." Again, after a residence of 
twelve years in Holland, when the question of removing 
to America was debated, Bradford summarized the con- 
clusion of the whole matter as follows: "It was answered, 
that all great & honourable actions are accompanied with 
great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and over- 
come with answerable courages. It was granted y^ 
dangers were great, but not desperate; the difficulties were 
many, but not invincible. For though their were many 
of them likly, yet they were not cartaine; it might be 
sundrie of y® things feared might never befale; others by 
providente care & y® use of good means, might in a great 
measure be prevented; and all of them, through y® help of 
God, by fortitude and patience, might either be borne, or 
overcome." 

The Pilgrims were in Holland during the twelve years' 
truce between that country and Spain which began in 1609, 

60 



New England 



51 



The possible renewal of war, as that period drew toward 
its end, "was a menace to their comfort and even to their 
lives. But probably the most weighty consideration which 
determined the departure from Leyden was their desire 
to preserve the integrity of their little community and its 
peculiar faith. What was to them "of all sorrows most 
heavie to be borne, w^as that many of their children, . . . 
were drawne awaye by 
evill examples into ex- 
tra vagante& dangerous 
courses, getting y^ raines 
off their neks, & de- 
parting from their par- 
ents. ... So that they 
saw their posteritie 
would be in danger to 
degenerate & be cor- 
rupted." 

The stormy voyage 
of the Mayflower carried 
the Pilgrims farther 
north than they had ex- 
pected to go; for their grant of land had been obtained 
from the London Company, and they were to settle in l'A«iWai^ 
''the northern parts of Virginia." Because of this change compacts 
in location, certain persons of their partv threatened to do 
as they pleased after landing; and this led to the adop- 
tion, aboard the Mayflower, of the famous Compact.* 
In this document the signers promised "all due submis- 
sion and obedience" to the laws which should be made 
by this "civill body politick." 

' The bitter experiences of the Virginia settlers in the fight 
against hostile nature were repeated at Plymouth; but the coun- 

* Similar compacts were adopted by other groups of settlers in the 
New England colonies, under similar circumstances. The Compact re- 
mained the basis of Plymouth government until the colony was united 
with Massachusetts (1691) 




First Seal of Plymouth Colony 



52 



American Hutory 



Governors 
Carver and 
Bradford. 



try was healtMul and the climate not greatly different from that 
of England, so that the Pilgrims became acclimated more read- 
ily than those who settled in the South. Among those who died 
during the first winter was William Carver, their first Governor. 
He was succeeded by William Bradford, the historian of the 
colony, who occupied that oflace for about thirty years. In their 
relations with the Indians the Pilgrims were fortunate. A 
pestilence had greatly thinned the Indian population of this re- 

l^i'£ikm J£)ra d/orcr ^Q ue T" 

Signature of Governor Bradford 



The com- 
mon fund. 



The col- 
ony's slow 
Towth, 



gion, and with their nearest neighbors the settlers contracted a 
peace treaty that lasted many years. 

The Pilgrims were too poor to pay the expense of their trans- 
portation and the cost of their maintenance while establishing 
the colony, and had consequently entered into partnership with 
certain merchants of London who furnished the necessary cap- 
ital. In order to secure funds from which dividends (and ulti- 
mately the principal of the debt) might be paid to the "ad- 
venturers" or capitalists, a system was adopted similar to that 
set up in Virginia. All land was held in common. The surplus 
product of labor (grain, furs, fish, lumber) was put into a com- 
mon store. Even among the Pilgrims, the system was not a 
success; there were constant disputes between the colonists and 
the adventurers, and the incentive to individual effort was dis- 
tinctly increased by the abolition of the common store and the 
assigrmient of separate tracts of land within a few years after 
the founding of the colony. 

Plymouth colony did not grow rapidly, having in 1630 
but three hundred inhabitants. Gradually new towns * 
were founded, until in 1643 there were ten altogether, and 
the population exceeded twenty-five hundred. Tliis slow- 
ness of growth is accounted for by the poverty of the soil,, 
which was -cultivated with difficulty, and the poverty of 
the people, who could not afford to import laborers. Be- 
sides, the religious exclusiveness of the Pilgrims was a bar 
to their increase; for the number of their sect in England 
at this time was exceedingly small. It was because of the 

* Among these were Duxbury, Taunton, Barnstable, and Nausett. 



New England 53 

poverty of the people that Plymouth colony established 
no system of public schools before 1670. 

At the beginm'ng the "freemen" of this colony gathered Thego^. 
in mass meetings, decided upon the laws, and elected the j^ymouth* 
Governor and his '^ assistants." The freemen were the colony, 
original signers of the Compact and such other persons 
as they voted to admit to the privilege of participating in 
the government. When new towns were founded, the 
people of these w^ere given the authority to control their 
local affairs. The meeting of all the freemen in the colony 
now became inconvenient, and each town elected (1639) its 
"deputies" who represented it in the ''general court," or 
legislative body, of the colony. Thus grew representative 
government in Plymouth colony. 

A review of English history in this period will make The rise «f 
clear the position occupied by the Pilgrims and by that p^uritan*. 
larger body of Puritans who first founded the great colony 
of Massachusetts Bay and later filled all New England 
with a sturdy population. By the Reformation move- 
ment in England there came about that separation from 
Papal authorit}' which occurred under Henry VIII 
(1509-1547), and the changes in doctrine and ceremonies 
that were made under this monarch and his successor, 
Edward VI. When Elizabeth came to the throne, in 1558j 
a large part of the English people were still Roman Cath- 
olics ; but it soon became certain that the English church 
would not return to its allegiance to Rome. Within this 
church, a great question remained unsettled: how far 
should the changes of the Reformation movement go? 
Gradually, two parties were formed — the Conservatives, 
who were content with what had been accomplished, and 
the Puritans, who would carry the church farther away 
from its former position. The Puritan belief represented 
a protest against the forms and ceremonies that were so 
prominent, not only in the religious but also in the 
political and social life of the times. They wished 
iY^Q Bible to be the sole guide in church discipline and 



54 



American History 



puritans 
and Sep- 
aratists. 



The policy 
otGtiarles. 



ritual. They would "purify* the se^^^ce of certain 
ceremonies that seemed to them not specifically com- 
mended by the Scriptures: such were the ceremony of 
the mass, the use of vestments, the sign of the cross in 
baptism, and the use of the ring in the marriage ceremony. 
In the matter of church goveiiiinent, the body of Puri- 
tans did not like the official importance assigned to 
bishops, and they would give greater weight to the opinion 
of the laity. 

Upon this question of church government, however, the 
Puritans themselves did not agree. The greater number 
had no desire to withdraw from the Church of England. 
They believed in an established state church to which the 
government should enforce conformity — though they re- 
jsed to conform when their own opinions were not the 
rules to be enforced. A smaller number of Puritans as- 
sumed a radical position in rejecting entirely the belief in a 
state church. These separated themselves from the 
Church of England and formed independent church bodies. 
Denying the right of the government to rule their churches, 
they established the rule of the congregation. Such were 
the Separatists, or Independents, and it was from this body 
that the Pilgrims came. 

The despotically inclined James I (1603-1625) was suc- 
ceeded by his son Charles I, who, in his attempts to rule 
arbitrarily, dissolved Parliament three times within four 
years after his accession to the throne. In the reign of 
James the Puritans were not subjected to more than oc- 
casional punishment for their stubbornness. The Separ- 
atists were more severely treated. The declaration of 
James concerning all dissenters — "I shall make them con-i 
form themselves or I will harry them out of the land, oi? 
else do worse" — was literally realized. And now, under 
Charles, the main body of Puritans anticipated that the 
policy of repression was about to be applied to them. 
For Charles appointed as his chief administrator in church 
matters William Laud (then Bishop of London and 



New England 



bb 



later Archbishop of Canterbury), and "conformity" be- 
came the keynote in Charles's government of the Church 
■)f England. 
It is a cardinal fact in the situation that the party of TheMassa* 

Puritan belief in ^^JJf^"^ 
religion had come Compaay, 
to be also the 
party opposed to 
the absolute rule 
of the Stuart 
monarchs. To 
them, Parliament 
was the bulwark 
of English liber- 
ties, and it was 
with dismay that 
they saw the de- 
termination of 
Charles to rule 
without that body. 
J L The final decision 

/ /? ^ — ' of leading Puri- 
\L/J^^ tans to endure no 
longer the threat- 

ening conditions 
in England and 
to establish a colony in America dates from the dissolution 
by Charles of his third Parliament, March, 1629. Within a 
week from that date the King granted a charter to twenty 
prominent Piu-itans, confirming their title to a strip of land 
between the Charles and the Merrimac Rivers and three 
miles beyond each. This was the incorporation of the 
'^Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay in New 
England." 

Later in the same year, the Company voted at a meeting The grert 
in London to remove the charter and government to their tioru^^ 
colony in America. Consequently, the year 1630 saw the 




Governor Winthrop 

From a painting in the State House, Boston 



56 



American History 



Why the 
charter 
was taken 
to America. 



The Com- 
pany and 
the Colony. 



The gov- 
ernment of 
the colony. 



emigration of a body of one thousand Puritans to the 
region of Massachusetts Bay, bearing with them the form 
of their government and entering at once upon the found- 
ing of ''a new state" in the New World. At the same 
time John Winthrop became governor of the Company. 

The transference of the charter was possible because its terms 
fixed no place for the meetings of the members and officers of 
the Company. It was, to all outward appearance, merely a 
trading corporation organized for gain. No hint of the underly< 
ing purpose was expressed in the charter. This purpose was the 
establishment in America of a new state modelled upon the 
peculiar ideas of the Puritans.* The discovery of this intention 
might lay the Company open to persecution. 

The consequuences following upon the removal of the 
legal residence of the Massachusetts Bay Company to 
America were momentous. By this act the Company be- 
came merged into the colony; for though very few of the 
stockholders (called ^'freemen") actually came to Amer- 
ica, new settlers were admitted to membership in the Com- 
pany, and so the Company tended to become identical with 
the colony. In the provision that each member must be 
an adherent of the Puritan church we see firmly established 
the principle that religious and not commercial consid- 
erations were dominant. These were the freemen — the 
voters — of the colonv. Thus the Puritan element ruled, 
and here the Puritans worked out their ideal common- 
wealth, almost entirely free from outside interference. 

Massachusetts Bay Colony grew rapidly. Soon were 
planted about Boston (founded in 1630), numerous other 
towns — Newtown (Cambridge), Charlestown, Dorchester, 
RoADury, and Watertown. The original provision of the 
charter for the government of the Company included the 
election by the stockholders of a governor, a deputy-gov- 
ernor, and eighteen assistants. There were to be meetings 
of the Company, called general courts, at least four times 



* This was the idea of the men who planned and guided the colony. 
The great mass of emigrants in following these leaders were moved by 
an intelligent purpose to better their economic condition. 



New England 



57 



yearly. These provisions now applied to the government 
of the colony. The scattering of population rendered the 
holding of the general courts impracticable, and there was 







POATES ENGR'S CO., N.Y. 



The New England Colonies 



a tendency on the part of some of the authorities to con- 
trol matters without reference to the colonists. But within 
a fcTv years it came about that each town sent two deputies 



5^ 



American Hwtoty 



Local gov- 
^nment in 



'shusetts. 



The 

Puritan 

^urch. 



to the general court at Boston. The deputies sat firs,, with 
the assistants, and later alone; they then constituted the 
lower house of the colonial legislature, the assistants con- 
stituting the upper house. At the same time the assistants 
were administrative officers, and sat as a judicial body to 
try cases. The governor, the deputy-governor, and the 
assistants were elected by the freemen. The coloiiy was 
thus, in form, a small republic. 

For the government of their towns, the Puritans selected 
certain political forms to which they had been accustomed 
in the mother country. The English town, or parish, 
furnished the model . Selectmen were elected (correspond- 
ing to the church wardens in England) who had general 
oversight of town affairs, both civil and ecclesiastical. 
The parish meetings became town meetings in America, 
to which were admitted not only the freemen of the colony 
(church members), but other landholders as well. For 
conducting the various functions of local government, care 
of the church, schools, poor, roads, boundaries, etc., numer- 
ous officers were elected. These were the clerk, treasurer, 
constables, justices, pound-keepers, fence \dewers, and often 
many others. The town was thus a pure democracy. 

While, for a short time, the Puritans in America claimed 
to continue in allegiance to the Church of England, it is 
not strange that their freedom from restraint, coupled with 
the advice and example of the Plymouth settlers, led them 
to establish their church in America upon an independent 
foundation. We must not infer, however, that the freedom 
which the Puritans sought for themselves they were willing 
to grant to others. The discussions that arose over Roger 
Williams and Mrs. Anne Hutchinson reveal in a strong 
light the intolerance of the Puritans.* 



* *• It was no modern generalized love of liberty, civil or religious, but 
a strenuous desire to find a place where they might make real their ideal 
of church organization that brought the Puritans out of their comfort- 
able nests in England to dwell in poor cabins in a wilderness." Eg- 
gleston, Beginners of a Nation. 197-198. 



New England 59 

Roger Williams, a man of great natural ability and a 'The 
graduate of Cambridge, was a minister in Salem. Here feu^ous* 
he announced a new doctrine; viz., that the King of freedom.* 
England had no right to grant Indian lands in Amer- 
ica to the colonists. It was also Williams's theory 
that the governments of church and state should be 



&^y^^^(^ iKtlcc^S 



Signature of Roger 'ViHiama 

separate instead of united. More specifically, he de- 
nounced the Puritan system of civil laws compelling 
church attendance and the observance of the Sabbath, 
and taxing the people for the support of the church. 
His ideas upon this point were in accord with the prin- 
ciples of our government to-day; but they were precisely 
contrary to the Puritan theory and practice. Wihiams 
was therefore sentenced by the general court to banish- 
ment. Escaping, when they threatened to transport 
him to England, he fled to friendly Indians, in the 
winter of 1635-1636. With four or five companions 
he founded Providence, the first town in the future 
colony of Rhode Island. 

In character Roger Williams was almost above reproach, but 
he was an impractical leader. Far in advance of his age upon the 
great principle of religious toleration, he was yet like his con- 
temporaries in his fondness for abstruse and dogmatic theorizing 
upon many points of theology. To the authorities of Massa- 
chusetts Bay Colony, his banishment seemed necessary as a 
means of curbing the tendency toward religious dissent, which, 
if allowed full play, might destroy the unity and undermine the 
strength of the colony. In the same way certain Presbyteri- 
ans, Baptists, and Quakers of the colony were fined and im- 
prisoned for their dissent. These sects were tolerated in Rhode 



60 



American History 



Island, howe\er, and this colony became 
secuted.* 



refuge for the per* 



The case of 

Mrs. 

Hutchin- 



The for- 
mation of 
Rhode Is- 
land Colo- 
ny. 



Massa- 
chusetts a 
theocracy. 



Mrs. Anne Hutchinson differed from orthodox Puritans 
upon some points in theology with which the modern world 
does not concern itself; and although at one time she had 
the sympathy of the governor of Massachusetts, Sir Henry 
Vane, the leading minister of Boston, John Cotton, and 
a large number of the Boston Puritans, yet she was con- 
demned to banishment. Some of her followers founded 
Newport and Portsmouth in Rhode Island, and later Mrs. 
Hutchinson removed thither. The two towns last men- 
tioned united under a single government. Later, Williams 
went to England and obtained a charter under which, in 
1647, a union was consummated consisting of all the 
Narragansett Bay settlements under the name "Provi- 
dence Plantations." Thus was founded the colony of 
Rhode Island. 

Since the Puritans made the maintenance of religious 
purity and discipline one of the first duties of the civil 
government, it was natural that the ministers should exert 
a dominant influence, f Hence, we have in Massachusetts 
Bay Colony a veritable theocracy. "Like the ecclesi- 
astics of the Middle Ages, the ministers of New England 
were statesmen and political leaders." | This fact, 
coupled with the limitation of the suffrage, gave for many 
years a distinctly aristocratic trend to a government that 
was theoretically democratic. 

Early in the history of New England, the valley of the 
Connecticut River became known for its great fertility 



* "Noe person within tlie sayd colonye, at any tyme hereafter, shall 
bee anywise molested, punished, disquieted, or called in questioa for 
any differences in opinione in matters of religion, and [he] doe not 
actually disturb the civill peace of our sayd colony." Extract from 
Rhode Island Charter of 1662. 

+ Among the ministers of great ability and of learning in the Cal- 
vinistic theology of the times were John Cotton, Richard Mather, and 
Thomas Hooker. 

t Oseood, The American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century. I. 218. 



New England 61 

and for the advantages it offered to fur traders. The 
Dutch (then established at the present site of New York) 
traded there, and in 1633 they planted a fort where Hart- 
ford now stands. 

At this time there arose among the people of Newtown, The settle. \ 
Watertown, and Dorchester a desire to remove to the Con- connectt ^ 
necticut Valley, In 1636, bodies of colonists migrated cut, 
from these towns, and established Hartford, Windsor, and 
Weathersfield. This movement, as it could not very well 
have been prevented, was authorized by the Massa- 
chusetts government. Local control in the new towns 
was provided for temporarily by the appointment of com- 
missioners who were from among the settlers. At the end 
of a year the commissioners called a "general court" to 
which the towns sent deputies ; this was the beginning of a 
colonial government upon an independent basis. 

One of the leaders was Rev. Thomas Hooker, who, in England, 
had been so prominent as a learned and eloquent preacher of 
Puritanism as to merit persecution by Archbishop Laud. Hook- 
er's views of government were more liberal than those upon 
which Massachusetts was founded, and it may be that the dis- 
content which led to the settlement of Connecticut was partly 
caused by the strictness of government in the parent colony. 

The government of Connecticut Colony was formally " The Fun- 
set forth in 1639 by the adoption of ''The Fundamental oXs'' o« 
Orders/* This document consisted of a covenant, like , Connecti- 
that of the Mayflower Compact, and a series of laws for' 
the colony. Since the provisions of the Fundamental 
Orders could be repealed or altered by the general court, 
the document was not, in this respect, a superior authority 
ike the State Constitutions of to-day; but in it there was no 
recognition of any authority, royal or otherwise, except 
that of the people themselves. There was in Connecticut 
no stated religious qualification for citizenship, and no 
officer, the governor alone excepted, need be a member of 
the Puritan church. The governor, assistants, and depu- 
ties were elected by the people; the last constituted a repre* 



62 



American History 



New 
Haven 
Colony 
lettl&d. 



sentative assembly, consisting at first of four deputies from 
each town. The Fundamental Orders were thus the 
framework of a republican commonwealth similar in most 
respects to Massachusetts. 

In 1638, a body of Puritans from England settled on 
Long Island Sound, west of the Connecticut River, and 
called their colony New Haven. The people were Puritans 
of the strictest type; and they now formed a compact for 




Old House in Guilford, 1639 



self-govermnent, admitting only church members to a 
share in it. It was their rule *^ thatt the worde of God shall 
be the onely rule to be attended unto in ordering tha 
affayres of government in this plantation." Here the 
laws of the Old Testament were for a time literally applied 
in the conduct of daily affairs. Later, other towns were 
founded in the same vicinity, and these were united into 
New Haven Colony. A general court, consisting of 
deputies from the several towns conducted the coloniaJ 



New England 63 

government. The absorption of New Haven by Connecti- 
cut removed the peculiarities above mentioned (see p. 88). 

Settlements which were mere fishing and trading Thebegfr- 
stations were established on the coasts of what are now the Mahie^antf 
States of Maine and New Hampshire before the settle- New 
ment of Massachusetts Bay Colony. Traders carried to shire.^ 
England, lumber, fish, furs, and whale oil, and brought 
back liquors, guns, and ammunition for barter with the 
Indians. In the early history of this region there was a 
complicated series of disputes as to its ownership between 
Massachusetts and various grantees (especially Sir Fer- 
nando Gorges and John Mason) who had received patents 
of land north of the Merrimac River. 

ENGLISH AND COLONIAL HISTORY, 1640-1660 

The period of Charles Ts personal rule (1629-1640) was Charles 1 
followed in 1642 by civil war. The forces of the King, and the 
the Royalists, were arrayed against those of Parliament, 
the Puritans. The war was originally a struggle for con- 
stitutional goverimient under a monarchy; but in the course 
of time, under the leadership of the extreme Puritans, or 
Independents, it became a struggle for a republican gov- 
ernment. The success of this party was followed by the 
execution of Charles I (1649) and the establishment of the 
Commonwealth, with Oliver Cromwell as its central figure. 
This was a time of turbulence and disorder, requiring, 
doubtless, a rule of much harshness. Consequently, the 
enemies of the Puritan government had little, if any, more 
peace than was formerly allowed to the Puritans themselves. 

The English people became dissatisfied with this state TheResiO' 
of affairs, especially when Richard Cromwell (1658-1660) [J^^^, 
showed his incapacity for the position occupied by his 
father. The overthrow of the Commonwealth and the 
establishment of Charles Ps son on the throne as Charles II 
were then easily accomplished. This (1660) was the res- 
toration of the Stuart dynasty to the throne of England. 



64 



American History 



aesults ia 
America. 



The New 
England 
Confedera- 
tion(1643). 



Inflaence 



Virginia 
during the 
Oommon* 
wealth. 



These events of English history affected in important 
ways the course of colonial history. At the outbreak of 
the Civil War the Puritan migration to America ceased. 
The population of the New England colonies, at that 
lime about 30,000, was almost exclusively Puritan, and 
hence there existed among them strong bonds of sym- 
pathy. This was especially true concerning Massachusetts, 
Plymxouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, where the Puri- 
tan church was supreme. Under the pressure of com- 
mon dangers these four colonies formed, in 1643, the New 
England Confederation. The dangers referred to were: 

(1) Indian attacks, the Narragansetts and Mohegans 
being particularly restless and liable to cause troTible. 

(2) The territory occupied by Connecticut was still claimed 
by the Dutch. ;3) Among themselves the colonies had 
boundary disputes. The Confederation was formed for 
defence at a time when the English Government could 
render no assistance, and ''for preserving and propagating 
the tru'hs of the gospel." The settlements on the New 
Hampshire coast and those of Rhode Island were refused 
admission to the Confederation because they did not con- 
form to the strict Puritan ideal of religion and governnient. 

The governing body of the Confederation was a board com- 
posed of two members from each of the four colonies. Its powers 
were largely advisory; the actual execution of its requirements, 
such as the raising of troops and of money, rested with the vari- 
ous colonial authorities. The Confederation, however, exercised 
great influence on numerous occasions. Besides settling the 
boundary dispute with the Dutch, it held the Indians in check, 
and gave advice and assistance to the general courts of the 
colonies in supporting Harvard College and in attacking the 
Quakers. After 1664, when New Haven was absorbed by Con- 
necticut, its activities became feeble, and the end of its existence 
came when, in 1684, the Massachusetts charter was annulled. 

In 1652, commissioners representing Parliament arrived 
in Virginia and demanded recognition of the Puritan 
government in England. This was granted, since peace 
and industrial prosperity were the main objects of the 



New England 65 

colonists' desires. The House of Burgesses assumed con- 
trol of the colonial government, and they were now free to 
elect their own governor, without interference by English 
authorities. 

It was at this time that the defeated Royalists, or The Cava- 
Cavaliers, came in great numbers to Virginia. The popu- ihe^^rotti- 
lation rose from 15,000 in 1648 to 38,000 in 1670. More- of virginii. 
over, this meant a great increase in the numbers of certain 
classes of settlers — the high-born and the wealthy. Such 
settlers there had been before in Virginia, but now this be- 
came the dominant class. Their coming brought about 
a change in the character of Virginian society, giving to it 
that aristocratic tone for which it became no+ed. It also 
resulted in the firm establishment and extension of the 
large plantation system of industry. F'or now large grants 
of land became common and the demand for labor to 
clear the forests and to plant tobacco brought to the 
colony an increasing number of slaves and indentured 
servants. 

The restoration of the Stuarts was welcomed in Virginia. 
The Assembly elected Sir William Berkeley governor, 
and he soon secured a royal commission. 

The history of toleration in Maryland was influenced How 
by the trend of events in England, and by the fact that a England* 
large proportion of the inhabitants, probably three-fourths, affected 
were Protestants.* In 1648, Lord Baltimore, seeking to 
gain the favor of Parliament, and thus to hold his pos- 
sessions more securely, appointed a Protestant governor 
for Maryland; the next year he drew up a "Toleration 
Act " which was promptly enacted by the Assembly as the 
law of the colony. Under this act, any believer in ^he 
Trinity might peacefully reside in Maryland. In accord- 
ance with the spirit of the times, blasphemy and denial of 

* Many Puritans who had settled in Virginia under the liberal regime 
of the London Company, were forced to leave there during the period 
of the Civil War. They found refuge under the tolerant rule of Lord 
Baltimore, 



66 American History 

the Trinity were punishable with death, and the con-> 
fis cation of property. 

During the period of the Commonwealth, the Protestants 
obtained control of Maryland, denied to Lord Baltimore 
his rights, and enacted laws of great severity against the 
Catholics. A civil war on a small scale resulted. Fort- 
unately, under Cromwell's influence, the rights of the 
proprietor were restored in 1657, and with this came the 
firm establishment of the rule of toleration. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

Plymouth. — 1. General References. Thwaites, The Colonies, 
113-124. Fisher, The Colonial Era, 88-100. Lodge, Short 
History of the English Colonies, 341-342. 

2. The Pilgrims in England and Holland. Fiske, Beginnings 
of New England, 66-75. Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation, 
163-171. Bancroft, History of the U. S., I, 194-206. 

3. The detailed story of the Mayflower's voyage and the land- 
ing. Drake, On Plymouth Rock. Drake, Making of New Eng- 
land, 67-87. Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 79-87. Eg- 
gleston, Beginners of a Nation, 172-181. Bancroft, I, 206-214. 

4. Hart, Contemporaries, I, Why the Pilgrims left Holland, 
No. 97 The Compact, No. 98. Bradford's account of the 
first landing. No. 99. Life in Plymouth, No. 100. 

5. Make a comparison of Jamestown and Plymouth settlers as 
to motives, stability of purpose, the common stock arrangement. 

6. Explain the form in which the date of the Pilgrims' final 
landing is stated as " December 11-21, 1620." See Earned, Hist- 
ory for Ready Reference under *' Calendar," also, Encyclopaedias. 

7. Fiction. Austin, Standish of Standish. Betty Alden. 
The Puritans. — 1. Religious sects in England. Fiske, Be= 

ginnings, 43-72. Eggleston, Beginners, 98-107. Fisher, 85-88. 
Gardiner, History of England, 470-472. Green, History of the 
English People, 460-472. Bourne, European Background of 
American History, 221-229. 

.2. Charles I and his policy. Eggleston, 191-199. Fiske, 
97-101. Gardiner, England, 502-511; 516-520. Green, Eng- 
land, 495-505. 

Massachusetts Bay Colony. — 1. General. Thwaites, 124-140, 



New England ' 67 

Fisher, 100-114. Lodge, 343-347. Fiske, 101-106. Ban- 
croft, I, 230-238. 

2. Compare Plymouth and Massachusetts as to number and 
character of settlers. 

3. Church policy. Eggleston, 212-215. Fiske, 108-109, 

4. Roger Williams. Lodge, 347-348. I'iske, 114-116. Eg- 
gleston, 267-275, 297-298. Bancroft, I, 249-256. 

5. Mrs. Hutchinson. Eggleston, 329-341. Fiske, 116-120. 
Bancroft, I, 259-264. Account of her trial, Hart, Contempora- 
ries, I, No. 108. 

6. How the general court came to consist of two houses, 
Fiske, 106-108. 

7. Fiction. Stimson, King Noanett. 

Connecticut — 1. General. Thwaites, 140-146. Fisher, 126- 
133. Lodge, 373-375. Eggleston, 316-326. Fiske, 122-128. 

2. Compare the views of Winthrop and Hooker. Fiske, 124. 
Compare the views of Cotton and Hooker. Eggleston, 320-322. 

3. How did Massachusetts and Connecticut differ in the proc- 
ess by which their colonial governments came about ? 

4. The Fundamental Orders. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 
120. MacDonald, Select Charters, I, 60-65. 

5. Fiction. Holland, The Bay Path. 

Rhode Island.— TYmaJiies, 146-150. Fisher, 114-116; 123- 
124. Lodge, 385-386. 

New Haven. — Fiske, 134-139. Tyler, England in America, 
60-64. 

Maine and New Hampshire. — Lodge, 397-405. Thwaites, 
150-153. 

The New England Confederation. — Fiske, 155; 158-160. 
Thwaites, 154-159; 161-164. Drake, Making of New England, 
241-243. 

Further source material upon these colonies is found in Jamas 
and Mann Readings in American History, chap. 5. 



CHAPTER VI 
FURTHER ENGLISH COLONIZATION 

NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY 

The begin- The struggle between England and Spain in the lattei 
Dufch*ex- part of the sixteenth century (see pp. 34-35), was contempo- 
pioration raneous with Spain's wars against her revolted Dutch pos- 
zatioii. sessions. When Spain absorbed Portugal, in 1580, and 
took possession of her colonies and trading posts in the 
far East, Dutch traders were extensively engaged in carry- 
ing Eastern products from Lisbon to the ports of northern 
Europe. This lucrative traffic being broken up as a re- 
sult of the Dutch revolt (1579), the latter were forced to send 
their vessels to the East in order to maintain their carrying 
trade. Here they took possession of many islands and 
trading pjosts that had formerly belonged to Portugal.* 
Various trading companies were organized as instrument? 
for pushing Dutch commercial interests and at the same 
time for weakening the power of Spain. 
Thp voy- Among these the most important was the Dutch East 

a?e of India Company (1602). Dutch navigators did not confine 

Hudsoa their Eastern voyages to the route around Africa, but sailed 
609. around South America f and across the Pacific to Austral- 

asia. They were also bent upon finding a northern route 
around Europe, and it was upbn the search for this route 

* Among these were the Moluccas, Java, and other islands still owned 
by the Dutch. 

t Cape Horn was named from a Dutch captain; New Zealand and 
Tasmania are also Dutch names. 

6^ 



Further English Colonization 69 

ihat Henry Hudson was sent (1609) by the Dutch East India 
Company. Failing to accomplish h's object, he turned 
westward across the Atlantic in the hope that a passage to 
A.sia might be found through America.* Hudson sailed 
into Delaware Bay and then into the beautiful New 
York Harbor and up the Hudson River as far as the site 
of Albany. In this vicinity he remained for several weeks, 
trading with the Indians. 

Following Hudson's voyage, several trading posts were 
established, the present sites of New York and Albany 
being occupied as early as 1613-1614. 

Any extensive policy of trade and colonization authorized by Dutch 
the Dutch government would involve the danger of irritating coloniza. 
Spain; for a truce between these countries had been made in ^j^^^^^ 
1609 which was to last for twelve years. During this period, begun 
therefore, the peace party in Holland opposed the renewal of 
aggressions against Spain. The year 1621, however, saw the 
incorporation of the Dutch West India Company, which pur- 
posed to renew the war against Spain by attacking its fleets 
and colonies in American waters, f This Company was given the 
monopoly of Dutch trade on the coasts of Africa and America, 
and it had authority to colonize unoccupied regions. 

Amonsr the objects that brought about the Dutch West The Dutcs 
India Company, viz., war, trade, and colonization, the last compaay ' 
was of least importance. But colonists were sent out and and its 
several trading posts, each protected by a fort, were planted 
on the Delaware, Hudson, and Connecticut rivers; Fort 
Nassau, opposite the present site of Philadelphia, and Fort 
Orange, where Albany now stands, being the most im- 
portant. Thus the limits of the colony of New Netherland 
were established between the Delaware River on the west 
and the Connecticut on the east. In 1626, the Company 
sent out settlers with a Director-General, Minuit, who 

* John Smith was at this time searching for the isthmus that was sup- 
posed to separate the Atlantic from the Pacific in about latitude 40° N., 
and he had written a letter to Hudson suggesting that it might be found 
north of Virginia. 

t Between 1623 and 1638 the Dutch captured 545 Spanish and Portu- 
guese vessels and gained possessions in South America and Africa. 



posts in 
New 
Nether= 
land. 



70 



American History 



Settlement 
ttnder the 
patroons. 



Sndepea- 
dent set- 
tlers and 
Indian 

letations. 



purchased Manhattan Island and founded New Am* 
sterdam. 

These settlements were at first of slow growth. In 
1629, the Company began inducing the migration of agri- 
cultural settlers by the establishment of the "patroon sys- 
tem." Individuals who would undertake to bring fifty 
adult settlers were given grants of land extending eight 
miles on both sides of a river, or sixteen miles on one side, 
and back into the country indefinitely. While the patroons 
were to be subject to the regulations of the Company in the 
matters of trade and war, they were given powers of local 
government over their settlers; so that the system re- 
sembled in some ways the feudal customs of Europe. 
Very few patroonships were ever established, and the most 
of these were bought up by the Company. This, like 
other plans for settlements in America where the colonists 
were made closely dependent upon large land owners, was 
a failure and had little influence upon the life of the colony. 
In later years, however, both the Dutch and their successors, 
the English, granted large estates, or manors, and these 
were, of course, worked by tenants. 

The trend of economic life in New Netherland was de- 
cidedly influenced when, in 1638, the trade monopoly of 
the West India Company was abolished in this colony. 
The profitable fur trade and the rich lands were now open 
to all settlers. Immigration soon increased rapidly. 
Settlers came from many European countries and from 
neighboring English colonies. When Connecticut and 
New Haven were settled, the Dutch lost their trading posts 
on the Connecticut River. From the time of Hudson's 
voyage the most friendly relations existed between the 
Dutch traders and the Iroquois Indians of the upper 
Hudson and Mohawk valleys. The latter eagerly seized 
the opportunity to acquire European blankots, utensils, 
guns, and rum in exchange for their furs; and this fact 
became of great importance in our colonial history. (See 
chapter VIII.) But along the lower Hudson the Algonquin 



Further English Colonization 71 

tribes and the settlers clashed, and terrible Indian wars en- 
sued. Eventually the Indians were driven back. 

Since colonization was but a minor interest with the Govern- 
Dutch West India Company, it established at the begin- ™g"^g^^ 
ning a government that was ''fit only for a trading post.''" India 
The bankruptcy of the Company and the consequent lack ^^P^^y* 
of attention to its colony account for the continuance of 
this bad system. The chief feature of New Netherland's 
goverimient was the autocratic rule of the governor 
(called the Director-General). He and his council of five 
members absorbed all local powers, legislating upon lands, 
trade, taxes, defence, and all minor matters, and admin- 
istering its own regulations through subordinate officials. 
Finally, they sat as the highest court of ci\il and criminal 
jurisdiction. The arbitrariness of the Governors Kieft and 
Stuyvesant led to attempts on the part of the settlers to 
secure a representative assembly and such liberal methods 
of government as they saw enjoyed in the neighboring 
English colonies. But the governors successfully resisted 
the permanent establishment of such reforms. In the 
towns and villages, however, a considerable degree of local 
self-govermnent prevailed. 

The territory theoretically belonging to New Netherland was The 
encroached upon when, in 1638, the Swedes founded a trading Swedes In 
post and fort on the Delaware River — Fort Christiana. The Delaware, 
part taken by Sweden in the great European struggle known as 
the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) brought her into intimate 
contact with the other countries of northern Europe and stimu- 
lated the ambition of her ruler, Gustavus Adolphus, to follow the 
example of other countries in founding a colonial system. The 
Swedish settlements flourished as long as the Dutch and Swedish 
governments were allied in the Thirty Years' War. Soon after 
its close Governor Stuyvesant sent a military expedition that 
conquered the Delaware Bay posts and incorporated them into 
New Netherland. 

The English, because of their alliance mth Holland, Slhe*"^ 
left the Dutch colony undisturbed upon soil claimed Dutch 
by virtue of the Cabot voyages. This alliance be- English. 




IVew Netherland in 1656 



Further English Colonization 73 

gan in their common str';;gle against Spain and was 
strengthened by ties of kinship, reUgion, and political inter- 
est. Then, too, the years of active Dutch colonization 
were years of strife and war in England. After the Stuart 
restoration of 1660, these conditions gave place to a bitter 
trade ri/al^ry between these nations. The English Na\dga- 
tion Act of 1651 (see p. 85), aimed directly at the Dutch 
trade, was followed by war between the two countries. 
Soon after Charles II came to the throne, his brother James, 
the Duke of York, together with several other prominent 
Englishmen, led in a movement for the investigation of this 
trade rivalry by a committee of the House of Commons. 
The result was the secret determination of Charles to force 
a war upon the Dutch by first seizing New Netherland. 

This territory was granted to the Duke of York in spite of The En?- 
the fact that the English, by their failure to occupy it, had Ijuer New 
no valid claim. An expedition, consisting of three vessels Nether- 
carrying troops, was sent to Massachusetts and thence to ^^ * 
New Amsterdam, where it appeared in August, 1664. 
Since this force greatly exceeded the force at Governor 
Stuyvesant's command, and since the colonists were rather 
glad to exchange the illiberal Dutch rule for the prospect 
of better government under the English, the city was re- 
luctantly surrendered, and New Netherland became 
New York. 

The failure of the Dutch nation to maintain a vigorous Causes for 
colony may be attributed to their small population and orthe^coa- 
lack of colonizing spirit. But New Netherland was the quest. 
victim of neglect at the hands of the West India Company, 
which had spent its resources in the strife against Spain. 
From the English standpoint the conquest of New Nether- 
land was a great gain, and its results were beneficial in the 
highest degree, though the means employed were question- 
able. A check was put upon Dutch participation in col- 
onial trade; the valuable fur trade was secured; and the 
middle coasf of North America no longer sheltered a rival 
colonizing power. 



74 



American History 



James's 
govern- 
ment of 
New York. 



The settle- 
ment of 
New 
Jersey. 



The Duke of York exercised In his colony a very com* 
plete autocratic power, especially during the administra- 
tion of Edmund Andros (1674-1681). He, like Stuyvesant, 
was a zealous servant of his master and a faithful executive. 
Against this system the colonists, especially the increasing 
English element, persistently complained, and finally, in 
1683, the Duke established an elective assembly with power 
to tax the colony. In 1685, when the Duke became James 
II of England, he reverted to his former ideas of absolut- 
ism, and during his reign no more assemblies were elected. 

People of many nationalities came to New York. jMost 
prominent, besides the Dutch, were the English, Hugue- 
nots, and Jews. Agriculture yielded a surplus of provisions, 
while trade with the Indians and with European countries 
became an important industry. 

Soon after the Duke of York received the grant of his 
new colony he granted in turn a large part of it to two of 
his favorites, Berkeley and Carteret, who were officially 
prominent in the restored kingdom at home. Their land 
lay between the Hudson and the Delaware rivers, and 
was destined to become New Jersey. This colony con- 
tained a mixed population of Dutch, English, and Swedes. 
Many Puritans from New England settled there. In the 
western part, on the Delaware River, prominent Quakers 
of England purchased land, and to this region came large 
numbers of their people. East New Jersey was also, for a 
time, the property of Quakers w^ho endeavored to found here 
a colonial refuge for their sect. Owing to endless disputes 
over the rights of the various proprietors and disputes with 
New York over boundaries and trade, no consistent policy 
was carried out in the development or government of the 
colony. New Jersey was surrendered to the crown in 1702. 



THE CAROLINAS 

Revival of When the Restoration brought comparative quiet to Eng- 
schemes^fn land there was a renewal of the earlier interest in coloniza- 
England. ^^Qn on the part of the government and those closely associ- 



Further English Colonization 



75 



ated with it. To some of those loyal friends who had assisted 
him in the recovery of his throne, Charles II gave (1663) the 
region south of Virginia now occupied by the Carolinas. 

Two of the grantees, Sir John Colleton and Lord Ashley (later 
famous as the Earl of Shaftesbury) were interested in a project 
to reheve the distress of settlers in Barbadoes by colonizing them 
upon the continent. Other 
proprietors were the Earl 
of Clarendon and Sir 
George Carteret. The mo- 
tives of the proprietors 
were commercial; this was 
a revival of the earlier 
hopes of profits from the 
planting of colonies. 




The Carolina Grant by Charter of 1665 



The northern part of 
the Carolina grant had 
not lacked settlers be- 
fore 1663. This,asFiske 
points out, was the fron- 
tier of Virginia. Here 
came indentured ser- 
vants upon becoming 
free, now forming an industrious small farmer class. With 
them came also an undesirable element, such as criminals people and 
and debtors escaping from justice. The growth of this Al- ^sf^j.^^ 
bemarle settlement was slow. Having no good port on CarolinA. 
the ocean, their communication was chiefly through Vir- 
ginia. The settlers were widely scattered on small farms 
along the rivers, there was little social contact, and the 
colony long retained its ''back-woods" stamp. Early in 
its history, many Quakers, driven from New England and 
other places, came to North Carolina. Numerous Puritans 
also settled here. 

The history of the Carolinas under the proprietors be- Chariestoo 
gins with the founding of Charleston* by a company of ^gyQ^^ 

* Not at its present site, but a short distance southward across the 
Ashley River. 



76 



American History 



settlers sent out from England and reenforced by others 
from Barbadoes and the Bahamas. Besides these, nmny 
immigrants came from other European countries. 



Hu?ue« 
nots. 



Germans. 



Swiss. 



In two respects the pohcies of Louis XIV of France were fav- 
orable to the English colonies: (1) His revocation of the Edict 
of Nantes (1685) drove from France many of those Protestants 
called Huguenots, whose political and religious rights had been 
secured by that instrument. They became numerous in South 
Carolina, and here "they formed an excellent and influential 
part of the population, were wealthy and of high social position, 
and their descendants were conspicuous in the history of the 
State." * 

(2) The war of Louis XIV against the German Palatinate 
(1689), resulting in the terrible devastation of that province, is 
responsible for another emigration to America. The Palatinate 
Germans came to various colonies, including the Carolinas, and 
constituted a substantial element among the farming population. 

Swiss settlers also came to the Carolinas, under Baron von 
Graffenried, and founded New Berne, a reminder of one of Switz- 
erland's chief cities. 



Social and 
economic 
life in the 

Carolinas 



South Carolina presented a strong contrast to North 
Carolina in its social and economic conditions. The life of 
the former centered in (Charleston. Large plantations were 
the rule; for among the settlers many were wealthy, and 
some bore titles. Plantation life was not isolated, as in 
Virginia; many of the planters lived in Charleston. Those 
who came from Barbadoes had been accustomed there to 
slavery, and soon South Carolina had more negroes than 
whites. In North Carolina, on the other hand, slaves 
were not numerous. 

Rice came to be the principal product of the southern 
colony, and when this was planted in excess indigo proved 
to be more profitable. Besides these products, tobacco, 
lumber, and beef, were exported. In contrast with the 
crude social conditions existing in North Carolina, the 
other colony had much social life and a comparatively 
high degree of refinement. 

* Lodge, Short History of the English Colonies. 173. 



Further English Colonization 



77 



tion.' 



The policy of the proprietors in granting toleration to all "Tne 
sects encouraged the influx of diverse elements and nation- ^entaf 
all ties. Politically, their policy was anything but liberal; ConsUtu* 
it was distinctly intended to be aristocratic. The founda- 
tion for the government of Carolina was ''The Funda- 
m'jntal Constitution/' drawn up by Lord Shaftesbury and 
his secretary, John Locke, in 1669. This was a theoretical 




Charleston, South Carolina 

From Dapper's America, Amsterdam, 1673 



schema, for the erection in the colony of various govern- 
mental aivisions and the creation of numerous officials and 
orders of nobility.* The political institutions thus es- 
tablished tvere arbitrary, the minute division of classes was 
undemocirdtic, the numerous officers and the authority 
vested in ihem were burdensome. In brief, this plan was 
made in England regardless of the actual needs of the set- 
tlers. As Lodge says, the foremost practical politician and 
the foremost philosopher of England united their abilities in 
its construction, and the result was "a simple absurdity." 

* Since no titles might be used similar to those employed in England, 
the terms Palatine, Landgrave, and Cacique were applied to orders of 
Officers and nobiJUy. 



78 



American History 



Struggles 
under rep- 
resentativi 
govern- 
ment 
in South 
Carolina. 



Troubles 
in North 
Carolina. 



The charter of 1663 provided that the laws of Carolina 
should be enacted '*by and with the advice, assent and ap- 
probation of the freemen," who were to meet either in 
person or by their representatives. Accordingly, an As- 
sembly was early established, and the later history of 
South Carolina is filled with accounts of its struggles to 
maintain and to extend its rights. The Assembly at first 
absolutely refused assent to the Fundamental Constitution, 
since it had no part in framing this document. It also suc- 
ceeded in its resistance to the proprietors' plan for having 
all laws first passed by the council, which consisted of the 
proprietors' appointees. It secured the right to elect some 
of the colonial officers, and thus it added to its power. 
The Assembly finally secured the right to originate all bills 
for raising revenue. 

In North Carolina, also, there were many long and 
complicated disputes between the people and the governors. 
Before the publication of the Fundamental Constitution, 
a government had grown up in North Carolina, and the 
interruption of its natural development by the imposition 
of an arbitrary scheme was hotly resented by the unruly 
settlers. The Fundamental Constitution was a dead 
letter in that colony from the beginning. In 1678, and 
again ten years later, there were rebellions in the course of 
which the governors were driven from the colony. North 
Carolina suffered from a succession of bad governors, the 
greater number of whom were favorites of the proprietors, 
more bent upon their own gain than upon establishing the 
prosperity of the colony. 

There was also much friction arising from attempts to 
enforce the navigation laws in North Carolina. The lead- 
ing products were tobacco, rice, indigo, lumber, tar, and 
turpentine. Much of the surplus was exported from 
Norfolk or through Charleston. But a considerable 
amount was picked up by New England ships along the 
larger rivers at the planters' wharves. In this trade the 
duties imposed by the navigation acts were uniformlj' 



Further English Colonization 



79 



evaded. Every attempt on the part of the authorities to 
enforce the lavr resuUed in disorder and met with meagre 



success . 



PENNSYLVANIA AND uELAWARE 



Before the founding of Pennsylvania, many Quakers 
aad settled in Rhode Island, North Carolina, and Mary- 
land. The Jerseys were for a time under Quaker control. 

Among the men 
who organized the 
Quaker colony in 
West Jersey was 
William Penn, a 
man of high social 
position in Eng- 
land ; and his inter- 
est in this enterprise 
led to the founding 
of a new colony as 
"A Holy Experi- 
ment'' in govern- 
ment. 

During the reign wniiam 
of Charles II, the f^^'ll^''^ 
Quakers in Eng- lations 

1 J «. 1 with the 

land suftered per- gtuart 

WilUam Penn secution, especially monarchs 

for violations of 
the conventicle act.* Not less severe were the social pen- 
alties inflicted upon them because of their peculiar doctrines 
and behavior. For the son of Admiral Penn of the English 
Navy, who stood high in the esteem of the Stuart monarchs, 
to adhere to this despised sect and yet to retain his social 
position was evidence of strong character and marked 

* Among other restricucns this forbade the assembling of dissenting 
sects. See histories of England. The Quakers, like the Catholics, were 
oenalized for not attending services of the Established Church. 




80 



American History 



ability. With the Duke of York, Charles IFs brother, 
Penn was especially intimate. Admiral Penn had loaned 
money to Charles II, but the debt had been repudiated. 
This loss and other financial reverses had reduced his son's 
fortune considerably. 
When the latter ap- 
plied to the King for 
a grant of land in 
America, his influ- 
ence at court readily 
secured the favor 
(1681). 

Quaker In their religious be- 

beliefe. liefs the Quakers may 

be regarded as Puritans 
of an extreme type. 
Not satisfied with the 
repudiation of outward 
censmonies, they abol- 
ished Hkewise the min- 
istry; for it was a car- 
dinal tenet of their faith 
that spiritual guidance 
came direct to each in- 
dividual and was mani- 
fested in him by the 
" inner light " that pro- 
ceeded from God him- 
self. This source of 
inspiration took the 
place of the Puritans' 
Bible as interpreted by 
their chosen ministers. 

It was a logical consequence of this belief that religious toleration 
should prevail among Quakers. In political matters, democracy 
alone was compatible with this view of religion. The Quakers 
would abolish all social ranks and distinctions. 

Pfeon's Penn*s grant of land, after many disputes over bounda- 

grant and j.jgg^ ^^g finally restricted to the limits of the present State 

of Pennsylvania. His charter contained limitations noi 




The Middle Colonies 



Further English Colonization S\ 

found in those of other proprietary colonies, such as the 
requirement that all laws should be submitted to the ap- 
proval of the government in England, and that the people 
might have the right of appeal in judicial cases to the King 
in Council. These restrictions and the obligation to en- 
force the navigation laws may be regarded as safeguards 
that the experience of the English Government in dealing 
with the other proprietary colonies seemed to justify. 

In 1681, the first body of colonists w^ere located on the The colony 
Delaware River, and the following year Penn's surveyor anTDeia- 
laid out Philadelphia upon a healthful site, admirably ware 
adapted for commerce. Penn himself came in 1682 to 
superintend personally the founding of his colony. In 
this region there were already a thousand prosperous 
Dutch and Swede settlers. In view of commercial ad- 
vantages, Penn secured as an addition to his grant the land 
on Delaware Bay now constituting the State of Delaware- 
Quakers came to Pennsylvania in great numbers, and pros- 
perity began from the very first. 

Penn was much interested in the political theorizing rhe 
prevalent at this time, and his ''Frame of Government" QoverrK.** 
for Pennsylvania reflects much conscientious thought, ment." 
Unlike some other proprietors, he made no effort to en- 
large his own prerogatives, but rather sought to favor 
popular rights. The people, said he, must rule. "Any 
government is free to the people under it, whatever be the 
frame, where the laws rule and the people are a party to 
those laws, and more than this is tyranny, oligarchy, or 
confusion." In accordance with this principle, Penn at 
once called a legislature consisting of an Assembly and a 
Council, both elective. In the distribution of powers 
among the Assembly, the Council, and the Governor, 
Penn's plans did not work out successfully ; so that after 
Ss departure from the colony (1684) many disputes arose. 
.*3 the outcome of these, the Assembly eventually secured 
the right to initiate bills, while the Council became ap- 
pointive and lost its power to share in legislation. So 



82 



American History 



tinlight- 
ened gov 
-jrnment. 



Non- Eng- 
lish colon- 
ists. 



the legislature of this colony came to be composed of 
only one house. 

In Pennsylvania no religious sect had cause to feel re- 
straint. A broad humane spirit is shown in the fact that 
the laws provided capital punishment for only two offences 
— murder and treason.* Other laws established prisons 
and an insane asylum where some regard should be shown 
for the decent treatment of their inmates and for the re- 
form of criminals — ideas far in advance of the times. 

The English colonists constituted but one-half of Penn- 
sylvania's population. Swedes, Finns, and Dutch con- 
tinued to come, while thither flocked many Welsh and 
Palatinate Germans. f German Mennonites and other 
sects having beliefs in harmony with that of the Quakers 
were invited to the colony and found there a congenial 
Industries, ho'^^. Although agriculture was the chief industry in 
Pennsylvania, grain and cattle being exported in large 
quantities, commerce flourished from the beginning and 
the manufacture of many articles was begun^ 

Penn's dealings with the Indians, no less than his legislation, 
reflect his peace-loving and humane disposition. Here, as else- 
where in the colonies, pains were taken to purchase Indian lands, 
and Penn proposed a board of arbitration for the settlement of 
disputes, but this was not realized. The freedom of the colonists 
from Indian troubles is owing partly to the Quakers' dislike of 
violence and their sense of justice; and partly to the fact that 
their neighbors, the Delaware Indians, had been subjugated by 
the powerful Iroquois, the Englishmen's friends. 

Penn*s influence at the court of Charles II, and his 
friendship with James II had important consequences 
When Charles II began the process of nullifying charters 
(see post, p. 89), that of Pennsylvania was not touched. 
When James II consolidated the northern colonies (see 

* Later, other crimes, raising the number to fourteen, were added. 
Contrast this with the contemporary list of two hundred capital crimes 
in England. 

t Penn had travelled in Germany, 'and he wrote letters and sent descrip- 
tive pamphlets to induce immigration to Pennsvlvania. 



Relations 
with the 
Indians. 



Further English Colonization 83 

post, p. 89), Pennsylvania was left Independent. This 
colony soon ranked third in population, Virginia and 
Massachusetts alone exceeding it; while Philadelphia be- 
came the largest city in the thirteen English colonies. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

New Yfyrk.—l. General. Thwaltes, The Colonies, 196-203. 
Fisher, The Colonial era, 177-193. Lodge, Short History of 
English Colonies, 285-288; 294-297. 

2. Henn^ Hudson. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies In 
America, T, 82-95. Drake, Making of Virginia and the Middle 
Colonies, 108-116. 

3. Why the English conquered New Netherland. Andrews, 
Colonial Self-government, 74-81. 

4. Stuyvesant and the End of Dutch rule. Drake, 135-145. 
Reasons for the surrender. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 155. 

New Jersey.— 1. General. Fisher, 194-198. Thwaites, 210- 
214. 

2. Drake, Making of Virginia, etc., East New Jersey, 161- 
169. West New Jersey, 169-176. 

The Carolinas. — 1. General. Thwaltes, 89-95. Fisher, 76- 
81. Lodge. North Carolina, 132-139. South Carolina, 158-162. 

2. The Fundamental Constitutions. MacDonald, Select Char- 
ters, I, 149-168. Fiske, Old Virginia, II, 273-276. Earned, 
Ready Reference, 2425-2426. 

3. The effect of geographical conditions in North Carolina, 
Fiske, Old Virginia, II, 308-311. Life and Industries, 311-322. 
In South Carolina, 322-333. 

4. Life in North Carolina, Lodge, 152-157. In South Caro- 
lina, 179-186. 

5. A description of South Carolina. Hart, Contemporaries, II, 
No. 34. 

Pennsylvania.. — 1. General. Fisher, Colonial Era, 199-206. 
Thwaites, The Colonies, 114-120. Lodge, English Colonies, 
199-206. Wilson, American People, I, 300-313. 

2. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies, II. Penn's early life 
and his religious ideas, 114-120. The Colony, II, 147-158; 306- 
312; 324-329. Indian relations, II, 158-166. See also Fiske, 
Beginnings of New England, 205-206. 



84 American History 

3. Penn and his grant. Andrews, Colonial Self-government, 
162-169. 

4. The charter. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies, II, Ap- 
pendix, II. MacDonald, Select Charters, 183-190. 

5. Penn's Frame of Government (1682), MacDonald, 192-199. 
That of 1683, 199-204. That of 1696, 217-222. 

6. Hart, Contemporaries, I. Conditions in Pennsylvania, No 
161. The Indian Treaty, No. 162. The Germans, No. 163. 

7. Pennsylvania, New York, and the Carolinas are treated ir 
James and Mann, Readings in American History,, chap. 6, 



CHAPTER Vn 

THE COLONIES AFTER THE RESTORATION— 

1660-1690 

The early neglect of colonial affairs by the English The navt 
Government under the first two Stuarts was followed by a f^^'^" 
more definite policy of control begun during the Common- 
wealth and developed after the Restoration. The navi- 
gation acts were a part of this policy. In the middle of 
the seventeenth century, Holland was the greatest com- 
mercial nation of Europe, the Dutch carrying three- 
fourths of England's commerce. Great quantities of to- 
bacco were shipped in Dutch bottoms from Virginia to 
England and Holland. An act of Parliament, passed in 
1651, required that all goods brought to England from 
Asia, Africa, or America, should be carried by English or 
colonial ships. This act reflects the ambitious policy of 
Cromwell and struck a blow at Dutch maritime prosper- 
ity.* It was, however, only loosely enforced during the 
period of the Commonwealth. After the Restoration 
Parliament renewed this act and added further restrictions 
(1660). Certain colojiial products (called enumerated 
articles), including sugar, tobacco, dye-woods, and indigo 
could be shipped only -to England or to other English 
colonies. t In 1663, an act provided that all goods brought 

* This and other causes resulted in a war between the two nations, the 
first of a series in which the Dutch lost their maritime supremacy. 

t These were articles that could not be produced in England. The list 
of enumerated goods was changed many times during the next one hun" 
dred years. Molasses and rice were later added, and then rice was allowed 
to be shipped to ports of southern Europe. 

85 



86 



American History 



Their 
purpose. 



Some ef- 
fects of the 
laws. 



Bad con- 
ditions in 
Virginia. 



to the colonies must come from or through English ports,. 
By an act of 1672 goods shipped from one colony to another 
must either go by way of England or pay a high duty in 
colonial ports. 

English merchants and ship owners were to reap the benefit of 
this legislation: (1) By becoming the only buyers of certain 
colonial products; (2) by becoming the only sellers in colonial 
markets; and (3) by the exclusion of Dutch competition in the 
carrying business. The English Government would gain in- 
creased revenue from the duties upon goods going to and coming 
from the colonies. 

The effect of these laws in Virginia was marked. The 
value of tobacco fell to a low point, and the cost of clothing, 
furniture, and implements rose.* English vessels charged 
higher freight rates than Dutch because the latter were 
built more cheaply, conveyed iaj"ger cargoes, and carriea 
fewer sailors. 

These conditioris, and the fact that the planters unwisely 
devoted themselves almost exclusively to tobacco raising, 
caused great economic distress. Discontent arose, which 
was augmented by abuses in the government of Virginia. 
Sir Willijam Berkeley, who had again become governor. 

Signature of Governor Berkeley 

managed to control the House of Burgesses completely, 
by proroguing it from time to time, instead of holding new 
elections. His council, appointed by himself, constituted 
an aristocratic ring; the franchise was limited to free- 
holders; heavy taxes were le^ded and public money was 

* Whereas before 1651 a pair of shoes could be bought for twelve pounds 
of tobacco, in 1657 the price was fifty pounds. Bruce, Economic and 
Social History of Virginia, II, 375-376. Similar r<asults followed in Mary- 
land and later in North Carolina. 



The Colonies After the Restoration 87 

squandered; and incompetent and dishonest officers were 
appointed. 

Open resistance came about when Governor Berkeley Bacon's 
refused to render efficient aid in the defence of the fron- Ji^i!f^^^°''" 

lo7o. 

tier against Indian attacks. Natht^niel Bacon, a young 
planter, put himself at the head of the militia for this pur- 
pose, and thus brought upon himself the wrath of Berkeley. 
i\fter a complicated series of attacks and counter attacks 
between the rival factions. Bacon died, and his party, 
which was mainly composed of the poorer classes and the 
small farmers, dissolved. In the main the rebellion ac- 
complished its object; reforms were made in the govern- 
ment, and the Indians were checked. 

The overproduction of tobacco later caused economic de- 
pression. Determined efforts were made, by the colonists, to 
decrease, by agreement and by legislation, the amount of to- 
bacco planted, but these efforts failed. In 1682, riots endued and 
many fields were devastated for the purpose of decreasing the 
supply. In later years, when transportation rates decreased 
and the English demand incre.«sed, tobacco growing became 
more remunerative. 

Under the Commonwealth, and immediately after the Efforts of 
Restoration, special boards or committees of the Privy gov^rn^^ 
Council in England were appointed to have charge of ment to 
colonial affairs. Between 1675 and 1688 a committee coioS'es. 
known as the Lords of Trade had exercised authority in . 
(1) settling disputes between colonies; (2) collecting in- 
formation concerning trade; (3) ad\^sing the King and 
colonial governors as io details of administration; (4) en- 
deavoring to bring the colonies into accord with the policy 
of the home gx)vernment, and especially (5) trying to se- 
cure obedience to the navigation laws. For the purpose 
last mentioned, customs officers were stationed in the 
colonies, but these seldom worked in harmony with the 
colonial governors. The system of control was, in its 
actual workings, very imperfect. There existed in Amer- 
ica no adequate machinery for the enforcement of the will 



88 



American History 



Self-gov- 
ernment in 
New Eng- 
land. 



A iiberal 
policy 
toward 
Connecti- 
cut and 
Rhode 
Island. 



of the home government, and the extent to which the 
colonies could govern themselves was not definitely stated 
or agreed upon. 

Under these circumstances, the periods of the Civil War 
and Commonwealth \vere favorable to self-government in 
the colonies In New England, especially, this w^as taken 
advantage of, with results that became apparent after the 
Restoration. Massachusetts attracted the attention of 
the home government because of its independence and its 
slowness in acknowledging the King; and Connecticut and 
Rhode Island because their governments had been es- 
tablished without legal authorization by the jnother coun- 
try. The latter colonies now sent agents to England ask- 
ing for charters. John Winthrop for Connecticut (1662), 
ana John Clark for Rhode Island (1663), succeeded 
in this misc.*on. Their charters left them in reality little 
republics, electing all their officers, and ha-\ang only a 
general dependence upon the crown. The Connecticut 
charter accomplished the overthrow of New Haven Colony, 
whose inhabitants had offended the home government by 
their kind treatment of tw^o regicide judges who had 
taken part in the conviction of Ch£\rles I. The union of 
these two colonies strengthened their defence against the 
Dutch and the Indians. 

In 1664, complaints against Massachusetts becoming 
more frequent, a royal commissioner was sent to examine 
into conditions there. 



Charges 
preferred 
against 
Massachu- 
setts. 



The Massachusetts Go-'^ernment was accused of exceeding its 
authority by extending its jurisdiction over the Mason and 
Gorges grants north of the Merrimac River, and by having 
erected a mint and coined money. The restriction of the suffrage 
to church members had been condemned by Charles II, who de- 
manded its extension to all property holders; he also required 
that the English Church should be tolerated there. The colony 
was charged with evading these requirements. The persecution 
of the Quakers was another cause of offence. The colony 'a 
treatment of the royal commissioners was anything but respectful, 
gjid it practised a tantalizing policy of delay in all of its rela- 



The Colonies After the Restoration 89 

tions with the home government. It endeavored to preserve 
its original independence by denying the right of appeal from 
colonial courts to England, and by denying the validity of acts 
of Parlig-ment which were not also passed by the colonial Assem- 
bly Most serious was the charge preferred by royal customs 
officials that the people of Massachusetts systematically violated 
the navigation laws, and that the colonial government connived 
at such disobedience. This practice, it was represented, greatly 
decreased the royal revenues. 

Here were sufficient grounds for the annulment of the The policy 
Massachusetts charter, and this was legally accomplished pg^j^f 
by order of an English court in 1684. A temporary gov- controL 
ernment was established, but without a legislative assembly. 
At the same time plans were made for annulling the other 
New England charters and forth ^ union of all these colonies 
under. a governor-general; also, for the destruction of the 
proprietors' interests in Delaware, IMaryland, and the 
Carolina^ — a project never executed. Such was the policy 
of imperial control proposed by the Lords of Trade and 
based upon their experience in dealing with the colonies. 
The arguments in favor of it w^ere: (1) More direct con- 
trol might thus be exercised; (2) the na\dgation laws could 
be enforced; (3) defence against the French and the Ind- 
ians could be more effective. This policy was advo- 
cated by a class of officials and dissatisfied persons in the 
ccionies, as well as by the commercial class in England. 
It would have been a radical departure from the earlier 
policy, and its enforcement would have interrupted the 
tendency towards self-government that prevailed every- 
where in the colonies. 

The Duke of York became King James II of England Despotic 
\n 1685. The next year he appointed Edmund Andros ^£^^^^^^6! 
Governor-General of New England, who began the policy Andros, 
of consolidation by dissolving the governments of Plymouth, overthrow. 
Rhode Island, and Connecticut.* Later Andros's au- 
thority was extended over New York and New Jersey. In 

* The charter of Connecticut was not surrendered. For the charter oaK 
tradition, see Fiske, Beginnings, 367-368. Lodge, English Colonies. 380. 



New York. 



90 American History 

Massachusetts his enforcement of the King's orders re* 
suited in the complete overthrow of self-government. 
When rumors of the revolution in England against James II 
(1688) reached America, Andros was imprisoned and the 
people temporarily resumed their former government. 
In 1691, a new charter was given to Massachusetts by 
William and Mary which represented a compromise be- 
tween the proposed policy of control and the former 
freedom of self-government. The legislature of the colony 
was made elective;* but the governor was appointed by 
the crown instead of being elected, as formerly. Rhode 
Island and Connecticut resumed their charter govern- 
ments, and these were not again disturbed. 

Results in In New York, also, the Andros government was over- 
thrown. A movement, led by Jacob Leisler, established 
a popular government. The efforts of Leisler to continue 
as governor of the colony were defeated by a governor, 
Sloughter, sent from England. "Leisler's rebellion." so 
called, was put down very harshly. Under the new 
regime, however. New York secured, what it had never 
had, a regular representative assembly. f 

In Mary- The anti-Catholic character of the Revolution in Eng- 

land gave occasion for an uprising of the Protestant col- 
onists of Maryland. against the Baltimore rule. They were 
successful in gaining control of the colonial government, 
and William and IMary favored their cause by refusing to 
restore to Lord Baltimore his rights under the charter. So, 
for about twenty-five years IMaryland was governed as a 
royal province. Then; in 1715, the Baltimore proprietor- 
ship was reestablished, when the heir was a Protestant. 

The English Revolution and its accompanying move- 
ments in America interrupted the execution of the im- 
perial policy put in operation under Charles II and 

* While the lower house was chosen by the people, the Council was 
elected by joint ballot in both houses, the governor having power to 
reject members thus elected. 

t One such body had met in 1683 (see p. 74). 



land 



The Colonies After the Restoration 91 

V 

James IL Whether under the new line of monarchs 
there was to be a pursuance of this policy, or a reversal to 
the earlier one, was a question of great importance. 

COLONIAL LIFE IN 1690 

What had a century of English activity in colonization New 
accomplished on the American continent? A distinct J^JoSzL^* 
change in the moving causes of emigration may be noted, tioa. 
At the beginning of the seventeenth century commercial 
motives were uppermost. Colonization upon this basis was 
not successful, but during the century other motives be- 
came predominant. Primary among these was the desire 
to escape troublous religious conditions in European coun- 
tries. Frequently distinct, but often combined with the 
religious motive, was another which was purely economic. 
''The desire to better their fortunes was perhaps the most 
fundamental and enduring consideration that influenced 
immigrants." * The poor and the unsuccessful, the ad- 
venturous and the ambitious, those socially despised or 
legally under the ban, could get in America a new start In 
building fortune and reputation. Freedom from the 
burdensome conditions of European society, the oppor- 
tunity to work, and the chance to become economically 
independent, were tempting the best blood of Europe to 
this fresh field. 

The great underljing economic fact in this colonization How land 
was the existence in America of boundless areas of culti- ™j.^(J'ij- 
yable land that might be had upon easy terms. In New settlers, 
•t^ngland, land was uniformly granted without charge to 
individuals and to groups of settlers. All the colonies 
south of New England were originally upon a proprietary 
basis, and the proprietors (whether indi\dduals or com- 
panies), expected to profit by the disposal of land, as weil 
as by trade. They often advertised in Europe for emi- 
grants, and frequently gave farms freely to settlers. Only 
* Cheney, The European Background of American History, 168. 



92 



American History 



New 

England 

1690. 



Physical 
conditions 
ietermine 
he meth- 
)(1 of Get- 
yiement 



in Pennsylvania was it customary to sell the land uutright. 
Elsewhere, it was commonly granted upon the payment of 
a "quit-rent/* i. e., an annual fee (usually one shilling for 
fifty acres), payable to the proprietor, or to the King wheo 
the colony became royal. The difhculty of collecting quit- 
rents rendered this source of revenue a disappointment. 

The amount of land that might be granted to one person wai 
usually limited. But the proportion of immigrants who were too 
poor to pay their passage and to establish themselves %is farmers, 
was very large. These came and were settled at the expense of 
others, who thus secured " head rights " — usually fifty acres for 
each person brought to America. This is one way in which large 
estates were built up. In most cases the persons assisted were 
indentured servants; others became tenants and paid rent. The 
attempts made in several colonies to establish manors, upon 
which the tenants were subject to semi-feudal restrictions, were 
usually unsuccessful. It was so easy to become the actual owner 
of land that the tenant refused to enter into such relations 
with the landlord. 

In 1690, the English colonies contained nearly 250,000 
inhabitants. In New England the physical geography 
determined the industries, and these in turn influenced 
social and political conditions. This was a region of 
cold winters and short summers; a land of hills and 
forests, with a rugged sea coast and some fertile val- 
leys. The soil, generally hgnt, had, because of its stony 
character, a peculiar enduring quality. The rivers were 
short, giving abundant water power, but, excepting the 
Connecticut, little opportunity for navigation. On the 
coast were numerous harbors; the sea abounded in fish, 
and the forests furnished the best of timber. Agricultuie 
v/as profitable, grains, vegetables, and stock being the 
principal products. But the difficulties of cultivation 
made small farms necessary. The Puritans continued to 
settle in church communities. Compactness of settle- 
ment was therefore a characteristic of New England; and 
this was further encouraged by the religious requirement 
of regular church attendance. There were many fishing 



The Colonies After the Restoration 93 

towns on the coast; and with the surplus products of farms industries 
and fisheries, commerce soon became inevitable. To fa- products. 
cilitate commerce, ship building naturally arose. On the 
farms and in the villages hand-made clothing, implements, 
and furniture were used almost exclusively. On the rapid 
streams were to be found grist-mills and saw -mills. In the 
Jowns, brick, pottery, glass, and shoes were manufactured. 
Everything was, of course, upon a small scale, and scarcely 
beyond the stage of domestic manufacture. Back of the 
compactly settled region near the coast, men exploited the 
forests and traded with the Indians. 

The small farm type of agriculture and the variety of in- Social 
dustries in New England gave the best opportunity for ^^^^^^ 
the individual to attain economic independence. There 
was a tendency toward industrial equality rather than 
toward tne subordination of many laborers to a few em- 
ployers; and this condition affected social and political 
life. Democracy in societ^^ and a democratic t}^e of gov- 
ernment were noticeable features of New England life. 
There were here, as everywhere in the seventeenth century, 
aristocratic distinctions; the old families, the official class, 
and the wealthy were given prominence, both by law and 
by custom; but the importance of the individual of what- 
ever class was very great. , 

New England was settled almost exclusively by Puritans Religion 
from England. In Massachusetts the first AnsjHcan Engiani* 
church was founded in 1686, and in Rhode Island might be 
found Baptists, Quakers, and Jews. The type of religion 
maintained under the congregational system was very 
severe. The ministers were the dominant class, and they 
enforced the Puritan ideals of both public and private con- 
duct most rigidly. The laws prescribing the strict ob- 
servance of the Sabbath and restrictions upon dress, are 
examples of Puritan regulation of private conduct; at the 
same time the church was supported by public taxation. 
In their dislike of certain sports and diversions the Puritans 
excluded from their lives many rational pleasures. In the 



94 



American History 



larger towns and among the x^ealthier class, social diver* 
sions were common; but in the sniall towns and the country, 
life was barren and there was little to relieve the hard daily 
toil and the solemn aevotion to rigidly conceived duty. 
Education. Education was further advanced in New England than 
elsewhere in the colonies. Here the common school was 
maintained from the beginning, and there were also many 
grammar schools. Harva,rd College was founded in 1636 
at Cambridge. While the mass of people were given a 
rudimentary education, the purpose of higher education 
was preparation for the ministry. Theological discussion 
occupied the best minds of New England; there was little 
or no literature that had other themes. No profession had 
yet attained standing except the ministry. 



Witch- 
craft. 



Local gov- 
ernment. 



The 

South in 
1690, 



The severely religious trend of thought, the barrenness of hfe, 
and the dangers from Indian attacks that impended about the 
year 1691, account for the occurrence in Massachusetts of the 
witchcraft troubles. The theory of Satanic manifestations was 
commonly held in European countries, and there claimed its 
thousands of victims. In Salem and surrounding towns, two or 
three hundred persons, some of them being of the highest char- 
acter, were accused of having allowed themselves to become pos- 
sessed by the devil. Of these, nineteen were judicially con- 
demned and were put to death. The comparative brevity and 
mildness of this outburst of religious fanaticism testifies to the 
real saneness of the Puritan mind. Nowhere in the world at thia 
time was life more pure or thought more elevated. 

In the local government of the New England colonies, 
the town meeting and the popular election of officers pre- 
served the freest democracy in America. The colonial as- 
semblies were vigorous bodies, and they exercised no little 
control over the towns. Self-government gave to New 
Englanders a political education which in later times had 
important consequences. 

Life in the Southern colonies had aspects in marked con- 
trast with the conditions existing in New England. Vir- 
ginia and Maryland were most alike. Here people lived 
on scattered plantations, with no towns worthy the name. 



The Colonies After the Restoration 95 

Physical environment largely accounts for this method of The influ- 
settlement. While attempts were made at raising other physical 
products than tobacco, all were abandoned, except corn, geography 
the staple food grain. The same fate befell the manu- 
facturing industries that were tried at various times; me- 
chanics were able to get land so cheaply that they drifted 
into tobacco raising. The rivers of the South accommo- 
dated the ocean-going vessels of the time, and so there was 
no necessity for towns as market places. So deeply did the 
rivers penetrate this region and so plentiful were the rich 
lands, that during the Restoration period the estates rap- 
idly increased in size, and the ''plantation system" became 
fully developed. One more element, cheap labor, con- 
tributed to make this system possible. Thousands of in- 
dentured servants came annually to the Southern col- 
onies, and toward the end of this period negro slaves 
..ncreased in numbers. 

The great majority of the people in the Southern col- Industrie* 
lonies were of English stock. In Virginia the contrast be- g^uth. 
tween large plantations and small farms was marked, 
while in North Carolina there were only scattered small 
farms. South Carolina was distinguished by having a 
large city, Charleston, which was the centre of com- 
mercial and social life. Here lived the large planters who 
dominated the life of the colony. Besides tobacco, corn, 
and live-stock, the Carolinas produced the naval stores — 
tar, pitch, and turpentine. Throughout the South, cot- 
ton and flax were raised on a small scale and were worked 
by hand into forms suitable for domestic use. But every- 
where in the colonies woollens were the chief article of 
domestic manufacture. The Southern colonies exported 
large quantities of their staple products. Few vessels were 
constructed here. Ships owned by New Englanders brought 
to them fish from the North, tropical products and slaves from 
the West Indies, and manufactured articles from Europe. 

While many Puritans settled in the South, especially in Southwa 
Maryland and South Carolina, the majority of the people s^^®*y* 



96 American History 

were Anglicans. Religious convictions exercised no such 
influence as in New England. Both social and political 
life felt the influence of the dominant economic interest 
in the plantation colonies. Tendencies worked toward 
aristocracy rather than toward democracy. The home of 
the planter was the centre of a small community. In- 
dentured servants and slaves tilled his broad acres, whil« 
other workmen made the common implements, furniture, 
and clothing. The plantation was self-suflicing, except 
for the finer qualities of cloths, furnishings, books, medi- 
cines, and jewelry, which were imported from Europe. 
The small farmer could hardly compete with the planter 
and his family, either economically or socially, and he con- 
sequently tended to move westward to the frontier, which 
had not yet reached the mountains. Here, too, he found 
cheaper land. 
Local gov- In the South, as in New England, the colonists adapted 
to their new environment certain forms of local govern- 
ment to which they had been accustomed at home. The 
smallest local division, the parish, became less important 
than was the town in New England, because of the sparse- 
ness of population. The parish was governed by a group 
of men called the vestry, which had charge of church af- 
fairs and the relief of the poor. The most important func- 
tions of local government were exercised in the larger unit, 
the county. A board cf justices, known as the county 
court, le\ded taxes and made local regulations, besides 
sitting as a court to try cases. The sheriff was an im- 
portant county oflScer, having in his hands the collection 
and ex'j:)enditure of public money. Members of the county 
court were appointed by the governor, and ^'acancies in 
the vestry were filled by the remaining vestrymen. Thus, 
in the absence of town meetings and popular elections, 
local government in the South fell into the hands of the 
influential planter class. 

In the South, both religious life and educational inter- 
ests suffered on account of the method of •^etflprri^nt, the 



Sinment. 



The Colonies After the Restoration 97 

sparseness of population, and the difficulty of travel. The 
Anglican ministers in these colonies were not the intel- 
lectual or religious leaders of the people. Efforts to es- 
tablish public schools were largely failures, though many 
private elementary schools were maintained. The plant- 
ers' sons were taught at home, and often completed their 
education in English schools and colleges. 

Conditions of life were much more varied in the Middle The Mid 
colonies than in either New England or the South. The 
people, as we have seen (pp. 74, 82), were of many nation- 1690. 
alities. While agriculture was the dominant industry, 



die col- 
onies in 




Dutch Cottage in Beaver Street, New York, 1679 

there were many flourishing towns and two large ports, 
New York and Philadelphia. Intercolonial trade and 
foreign commerce stood second to agriculture in import- 
ance. Philadelphia was the centre of trade for the region 
bordering on Delaware Bay and River; and its shipping Industrie* 
carried abroad large quantities of grains, meats, and furs, 
returning with imports from the West Indies and Europe. 
Ship-building early became an important industry in 
Pennsylvania. New York City was the centre of com- 
merce for the Hudson River region. Here the fur trade 



98 American History 

was of greater consequence than an}^i^here else in the 
colonies. 

Hodallife. Life in New York presented aristocratic tendencies. 
This is accounted for by the presence of large estates on 
the Hudson and the importance of the official class in New 
York City. But elsewhere in the Middle colonies there ex- 
isted economic and social equality. The professional 

. classes were at this time weak and unimportant. There 

was a great variety of religious sects. Dutch Reformed, 
Congregational, Lutheran, and Jewish churches existed 
in New York; while Quakers, Lutherans, and other 
Protestant sects flourished in Pennsylvania. Nowhere in 
these colonies were public schools to be found. Education 
was at a low stage in New York, but there were good 
private schools in Pennsylvania. 

Local government in the Middle colonies included both 
towns and counties; but here the functions were quite 
equally divided between these organizations, instead of 
being chiefly confined to one or the other, as in New Eng- 
land and the South. 



The In- 
dians of 

eastern 

North 

America. 



THE COLONISTS AND THLi INDIANS. 

The colonists came into contact with three great groups 
of Indians. The largest of these constituted the Algon- 
quin family, occupying nearly all of the region east of the 
Alleghany JNIountains, as well as the Ohio and upper 
Mississippi basins. Prominent in this family were the 
Narragansetts, Pequots, Powhatans, Delawares, Illinois, 
and Ojibwas. South of Kentucky, extending to Florida 
and the Gulf, was the Muskhogean family. The Chicka- 
saws, Choctaws, Creeks, and Seminoles belonged to this 
family. The Iroquois Indians occupied the region of 
central New York State and upper Canada (see pp. 105, 
106), while an independent branch of this family was situ- 
ated on the western borders of the Carolinas. 

The earliest settlers in the English colonies were in- 
debted to the Indians in several ways. They learned the 



The Colonies After the Restoration 



99 



Indians* methods of hunting, fishing, and trapping; also, 
the value of maize and how to produce it upon new land. 
Thus colonization was assisted by a more available food 
supj>ly. The Indians' canoe and their methods of travel 
and jilting were also adopted bv the settlers. 




Location of Indians in the Seventeenth Century 

On the other hand, the natives soon acquired from the 
whites tools and utensils, especially guns; these, together 
with cloth and horses, changed in many ways the character 
of their daily life. They learned few virtues, but acquired 
destructive \aces, especially the use of intoxicants. Some 
efforts were made by the English to convert the Indians, 
but they were conducted, on the whole, without enthusiasm 
or persistence. The loud profession of missionary zeal with 
which the English colonization began was not made good. 



100 



American History 



The rela- 
tions of the 
Indians 
with the 
settlers. 



JEM^utes 
over land 



In the New England colonies, Massachusetts especially, some 
efforts were made to convert the Indians. These were most suc- 
cessful in the work of John Eliot, who brought about four thou- 
sand Indians to adopt Christianity and civilized ways of living. 
John and Charles Wesley made unsuccessful missionary efforts 
in Georgia. 

The history of Indian relations in colonial times is one 
of continual strife. This was inevitable at that period in 
the contact between a superior and an inferior race. Of 
incidental causes for these troubles there was a large 
variety; the vicious and the drunken, whether whites or 
Indians, were especially numerous on the frontier, and 
they were ever ready to commit outrages and to begin 
quarrels. But the fundamental cause for this condition 
was the land question. The character of Indian industry, 
which was mainly hunting and fishing, with comparatively 
slight attention to agriculture, and the frequent movements 
of most tribes from one locality to another, made the In- 
dians occupants rather than owners of the land in the true 
sense. In their simplicity and short-sightedness they were 
ever ready to part with their right of occupancy; but they 
did not comprehend the white man's idea of permanent 
transfer and possession. The purchase of Indian lands 
Avas a universal practice in colonial times. The different 
colonial governments undertook to regulate this subject 
by law, prohibiting the settlers from occupying lands 
until the Indian title was extinguished. The laws en- 
joined in many ways the fair treatment of the Indians in 
other transactions ; for instance, the sale of fire-arms and 
liquors was quite generally prohibited. These laws, ho^^- 
ever, were little obeyed. 

Trouble arose as soon as the natives realized the sIjw 
but sure advance of the whites into the country and the 
permanency of this process. Hunting grounds were de- 
stroyed, and the strip between the frontier of settlement 
and the Alleghany Mountains became gradually narrower. 
The Indians were able to make but spasmodic, and on the 
whole, feeble, resistance to the advance of settlement be- 



The Colonies After the Restoration 101 

cause they did not present a united front; and this in turn 
was owing to their lack of poHtical organization. 

The lowest organization of social and political life among the political 
Indians was the clan — a group of related families. Clans elected orj^'aniza- 
sachems, and chiefs, or war leaders. The number of these !:'^". ^^ ^^^ 
officers varied according to the number of available men; their 
authority was also a matter of popularity and influence. The 
clans were united into tribes, the governing body of which was 
the tribal council composed of the chiefs just mentioned. The 
council had authority over questions of war and peace, and inter- 
tribal relations. Of higher organizations among the eastern 
Indians the only permanent example was the Iroquois confed- 
eracy with which the English and Dutch settlers were in alliance 
during the seventeenth century. There were temporary leagues 
among other tribes at various times; but in the main the settlers 
were confronted by separate tribes, with vacillating policies, 
rather than hj a compact nation capable of effectually resisting , 
the invasion of their lands. 

Under these circumstances the result was inevitable: 
civilization triumphed over savagery, doubtless through 
tnt commission of innumerable wrongs, in our judgment 
of which we mus^^ remember the ethical standards of that 
time and the failure of each race to comprehend the other's 
point of view. 

To understand the real meaning of this century of The cen- 
colonization in America, we must take account of two onizaUon^' 
general facts. One is the preservation among the col- shows two 
onists of the old European life in a new environment; fendencie? 
the other is the tendency toward a different type of life 
under the new conditions. At the end of the seventeenth 
century, the colonies were in reality an outlying part of 
Europe. Isolated from each other, their social and eco- 
nomic relations were chiefly with the mother country. 
The creation of even the weakest semblance to a national The preser- 
life was the work of the next century and the outcome of Eu^ropean 
many struggles against Indian and French foes here in chihza- 
America, and finally against the English government. 
Until then, the most striking characteristic of colonial life 
is the conservative preservation of manners and customs. 



102 



American History 



The 

tendency 

toward 

freedom. 



industries and ideas, political rights and processes that 
were the fruit of centuries of growth in Europe. 

Turning now to the new tendencies, we find a growth 
away from social class distinctions and toward greater in- 
dustrial and political freedom than Old World conditions 
permitted. There were several reasons for this : (1) The 
colonists were mainly from the middle and lower classes, 
those least favored by aristocratic institutions. (2) Id 




Palisaded Indian Village 

From De Bry 

America the struggle for existence was at first hard, tend- 
ing to place all men upon a basis of social equality. (3) The 
free ownership of land, and the unlimited supply of new 
land made an oppressive landlord system impossible. 
(4) The removal of monarchical control gave opportunity 
for the rise into prominence of those free local institutions 
with which Englishmen had been in a measure familiar. 

The keynote of this tendency is democracy. The seven- 
teenth century saw its beginnings, but saw also the begin- 
ning of a policy of imperial control (see pp. 87, 89) that 
threatened its development. The problem of eighteenth- 
century colonial history is the balancing of these two 



The Colonies After the Restcyration 103 

forces: the political and economic freedom of colonial life 
versus control exercised by the home government through 
its agents in America. Which of these forces was destined 
to become dominant? 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Charles II's policy towards the New England Colonies, 
i^'isher, Colonial Era, 149-151. Lodge, English Colonies, 376- 
377; 389-390. Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 191-198. 
Thwaites, The Colonies, 166-170. 

2. Bacon's Rebellion. Fiske, Old Virginia, II, 54r-67; 96-107. 
Thwaites, 78-79. Lodge, 19-23. 

3. The rule of Andros. Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 
267-278. Fisher, Colonial Era, 159-164. 

4. Relations of England with the colonies. Thwaites, The 
Colonies, 166-167. Lodge, 354-361. Elson, History of the 
United States, 120-127. 

5. Show how the economic law of supply and demand as de- 
termining price is illustrated in this chapter. 

6. Make a list of facts showing the colonists' love of self-govern- 
ment m this period. 

7. Was the proposed policy of imperial control a reasonable 
one? Andrews, Colonial Self-government, 36-40. 

8. On indentured servants, see Fiske, Old Virginia, II, 176- 
189. Bogart, Economic History of the United States, 78-81 On 
slavery, Fiske, 190-203. Bogart, 83-86. 

9. The colonists* relations with Indians. Fiske, Beginnings 
of New England, 199-206. Coman, Industrial History of the 
United States, 43-45. 

10. Education in the Colonies. Lodge, English Colonies, 
464-466. Hart, Contemporaries, II, No. 95. Fiske, Old Vir- 
ginia, II, 116-119; 123-129; 245-254. 

11. Colonial religion. Lodge, English Colonies, 429-438. 
Earle, the Sabbath in Puritan New England. 

12. How may the colonies be grouped according to industries? 
Andrews, 334-336. 

13. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 7. 

14. Fiction. Goodwin, White Aprons (Virginia). Hawthorne, 
Scarlet Letter (Puritans). Bynner, The Begum's Daughter 
(New York). 



CHAPTER Vin 

THE FRENCH IN AMERICA 

THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIZATION 



Revival of 

French 
coloniza- 
tion. 



First 

period, 

1603-1635. 



Cham- 

pl£UII. 



The work of French explorers and the feeble a. 
tempts made at colonization during the first half of the 
sixteenth century (see pp. 28-30) were interrupted by un- 
favorable European conditions. The victory of Henry IV 
over the warring factions that opposed his accession to the 
throne of France, and the Edict of Nantes (1598)* issued 
by him, finally brought peace; and with peace came a re- 
vived interest in American exploration. During the en- 
tire century French fishemien had \isited the banks off 
Newfoundland and had traded with the Indians of the ad- 
jacent coasts. It seemed natural, therefore, that this 
region should be the scene of French colonization. 

For a third of a century, the principal figure in this story 
is that of Samuel de Champlain, whose strong character 
and persistent labors have won the greatest admiration. 
Like many other soldiers of the wars of Henry IV, Cham- 
plain found an outlet for liis energies in time of peace 
by undertaking voyages of discovery. f When, in 1604. 
De Monts was granted by the government of France a 
monopoly of the fur trade between the parallels 40° and 
46°, Champlain, as royal geographer, sailed with him to 

* This Edict gave the Huguenots privileges, including legal equality 
and religious freedom, except in certain cities. 

t He first visited Central America and Mexico. While at Panama he 
commented upon the advantages that would accrue from the construction 
of an isthmian canal. 

104 



The French in America 



105 



found a colony. This became Port Royal, on the Bay of 
Fundy, at the present site of Annapolis, Nova Scotia. 

For several years Champlain led exploring expeditions down 
the New England coast, nearly as far as Rhode Island. In these 
and similar explorations in the St. Lawrence valley, he took care- 
ful note oi geographical features and Indian life. His accounts 
are extremely valuable for his descriptions of Indian life before 
its contact with civilization. 

The renewal of the De Monts grant in 1608 brought His 
Champlain to the St. Lawrence River, where he founded ^°d*iJSi^ 
Quebec in that year. It was his purpose "to find a way poUc?. 
to Cliina, avoiding at the same time the cold of the North 

and the heat 




The Explorations of Champlain 



''"^ - - ^^ of the South.' 

Upon the basis 
of stories of 
**' great waters" 
that lay to the 
westward, Cham- 
plain imagined 
the nearness 
of the Pacific 
Ocean. He was 
mindful also of 
the advantages 
to be gained from the fur trade and from discoveries of 
gold mines. The conversion of the Indians soon became 
another prominent motive in his work. He bargained 
with the Algonquin Indians to assist them in their wars 
with the Iroquois if they would help him in his western 
explorations. This agreement was kept when, in 1609, 
Champlain accompanied a war party of his Indian friends 
up the St. Lawrence and Richelieu rivers to the beautiful 
Lake Champlain, which he was the first white man to 
visit. Here they met and defeated an Iroquois party. In 
1615, Champlain ascended the Ottawa River, entered 
Georgian Bay and Lake Huron, and, returning by way 



106 



Anierican History 



The 

(roquois 

(ndiaas. 



rheir 
influence 



The second 
period of 
French 
coloniza- 
tion, 1635- 
1663. 



of Lake Ontario, entered the heart of the Iroquois country 
(now central New York State). Here his Indian allies 
unsuccessfully attacked a fortified Iroquois village. 

The Iroquois were " the fiercest, boldest, most politic, and most 
ambitious savages to whom the American forest has ever given 
birth." * Their villages were well fortified by palisades. Two 
other facts gave the Iroquois great strength. (1) Their geo- 
graphical position, upon the head-waters of streams flowing in 
every direction, made both defence and attack easier for them 
than for their enemies, (2) We find among the Iroquois the 
best example of a permanent confederacy among Indian tribes 
north of Maxico. The five " nations " of this confederacy were 
the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. For 
two generations they scarcely ceased their attacks upon the St. 
Lawrence settlements (Quebec, Three Rivers, Montreal), murder- 
ing the inhabitants, terrifying the garrisons, and thus deterring 
greatly the progress of that colony. In the meantime the Iro- 
quois established friendly relations with the Dutch. When the 
English conquered New York they succeeded to the Iroquois 
friendship, continued to furnish them with guns in trade, and 
incited them to attack the French. 

Champlain's efforts to plant an agricultural colony were 
opposed at the court of France by persons whose interests 
were in the fur trade. At Champlain's death, 1635, the 
colony on the St. Lawrence contained not more than sixty 
persons, sustained chiefly by supplies brought from France. 
During this period began the Jesuit missionary activity, 
which was so proipinent a feature of French colonization. 
With the greatest devotion and .vith untold suffering, these 
priests pursued their unselfish work. 

During the second period of French colonization, from 
the death of Champlain to the accession of Colbert as 
minister to Louis XIV, the colony increased in population 
to 2,500; but it was still upon a weak foundation. A 
trading company, the Hundred Associates (1626-1663), 
Leaded by Richelieu held a monopoly of the fur trade, and 
their profits were divided among the stockholders instead of 

♦ Parkman, Pioneers of France, 389. The Hurons were of Iroquois 
■lock, but they refused to join the confederacy of the Five Nations. 



The French in America 



107 



going toward the upbuilding of a strong colony in Canada. 
Here, as in the English colonies, it was proved that mere 
mercantile interest was not adequate to the establishment of 
a selt -supporting colony. The Iroquois utterly destroyed the 
Huron villages (1648) and broke up the western fur trade. 
Colbert applied his policy of industrial administration 
in France to the colony in America. Here his able assistant 




Champlain's Plan of the Fort of the Iroquois 

From a copy of the First Edition of the Voyages of 1619, in the New York Public Library 
(Lenox Building) 

was the intendant Talon. The colony was supplied with 
more soldiers ; its debt and the expenses of its maintenance 
were assumed by the King. ''The new settler was found Third 
by the King, sent over by the King, and supplied by the period of 
King with a wife, a farm, and sometimes with a house." tion, 1668° 
Large tracts of land were granted to seigneurs who were to ^^^** 
establish settlers upon them. Thus, the actual cultivators 



108 



American History 



Ttiefur 

trade. 



fnmtenac 



tlOBby 
aaieolet. 



9«ftKet and 
Marquette, 

167a 



of the soil were tenants, and were restricted in various 
ways. Their farms lay in ribbon-like strips running back 
from the river front. 

The fur trade was a constant influence undermining the 
strength of New France as an agricultural colony. The 
wild, free life of the bushrangers (cmireurs du hois), coupled 
with the chances for great profit, drew young men intp* 
the western wilderness. Here the interlacing water-ways 
offered a perpetual inducement for penetrating the forests 
to their farthest extremities. 

Much of the strength gskied by New France during the 
third period of its history (1663-1689) must be attributed 
to the work of its great governor. Count Frontenac. He 
extended his influence in two directions: (1) along the 
great water-ways of the Mississippi Valley, and (2) among 
the Iroquois Indians. 

One of the last acts of Champlain's administration was the 
r.ommissioning of a young French interpreter, Jean Nicolct, to 
fin J a water-way leading to the Pacific. Champlain had heard 
of a strange people who dwelt upon a western shore and who 
had come from across "the great water." Were they Chinese? 
Nicolet, ascending the Ottawa River and passing through Lakes 
Huron and Michigan, entered and ascended Green Bay. Here 
he found the "strange people," who proved to be Winnebago 
Indians, a branch of the Sioux family, whose home was west of 
the Mississippi. 

The exploration of Nicolet was tardily followed up. In 
1659-1660 and subsequent years, two traders, RadLsson 
and Groseilliers, penetrated to the western extremity of 
Lake Superior. Passing thence southward along the rivers 
of Wisconsin, they doubtless reached and crossed the 
Mississippi River. 

In 1673, Talon selected Louis Joliet as an official ex- 
plorer to follow the Mississippi and determine whether it 
emptied into the Gulf of Mexico or the Gulf of Callforiila. 
Starting from Quebec, Joliet stopped at the Jesuit mission 
at Mackinac, where he was joined by Father Marquette. 
Theirs was a wonderful journey, through Green Bay, up 




The Routes of French Explorers 



110 



American History 



Ia Salle. 



vesbevn 
journeys. 



the Fox River, and down the lower Wisconsin and the 
Mississippi, as far as the mouth of the Arkansas River. 
From here they returned, being practically certain that 
the river would not carry them to the Pacific coast. 

Greatest in the long list of French explorers was La 
Salle. Between La Salle and 
Frontenac there was "the 
sympathetic attraction of two 
bold and energetic spirits." 
They wished that the buffalo 
skins and heavy peltries of 
the w^estern streams might 
find an outlet by transporta- 
tion down the Mississippi 
River. This, too, would put 
wdthin French control a water- 
way, which, unlike the St. 
Lawrence, was not frozen for 
a great part of the year. 

Fort Frontenac was estab- 
lished on Lake Ontario as an 
advanced pust from which 
the fur trade might be controlled. Then, in 1679, I^a Salle 
built on Niagara River, above the falls, a sailing vessel. 
The Gri/Jon, In it he sailed through Lakes Erie and 
Huron, and entered Lake Michigan. From the head of 
Lake IMichigan La Salle proceeded by way of the St.. 
Joseph and Kankakee rivers to the Illinois, where he 
established a post called Crevecoeur.* Later, he made 
several journeys between Canada and the Illinois country. 
Th'^ crowning event of this history is his successful descent 
of the Mississippi to its mouth (1682), where he took 
formal possession of all the land drained by its tributaries 
under the name Louisiana. He then founded Fort St. Louis, 
at Starved Rock, on the Illinois River, as a means of main- 
taining French ascendency among the tribes of that region. 
* The present site of Peoria, 111. 




A possible portrait of Ma.rquPlte 



The French in America 111 

On his first journey to Illinois, La Salle was accom- 
panied by Tonty, one of the bravest French explorers. 

Father Hennepin also accompanied La Salle to Crevecoeur, and Hennepin 
thence ascended the Mississippi to northern Minnesota. Here and 
he was a captive among the Sioux Indians, and met the fur trader ^" ^^"* 
Du Lhut, by whom he was rescued. La Salle desired to establish 
a military post and depot at the mouth of the Mississippi; for 
this purpose he transported colonists directly from France to the 
Gulf of Mexico. But the ships missed the mouth of the Missis- 
sippi, and the colony wasted away on the Texan shore. La Salle 
was murdered while attempting to reach Canada to find aid for 
this colony (1687). 

Frontenac's policy toward the Iroquois was to concili- 
ate and intimidate them by turns. He succeeded but 
temporarily. The Iroquois raided the entire West as far 
as the Mississippi and southward to the Ohio. Nowhere 
was a French trader safe from their attacks. For these 
offences they were severely punished by Frontenac's suc- 
cessor, Denonville, but they were not permanently subdued 
until the time of Frontenac's return to America (1689-1698), 
during the period of the first French and Indian war. 

THE FRENCH WARS AND FURTHER COLONIZATION 

At three points the conflicting interests of the French Causes of 
and the English in America brought the colonists to the AmCT?ca.'° 
point of war. (1) The fisheries of northern Atlantic 
waters were invaded by the enterprising New Englanders. 
(2) The limits of Acadia on the west were disputed by the 
settlers of Maine. (3) Both nations claimed jurisdiction 
over the Mississippi Valley. This dispute, like that over 
Acadia, involved more than a theoretical title to an un- 
inhabited region. Practically it involved the friendship 
or enmity of powerful Indian tribes and the profits of their 
trade. No peace between the rival colonists could be ex- 
pected while the Iroquois, under English influence, terror- 
ized the western tribes, and diverted the furs to their own 
country, where they acted as middlemen in selling the furs 
to the English at Albany. 



112 



American History 



Compari- 
son of the 
combat- 
ants. 



'■A ^\ \ Hudson I ^^ 




Four wars were fought in the struggle for American 
territory. On which side were the greater military ad- 
vantag^s? The 
government of New 
France was highly 
centralized, and 
hence the military re- 
sources of the colony 
were in immediate 
and effective control 
from Quebec. The 
English colonies, on 
the other hand, were 
disunited, jealous, 
and at first penurious ; 
they were slow, too, 
in rallying in suffi- 
cient force to meet 
their enemies. Again, 
the French had the 
advantage in the 
support of larger 
numbers of Indian 
aflies than the Eng- 
lish could command; 
but these fickle 
friends readily de- 
serted the French 
when the latter suf- 
fered defeat. 

In the end the final 
struggle for the pos- 
session of North 
America was to be 
determined largely 

by the ** staying qualities" of the combatants. In this re- 
spect the English were greatly superior; for they were 



171 

By Treaty of Utrecht 

SEnglUh O 

French 
m Spanish 



North America in 1689 and 1713 



The French in America 



113 



backed by the greater population and wealth of the col- 
onies, and by the superior resources, particularly the 
naval power, of the mother country. 

The actual outbreak of hostilities awaited the course of events 
in Europe. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV 
(1685), and the consequent persecution of the Huguenots, 
aroused the anger of EngHshmen. The dismissal of James II 
from the English throne (1688), and the subsequent favor shown 
to him by Louis, added fuel to the fires of passion in both coun- 
tries. Finally, the invitation to William of Orange to ascend 
the throne of England, led directly to the War of the Palatinate 
(1689-1697). 



Europeaa 
causes. 



The struggle in America, known as King William's 
War, divides itself into three phases. (1) There was 
attack and counter attack in the Iroquois region; these 
Indians devastated La Chine, while the French and Indians 
destroyed Schenectady. (2) The severest attacks of the 
French fell upon the outlying settlements of Maine, 
Dover, Pemaquid, and Salmon Falls. (3) The revenge 
for these attacks was planned at an intercolonial con- 
gress held at New York (1690). Here plans were made 
for a concerted land-and-water attack upon Quebec 
and Montreal, but they failed through mismanagement. 
The treaty of peace that ended the war in Europe (Treaty 
of Ryswick, 1697), left the combatants with the same 
territorial .limits in America as before, and the same 
causes for enmity. 

The last struggle of Louis XIV against his enemies in 
Europe, precipitated by his attempt to unite the thrones of 
France and Spain, is known as the War of the Spanish 
Succession. In America it gave occasion for Queen 
Anne's War. Again the French and Indians fell upon the 
outlying New England settlements; Wells, Saco, Casco, 
Deerfield, and Haverhill were stricken. In revenge, the 
New Englanders captured Port Royal, Acadia, and at the 
conclusion of the war this important station was retained 
by the English and named Annapolis. The surrounding 



King 
W^illiam's 
War, 168^ 
1697. 



Queep 
Anne's 
War, 1701- 
1713. 



114 



American History 



The ex- 
tension of 
French 
power in 
4he West. 



country, with indefinite limits, became Nova Scotia. The 
English lil^ewise obtained Newfoundland and the French 
gave up their claims to the borders of Hudson's Bay. 
The Treaty of Utrecht (1713), whose terms as they affect 
America have just been stated, was the beginning of the 
downfall of French colonial power in America. (See 
map p. 112.) 

In the years immediately preceding and following Queen 
Anne's War, the French were actively pursuing their policy 
of establishing military and trading posts throughout the 
West. These were all situated at strategic points, guard- 



P'newfoundland 

Gulf of ^^^J^fj' 

^^■^St.Laivrence^ i'*W 

E BRETON 
^^.ouiaburg 







The French and Indian Wars, 1689-1748 



ing important water-ways and routes of travel. As the 
posts of Mackinac and Sault Ste. Marie were stations on 
the older routes of the northern waters, so Detroit was 
founded (1701) to aid in controlling the more direct routes 
to the Mississippi. Fort Miami on the Maumee and Fort 
St. Joseph, on the river of that name, had been located on 
important routes of travel. In the Illinois country the 
posts at Cahokia (1669) and Ivaskaskia (1700) were trad- 



tants of 
the posts 



The French in America 115 

ing centres, and near them Fort Chartres was built in 1720. 
At about the same time the French built a fort on tiie upper 
Wabash River; and by 1727 they had another stronghold 
at Vincennes. At Mobile (1701) and New Orleans (1718) 
French power was upheld on the Gulf. Fort Rosalie was 
early established near the present site of Natchez. 

Such was the French *' chain of posts" reaching from 
Quebec to New Orleans. The weakness of this method of 
occupation lay in the sparseness of population found within 
the territory. A handful of soldiers was all that France Theinhabi- 
could spare for all her posts ; these could not move aggres- 
sively against the English frontier — the Alleghany Moun- 
tains. Besides the soldiers, the huts that were crowded 
within the palisades of the western posts sheltered the 
coureurs du hois, who came and went on their trading 
expeditions. Here, too, in most cases were a few hardy 
peasants (Jiahitants) who dared till the soil within easy 
reach of the posts. Watching over this varied collection 
of French subjects were the priests, everywhere working 
to bring the Indians within their influence. 

Another European struggle (the War of the Austrian King 
Succession) gave occasion for the outbreak of King ^ar^i^744- 
George's W^ar in America (1744-1748). Soon after the i748. 
preceding war the French had begun to spend money lav- 
ishly in making an impregnable fortress at the town and 
harbor of Louisburg, on Cape Breton Island. Louis- 
burg's position made it the guardian of the St. Lawrence; 
here French fleets could lendezvous. It was the base of 
supplies from which the English fishing fleets were men- 
aced. It is not strange, therefore, that New Englanders 
should organize an expedition against it. Sheer pluck and 
bravery, with the assistance of an English fleet, won a 
memorable victory, and Louisburg fell (1745). Great was 
the disappointment and anger of the captors when this im- 
portant post was returned to the French,* 

* The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748) confirmed the English possession 
oi. Bombay, India; and this accounts for the surrender of Louisburg. 




116 



French Posts and Portages in the West 



The French in America 117 

The final struggle in America could not be long The 
postponed; the outcome depended partly upon the ^Tw^^*^ 
character of the French colony in America. In 1750, France. 
the white population of New France (including iVcadia, 
Canada, and Louisiana) was about 80,000; in marked 
contrast, the English colonies contained at that date 
more than a million people. The causes for this dif- 
ference are found partly in the motives that prompted 
colonization in the two mother countries. Political and 
religious persecution had worked powerfully to depop- 
ulate France; but the exiled Huguenots were, after 
1685, absolutely forbidden to settle within the limits of 
New France. Consequently, those who crossed the At- 
lantic added their strength to the English colonies. 
(See p. 76.) Moreover, the French lacked the colon- 
izing spirit that characterized the English — that desire 
for economic improvement through the toilsome process 
of building homes in a new land. The spirit of ad- 
venture, the missionary spirit, and the desire for gain 
by trade were the motives of the colonists who came to 
New France voluntarily; still others were sent, either as 
soldiers or as settlers. The natural increase of population 
in Canada was slow. 

The leading industry of New France was the fur Their m* 
trade. Geographical conditions account for this fact, ^"^tnes. 
and the effect of this industry was to strengthen the 
wandering and adventurous tendencies of the people. 
The agricultural system prevailing in the colony did 
nothing to foster a self-reliant and progressive class 
of farmers. Here, as in the paternalistic policy al- 
ready outlined (p. 107), the people were trained in 
dependence, rather than in self-reliance. 

This fact is still more plainly seen in the governmental Their gov^ 
system of the colony. The Governor-General and the e^^-^^^^- 
Intendant were the chief executive officers, and these 
were appointed by the crown of France. Instead 
of ha\dng distinct functions, these ofiicers continually 



118 



American History 



No repre- 
sentative 
govern- 
ment. 



clashed.* These secular officers were also in frequent 
conflict with the church officials, who likewise received 
appointment in France. The existence of the fur-trade 
monopoly was another disturbing element in the situation. 
For the violation of the law granting the monopoly often 
yielded rich rewards, which sorely tempted both settlers 
and officers. 

There existed no elected legislative body in either the 
central or the local govermnent of New France. An effort 
of Frontenac to set up an elected council at Quebec met a 
rebuke from Colbert, who ordered its discontinuance, say- 
ing, "You should very rarely, or, to speak more correctly, 
never, give a corporate form to the inhabitants of Canada." 
Instead, therefore, of having a voice in their local affairs, 
the people obeyed the commands of their rulers, and these 
in turn were subject to constant and minute direction by the 
King and his ministers at Paris. 



WESTWARD MIGEATION AND THE FRENCH AND INDIAN 

WAR 



The influ- 
ence of 

^ysical 
geography. 



The movement of the English colonists westward from 
the Atlantic Ocean was influenced most profoundly by 
physical geography. It has already been noted that the 
physical characteristics of New England promoted coast- 
line settlement mainly. The geography of the South, on 
the other hand, was favorable to an industry that caused 
the expansion of settlers over a larger area. Here, how- 
ever, the coastal plain was much wider. 



The first advance of settlement in any section was to the fail 
line. This name has been given to a line connecting the points 
on rivers where rapids indicate the limits of the coastal plain 
proper. As far inland as th^se points extends the "tide-water" 
region, where tidal influence can be felt. Beyond the fall line 

* In fact, it was the deliberate policy of the home government to avoid 
separating the jurisdictions of the Governor and the Intendant, to the end 
that they might spy upon each other. Am. Hist. Review, XII, 25-26. 



The French in America 



119 



ocean vessels could not go; water power was often developed at 
these points. These considerations determined the location of 
cities: on the fall line are situated Philadelphia, Washington, 
Fredericksburg, Richmond, Petersburg, Raleigh, Camden, and 
Columbia. 



By 1700 population had advanced somewhat beyond the Popuiatloa 

fall line, but the EngUsh 
region westward Coioniea. 
to the mountains 
was unexplored. 
It w^as a remark- 
able feat per- 
formed by Gov- 
ernor Spotswood 
of Virginia when, 
in 1716, he led a 
body of horse- 
men as far w^est 
as the Blue Ridge, 
where they 
v^iew^ed the beau- 
tiful ''Valley of 
Virginia" — the 
Shenandoah Val- 
ley. Spotswood 
was one of the few 
who saw the stra- 
tegic importance 
of possessing this region and holding the mountain passes 
against the advance of the French. 

Fur traders were the first to penetrate the wild mountain The first 
regions of the AUeghanies. These returned with accounts ^ttler;^° 
of fertile valleys and wide plains beyond. In New York 
westward advance was checked by the Catskill Mountains, 
and in the Mohawk Valley the Iroquois Indians were long a 
barrier in the way. In the extreme South, the people of both 
Georgia and South Carolina were deterred from settle- 




Governor Spotswood 



120 



American History 



The move- 
ment in 
the 
valleys. 



The Ohio 
Company. 



ment in the West by the hostility of the Indians on theii 
borders. Hence it was that the mountain valleys were 
first settled in Pennsylvania, where the Scotch-Irish and 
the Germans * found ready access to them by way of the 
Susquehanna River and its tributaries. 

The movement of these mountain settlers was not, hoW" 
ever, due westward. Better lands were to be found farther 
south, and in this direction the river valleys opened the 
line of least resistance. From Pennsylvania, then, the 
first settlers came into the Shenandoah Valley (about 
1732). Others pushed farther on, finding the head-waters 
of the New and Greenbriar rivers that feed the Great 
Kanawha, a tributary of the Ohio; and the head-waters 
of the Holston, Clinch, and French Broad rivers that 
feed the Tennessee. These mountain frontiersmen were 
reenforced by settlers from Virginia, many of whom were 
ex-indentured servants, and from North Carolina, f 

In 1748, a body of prominent Virginians organized the 
Ohio Company and the next year obtained a grant of land 
west of the mountains in Virginia. Their purpose was to 
engage in the fur trade and to colonize the lands. Their 
post at Will's Creek (later Cumberland, Md.), was on the 
mountain trail that ran westward to a tributary of the 
Monongahela River. The activity of English traders in 
the Ohio country and this project of the Ohio Company 
for settlement were answered by the French when they sent 
an expedition under Celeron, which followed the Alleghany 



* For discussion of Scotch-Irish and Germans, see pp. 76, 129. 

t "These pioneers were of different type from the planters of the South, 
or the merchants and seamen of the New England coast. The Scotch- 
Irish element was ascendant, and this contentious, self-reliant, hardy, 
backwoods rtock, with its rude and vigorous forest life, gave the tone to 
Western thought in the Revolutionary era. A log hut, a little clearing, 
edged by the primeval forest, with the palisaded fort near by^this was 
the type of home they made. As they pushed the frontier on, they held 
their lands at the price of their blood shed in incessant struggles with the 
Indians." Turner, Western State-Making in the Revolutionary Era. 
Am. Hist. Review. I, 72-73. 



The French in America 



121 



and Ohio rivers down to the mouth of the Great Miami. 
Leaden plates were buried at various points inscribed with 
the claim of France to the entire region. This presaged 
the final struggle between the French and the English in 
America. 

The most \ital point of contact between the rival col- French 
onizing powers was the upper Ohio Valley. The next fhe'^AU©. 

move of the French ghauy. 
was the establish- 
ment of a series of 
posts — Presque Isle ^ 

on Lake Erie and 
Forts Le Boeuf and 
Venango on the Al- 
leghany River. In 
response to this ac- 
tion, Governor Din- 
widdie, of Virginia, 
sent George Wash- 
ington, whose experi- 
ence as a surveyor on 
the frontier qualified 
him for the enter- 
prise, to warn the 
French that they had 
encroached upon 
English territory. 
The warning proved futiie and the French proceeded to 
erect Fort Du Quesne, at the junction of the Alleghany and 
the Monongahela rivers — the most important point on the 
western frontier. When, the next year, Washington was sent 
with a small force to drive the French from this post, he 
was defeated; being forced to surrender at Fort Necessity 
(July 4, 1754), he withdrew to Virginia. 

The situation was now critical, and though France and The 
England were nominally at peace in Europe, each made congress, 
active preparations for guarding its possessions in xAmerica. ^''^'*- 




Western Forts — French and Indian War 



122 



American History 



The last 
French and 
Indian 
War, 1755- 
1760. 



Years of 
defeat for 
the 
English. 



In 1754 the New England colonies, New York, Pennsyl- 
vania, and Maryland sent delegates to a congress at Al- 
bany. This congress renewed the alliance with the Iro- 
quois, and then discussed plans for a union of the colonies 
that would render their military forces more efficient. The 
plan adopted was drawn up by Benjamin Franklin. It 
provided for a President-General, to be appointed by the 
crown, and a Grand Council to be composed of delegates 
elected by the colonial assemblies. In the latter feature 
the English Government saw too much of colonial self- 
government and so rejected the plan. The colonial 
assemblies, on the other hand, objected to the presence 
of a royal officer, and none of them approved the measure. 

The situation in America when the French and Indian 
War began in earnest reveals four principal points of attack 
and defence. (1) Fort Du Quesne was essential to the power 
that would hold the West. (2) Fort Niagara guarded the 
French communications with Du Quesne, with the Iro- 
quois Indians, and with Detroit and Mackinac. (3) The 
Lake Champlain route was the most direct line of com- 
munication between New York and Canada. (4) Louis- 
burg was essential in the naval defence of Quebec; and it 
menaced English interests on the iVtlantic coast. 

During the years 1755-1757 the French were, in general, 
successful, chiefly because of the incompetency of the 
English officers. Braddock's expedition against Fort Du 
Quesne (1755) resulted in a terrible defeat; but it served to 
arouse the colonists to more jlrompt action. For three 
years, while the French held Du Quesne, the frontiers of 
neighboring colonies were harassed by Indian attacks. 
Unfortunately, the authorities and people of the tide-wate" 
regions refused to send adequate means of defence to ti>.'» 
frontier. 

In 1756, English attempts against Niagara and Louis- 
burg failed, and Oswego fell into French hands. In the 
Lake Champlain region a French force under Montcalm 
pushed their line forward and built Fort Ticonderoga. 



The French in America 



123 



From here they successfully attacked the English Fort 
William Henry. (See map, p. 114.) 

But a new day dawned for the cause of England when 
William Pitt assumed control of the government 
personality of this great man — his faith in himself, in the 
people, and in the destiny of England — aroused great 
enthusiasm in both Endand and America. The Seven 



WUHara 

The ^^^^ ^^^ 
his policy. 




William Pitt 

Fniiu the National Portrait Gallery 



Years' W^ar had begun in Europe (1756). Pitt sent aid 
to Frederick the Great of Prussia in his single-handed 
struggle against France, Austria, and Russia. He put men 
and money into the war in America and sent over com- 
petent commanders. Generals Wolfe and Amherst took 
Louisburg (1758), and so made possible the naval attack 
uDon Quebec. Fort Frontenac was captured. K well- 



124 



American History 



The siepe 
and capt- 
ure of 
Quebec, 
1759. 



organized expedition under General Forbes crossed the 
Alleghanies from Philadelphia and secured Fort Du 
Quesne. The other French posts in that neighborhood 
were then abandoned, and in 1759 Fort Niagara capitu- 
lated. Thus the French posts of the far West were cut off 
from communication with Canada. 

The war now concentrated upon Quebec, whose defences 
*Tere commanded by Montcalm. While a naval force 
under Saunders, cooperating with the troops under Wolfe, 
held close siege during the summer months of 1759, a 




View of Quebec from Point Levi 

tardy expedition under Amherst moved northward from 
Lake Champlain, but failed to render assistance. The 
strategic problem, which almost baffled the energy and skill 
of Wolfe, w^as at last solved in a most dramatic, and to the 
French unexpected, attack upon the rear of Quebec. Here, 
by the battle upon the Plains of Abraham, the outcome of 
the w^ar was virtually decided. With the fall of Montreal 
in the next year, the conquest of Canada was complete. 
The terms of the Treaty of Paris (1763) were dictated 
largely upon the basis of European politics. (1' England 



The French in America 



125 



The Treaty 
of Paris, 
1763. 



the war in 
America. 



returned to France some of her West Indian islands which 
had been captured. (2) All the former French possessions 
on the continent east of the IVIississippi were ceded to Eng- 
land. (3) France ceded her claims west of the Mississippi * 
to Spain. (4) England had been at war with Spain also, 

and had captured 
Manila and Havana. 
These were restored, 
and, in exchange, 
England received 
Florida. 

The consequences Results of 
of this war were mo- 
mentous. On its 
American side, it de- 
termined the possi- 
bility of westward 
expansion for the 
English people, with 
the ideas and insti- 
tutions that are fun- 
damental in the 
United States of to- 
day. In its immediate effects the war gave military train- 
ing to the colonists; it gave them self-confidence; and of 
the British troops and officers they acquired accurate ideas 
that were to be of service in years not distant. The col- 
onists also had some experience in cooperative efforts 
against a common enemy. Finally, it was not unobserved 
at the time that the banishment of the French power from 
America Removed the necessity for colonial dependence 
upon the British Government, a necessity which had 
hitherto been distinctly felt. 



li^ 


T~ 


<^^-4-^w 






/>^ 1 ^ V|-^ 




j:^^\ 


p^^^--^ ^y\ /^ *^ 




A 


^r Sj^^4^ \ L> ^ 




V 


-_,'C\ (j «^ Jr ■^ -^ 


1 J 




?\_^ ^_/ / V V 


7^^ 


\3/^ / v' '^ 




( 


^^ ' ( ^ o^ 


1 vA \\\. 

! "^ Vi s. 


H 


(f ^ .*•) BAHAMA IS. 


-*\\^ 


V 


I QvXf Of Mexico^ ». V 


i "o^^ 


^ 


'j^^^^^^^^r. 


1 1763 


V 




lEuropean Possession^ 


^.„ V 1 Caribbean Sea 


1 by Treaty of Paris 


^■^^i^ik, 7 ^^^'^W^ 


i^English 


o 
o 


'Hvji:;s^r 


fmFrenc?. 


^ _ "^ ^ II 


l^Spanuk 




^^^ !_.. II 



European Possessions by Treaty of Paris 



* The island of Orleans, including the city, went with the western part 
to Spain. Thus France lost every foot of her colonial empire on the 
continent; but she retained fishing rights in Newfoundland waters and 
two small islands (St. Pierre and Miquelon), south of Newfoundland. 



126 American History 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Parkman's Pioneers of France in the New World. Cham- 
plain's early life and voyages, 230-242. Settlements in Acadia, 
243-275. Founding of "Quebec, 324-33S. Expedition of 1609 
against Iroquois, 339-352. Second expedition against Iroquois, 
399-416 (map). Champlain's character and work, 446-454. 

2. Do you agree with Drake (The Making of the Great West, 
p. 72) that Champlain's Iroquois policy was *' consummate 
folly"? 

3. Fiske, New France and New England. Champlain's policy, 
58-71. Summary of his work, 89-93. La Salle, 109-132. Fur 
traders and missionaries, 98-109. 

4. The later French explorers. Thwaites, The Colonies, 246- 
249. Drake, Making of the Great West, 75-85. Fiske, Dis- 
covery of America, II, 528-540. 

5. Parkman, Old Regime in Canada. Colbert and his system, 
232-237. Talon's influence, 268-275. 

6. Parkman, Frontenac. His character and policy, 17-18; 
22-24; 389-396. 

7. Nicolet. Parkman's La Salle, chaps. 23, 24. Thwaites, 
Story of Wisconsin, 19-35. 

8. Marquette and Joliet. Parkman's La Salle, 48-78. Drake, 
Making of the Great West, 85-92. Hart, Contemporaries, I, 
No. 42. Thwaites, Father Marquette — an interesting biog- 
raphy. 

9. Parkman, The Jesuits (from a Protestant point of view), 
chaps. 3, 4, 16, 20. The success of the Jesuits, 317-320; 446- 
449. Parkman's La Salle, 28-38; 92-94. 

10. Conditions and events preceding the French and Indian 
wars. Fiske, New France and New England, 258-283. Also, 
French colonial policy, 100-109. 

11. Parkman, Old Regime. Canadian feudalism, 304-315. 
Colonial government, 326-329; 337-344; 348-351. Trade re- 
strictions, 352-361; 366-379. Life in the colony, 434-460. 

12. Royal measures fostering New France, Hart, Contempo- 
raries, I, No. 41. The fur trade, 320-324; 327-330. 

13. Make a comparison of the French and the English colonies 
under the following heads: — 1. Situation of each, with reasons. 
2. The people, numbers, . motives, classes. 3. Industries. 
4. Government. 5. Relations with the mother country. 6. Re- 



The French in America 127 

lations with Indians. 7. Military strength. Read on this topic, 
Parlvman's works, Old Regime, 461-468. Frontenac, 414-417. 
Half Century of Conflict, II, 63-77. ]Montcalm and Wolfe, I, 
20-35. Also, Sloane, French War and Revolution, 22-27; 33-37. 
Greene, Provincial America, 114-118. 

14. Parkman, Half Century of Conflict, I. The attack on New 
England towns, chaps. 3, 4. French policy, 262-267; 28^290. 

15. The capture of Louisburg. Harper's Magazine, 108: 
209-218 (map). Parkman, Half Century of Conflict, II, chaps. 
18, 19, 20 (maps, frontispiece, and p. 113). Hart, Contempo- 
raries, II, No. 120. Fiske, New France and New England, 249- 
257 (map). 

16. Are the French to-day a successful colonizing nation? 

17. Braddock's defeat. Sloane, French War and Revolution, 
40-45. Parkman, INIontcalm and Wolfe, I, chap. 7. Hart, 
Contemporaries, II, No. 127. Bancroft, II, 420-425. Fiske, 
New France and New England, 283-293. 

IS. The Albany Congress and Franklin's plan. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, II, No. 125. Bancroft, I, 385-388. James and 
Sanford, Government in State and Nation, 99. . Old South 
Leaflets, No. 9. 

19. Wilham Pitt, the Great Commoner. Green, History of 
England, 748-753. Gardiner, 746-753. 

20. The capture of Quebec. Parkman, INIontcalm and Wolfe, 
chaps. 25, 27, 28. Hart, Contemporaries, II, No. 129. Ban- 
croft, 11, 503-512. Fiske, New France and New England, 344- 
359 (map). Kendall, Source Book of English History, 345-349. 
Colby, Selections from the Sources of English History, 247-250. 

21. The Treaty of Paris, Sloane, French War and Revolu- 
tion, chap. 9. 

22. The people and government of New France. Thwaites, 
France in America, chap. 8. The frontiersmen of the English 
colonies, ibid, 145-148. 

23. Historical fiction. Catherwood, The Romance of Bol- 
lard. The Story of Tonty. Doyle, The Refugees. Thackeray, 
The Virginians. Parker, The Seats of the Mighty (Fall of 
Quebec). 

24. Source material, James and Mann, Readings in Ameri- 
can history, chap. 8. 



CHAPTER IX 

THE ENGLISH COLONIES IN THE EIGHTEENTH 
CENTURY 



Giowth in 
populatioa 



Tbe 
German 
immi- 
grants. 



Between the years 1690 and 1760 the English co/onies 
grew in population from about 245,000 to 1,600,000. 
Here, as in all new countries, where conditions of life are 
easy, the natural increase was large; and there was much 
immigration. In New England, non-English immigrants 
were not welcomed, though there were some Huguenots in 
the cities and Scotch-Irish in New Hampshire. Families 
were large, and there was little migration out of New 
England. In the middle colonies, this period saw a great 
influx of non-English immigrants. 

The circumstances under which the Huguenots and the 
Germans left Europe have been mentioned (pp. 82, 117). 
Added to these European conditions were the inducements 
presented by the New World: free land, free thought, and 
the certainty of better economic conditions for both the 
immigrant and his children. These attractions were ad- 
vertised by Pennsylvania and by the agents of land com- 
panies. The English Government sent to America sev- 
eral thousand Germans who had fled to that country. 
The immigrants in America also advertised the attractions 
of this country most effectively in correspondence with 
their friends and relatives at home. While some of the 
Germans settled in New York and the Carolinas, the great- 
est number went to Pennsylvania, where they found more 
liberal conditions. Here they made homes on the frontier, 
and became a substantial and very conservative element 
©f the population. 

128 



English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 129 

The Scotch- Irish immigrants constituted another im- The 
portant element in the colonies. The settlement of north- i^sh. 
eastern Ireland by Scotch and English peasants in the reigns 
of Elizabeth and James* accounts for this alien Protestant 
element in that country. They were mainly Presbyterians, 
and oppressive laws aimed at Catholics often bore hard 
upon them also. There was economic oppression be- 
sides — restraints put upon their industries and exorbitant 
rents exacted by landlords. Scotch-Irish immigration be- 
gan early in the eighteenth century and continued during 
the entire period now under review\t Pennsylvania, Vir- 
ginia, and the Carolinas were the favorite destinations of 
these immigrants. They pushed to the western frontier, 
among the foot-hills of the Alleghanies and into the valleys 
that lie between the parallel mountain ranges. Often 
they moved northward or southward in these valleys, and 
they were among the first to cross the mountains into the 
fertile lands that lay invitingly beyond. 

The Germans and the Scotch-Irish constituted the largest 
non-English element in the colonies. Smaller numbers of 
Swiss, Welsh, Highland Scotch, and Irish came to various 
colonies. 

Great numbers of these immigrants came as servants un- The 
der indenture contracts (see pp. 43-44) ; some were convicts ^^pfoSIs 
and some were given free land by the English Government, in Americ* 
In the colonies where they settled, though sometimes re- 
stricted from full political privileges, the non-English im- 
migrants finally acquired naturalization. Thus the ming- 
ling of peoples of different stocks, which Is one of the funda- 
mental facts in American history, became marked in the 
first half of the eighteenth century. 

Industrially, this period was one of substantial growth. 
The beginnings of colonial industries have been traced 
(pp. 91-98). The agriculture of the Southern colonies 

* See Gardiner's History of England, 452, 475, 484. 
t One authority ^timates the number at 12,000 yearly between 17?9 
wd 175€t 



130 



American History 



Jn^Zitrial 
growth and 
changes 
:n the 
South. 



Growth of 

varied 

industries. 



Commer- 
cial ex- 
pansion. 



became more systematic; larger crops were raised and 
more produce was exported. In the Carolinas rice was the 
principal product, and toward 1750 indigo became im- 
portant. These were exported, together with naval stores 
and lumber. Tn Virginia and South Carolina the tendenc}; 
toward the growth of large estates continued, while in 

North Carolina small 
farms were the rule.' 
Virginia and Mary- 
land continued to be 
the great tobacco- 
producing colonies. 
The non-English 
settlers on the bor- 
ders of all the South- 
ern colonies lived on 
small farms, which 
they worked them- 
selveSj and raised 
chiefly grains, cattle, 
and horses. 
. In the middle col- 
onies industries be- 
came more varied. Here and in New England manufactur- 
ing grew to greater importance. Coarse woollens, chiefly 
worn by the colonists, were made in the homes; much linen 
was manufactured. Iron began to be an important article 
of manufacture in the middle colonies. Pottery, glassware, 
hats, rope, furniture, and shoes were made in crude forms 
and on a small scale. The finer materials and articles 
were still imported from Europe. 

In New England fishing and ship-building grew to great 
importance during the eighteenth century, and these in- 
dustries in turn stimulated commerce. When a period of 
peace (1713-1744) ensued after the series of wars between 
England and France, the seas became safer and English 
capital was invested in colonial bottoms. At this time the 




A Colonial Fire Engine 



English Colonies in ihe Eighteenth Century 131 



fast-sailing schooner was brought to perfection. A race 
of sturdy and skilful seamen was bred in the cod and 
mackerel fisheries of the Atlantic coast, while the venture- 
some quest for whales carried New Englanders from Arctic 
to Antarctic waters. 

The forests of New England, New York, and Pennsyl- Exports 

vania yielded timber for ships, which became an important ^^^ 

, , . . irnports, 

article of export. From the middle colonies were shipped 

grains, meats, furs, and lumber; from New England, fish, 

horses, meats, clapboards, and staves. For the greater 

amount of these products England offered but a small 

market, since her industries jdelded similar products. 

The countries of southern Europe and the West Indies 

were the chief markets for the exports mentioned. From 

Spain and France in return came wines, oil, silk goods, and 

products of the East — sugar, coffee, and drugs. Molasses 

and sugar were imported from the West Indies. From 

this molasses rum was manufactured in large quantities 

in New England. 

Besides being a common beverage and a staple article in the The slave 
Indian trade, rum was exported. Traders who included it as a trade, 
part of their cargoes generally touched at an English or a West 
Indian port on their way to Africa. There cloth and trinkets, 
together with the rum, sufficed to secure a cargo of slaves. Then 
began the horrible "middle passage" back to America in which 
often a large proportion of the wretched negroes died. Many 
were disposed of in West Indian ports, whence more sugar and 
molasses were taken. During colonial times no protest seems 
to have arisen against the inhumanity and wickedness of this 
traffic. 

Manufactures were purchased in large quantities from Theba^ 
England, thus throwing the balance of trade against the ^"<J? ^ 
colonists. Since the balance with the West Indies was in 
their favor, much French and Spanish coin, of gold and 
silver, came thence in payment. This was in turn mainly 
shipped to England in settlement of the balance due there. 

Little hard money remained in the colonies, and there were no Paper 
precious metals produced from whvch to coin it. Hence arose moaey. 



132 



American History 



Privateer- 
tflg. 



The broad- 

•ningof 

ttfe. 









a demand for paper money, a demand to which all the colonial 
governments yielded, with unfortunate consequences. Its 
fluctuating value resulted in loss to many and benefited only 
speculators. Colonial governors were instructed by the home 
government to p r o - 
hibit such issues. 

During the Euro- 
pean wars of these 
times privateering was 
allowed, and upon the 
cessation of a war the 
privateer often turned 
pirate. The laxity of 
moral ideas upon this 
subjecc allowed the pi- 
rates to conduct, more 
or less openly, a profit- 
able trade in their 
stolen goods. The in- 
lets of the Carolina 
coasts and of the West 
Indies furnished con- 
venient shelters. Vig- 
orous efforts, however, 
were made to suppress 
piracy. 






m 










Three-shilling Massachusetts Bill of 1741 



Besides being a 
source of great profit 
f o the colonists, their 
foreign commerce brought them into touch with the peo* 
pies of other lands. This, and the mingling of the Eng. 
lish with the foreign elements of colonial population, 
broadened their vision and compelled the enlargement of 
their ideas. Partly for this reason, the strictness and sever- 
ity of life w^ere somewhat relaxed in the eighteenth century. 
There was a greater degree of comfort among the common 
people and of luxury among the rich. As the struggle 
for existence became easier there was more time for 
refinement, as well as for indulgence. In religious mat- 
ters, especially in New England, the church ceased to 
prescribe minute rules of conduct and the ministry lost its 



English Colonies m the Eighteenth Century 133 



Religion 

and 

education 



Colonial 
govern- 
ments. 



preeminent influence. The professions of law and med- 
icine became more respectable and had greater influence. 

A revival of religion, known as the ''great awakening," 
that had a profound influence, began in New England, 
in 1734, and lasted ten years. In this movement, which 
affected all the colonies, Jonathan Edwards and George 
Whitefield were the leaders. In educational matters, while 
the spread of common schools was slow, a number of col- 
leges were founded: Yale, 1701; Princeton, 1746; King's 
(now Columbia University), 1754; the University of 
Pennsylvania, 1755; and Brown, 1764. Newspapers were 
permanently established, the Boston News Letter (1704) 
being the first. 

In the constitution of their governments the colonies 
may be classified into three groups: royal, proprietary, and 
republican. This classification is based upon the three 
different methods by which their governors obtained office; 
i. e., by royal commission, by appointment of the pro- 
prietor, and by popular election. In the first group there 
were, in 1690, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, New York, 
Maryland (temporarily), and Vu'ginia; in the second, Penn- 
sylvania, Delaware, New Jersey, and the Carolinas. Of the 
latter group only the first two remained proprietary, the rest 
becoming royal, while Maryland was restored to the Balti- 
more family. Rhode Island and Connecticut alone re- 
tained their elective governors, and so may be classed as 
republican. With them, the colonial charters were the 
basis for the governor's authority; in the proprietary col- 
onies, the royal charter specified the powers of the governor; 
while in the royal colonies the commission of the governor 
and the instructions issued by the home government from 
time to time outlined his powers. 

In the royal and proprietary colonies the governor was Governor 
assisted and advised by a council, the members of which council 
(except in Massachusetts) were appointed b)y the crown 
or by the proprietor, usually upon the governor's recom- 
mendation. The council was thus a part of the admin- 



134 



American History 



P<^ular 

assemblies. 



Control by 
the British 
Govern- 
ment. 



The Board 
of Trade. 



istrative branch of government; it had also judicial func- 
tions, in certain cases, sitting as a court of appeals; finally, 
it participated in legislative work, being (in every colony 
except Pennsylvania) the upper house of the colonial leg- 
islature. It was natural that the members of the council 
should have been, generally speaking, in sympathy with 
the governor. With him they represented the external au 
thority of government; they were favorable to the policy of 
control of which we have seen the beginnings (p. 89), and 
which was destined to develop in the eighteenth century. 

The popular element in the colonial governments, rep- 
resenting the spirit of self-government, and often opposing 
the policy of control, was found in the representative as- 
semblies which were elected in the various colonies. The 
origin of these assemblies has been traced, and the strug- 
gles by which they acquired legislative powers, that of 
taxation, especially, have been noted. In the enactment 
of laws the assemblies were not absolute; for the council 
(except in Pennsylvania) must also vote its consent, and 
the royal and proprietary governors had the power of 
approving or vetoing bills. Finally, the crown exercised 
the right of veto over laws which were disapproved by 
its advisers. 

The policy of external contrr ""•und vigorous expression 
in the early years of the reign or William and Mary (1689- 
1702). Colonial governors urged upon the home govern- 
ment a firmer and more uniform system of colonial gov- 
ernment, w^ith a view especially to the enforcement of the 
navigation laws and to better measures of military action 
against the French. In 1696, a new body, known as the • 
''Board of Trade," consisting of members of the Privy 
Council and other men interested in the commercial rela- 
tions of England, was established as the central adminis- 
trative body in colonial affairs. Its powers were advisory, 
but it exercised considerable influence over the legislation 
of Parliament and over the royal instructions issued to 
colonial governors. An effort was made to bring the 



English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 135 

governors to a greater sense of responsibility in the enforce- 
ment of laws by the requirement of a new and stricter oath 
of office. For the better enforcement of the navigation 
laws, courts of admiralty were set up in the colonies. 
These courts acting without juries and being thus beyond 
the influence of local sj^ropathies, aroused the enmity of 
the colonists. 

New laws of trade were enacted by Parliament: (1) Col- New navl* 
onial trade in wool and woollen goods was prohibited, and fctT'^ 
consequently extensive woollen manufacture was impossible. 
This was a measure protective of British manufactures, and 
later similar protection was extended to hats (1732) and 
to all iron manufactures (1750) beyond the stage of pig 
and bar iron. (2) Parliament extended the list of enumer- 
ated articles (see p. 85), that could be shipped to England 
only, by the inclusion of rice, naval stores, and ship timber. 
As an offset to the last provision a bounty was granted on 
naval stores exported to England, which w^as intended to 
encourage their production. (3) The molasses act of 
1733 was intended to foster the production of sugar in 
the British West Indies; it imposed duties so high as to 
be prohibitive upon all sugar and molasses imported from 
the French and the Spanish islands. Since the latter were 
the main source of supply for these products, and since 
an important branch of colonial trade was based upon 
them (p. 131), the observance of this act would have 
been a serious burden. It was practically a dead letter. 

On the side of administrative control, the history of this ' 
period shows great activity on the part of the Board of Recom- 
Trade in their investigation of colonial conditions and their ["^^^^^" 
recommendations tor bringmg the colonial governments imperial 
Into closer conformity with the home government. Had ^'^'^''^'^^' 
they been better supported by the ministry, imperial con- 
trol would have been much more thorough, and colonial 
liberties would have suffered accordingly. One line of 
action recommended by the Board was the extinction of 
the proprietary grants and of the Rhode Island and Con- 



136 



American Hisiory 



Contlicts 
between 
governors 
and as- 
semblies. 



Free 
represen- 



Officers 

and 

salaries. 



necticut charters. This pohcy, however, was not vigor- 
ously pursued. The Jerseys became royal in 1702, and 
later the Carolinas (1729). Georgia, originally proprietary, 
was made royal (1754). But in all these cases popular 
discontent with the proprietary government was an active 
cause in the change. 

The central point of conflict in the opposing govern- 
mental tendencies of this period is found in the disputes 
that arose between colonial governors and assemblies. 
These authorities engaged in controversies that may be 
grouped into three classes: (1) The assemblies en- 
deavored to control the making of representative districts; 
to secure the right of dissolving their own sessions inde- 
pendently of the governor's will; to provide for frequent 
elections; to free themselves from the governor's influence 
in the election of their speakers; and to judge of the validity 
of election of their own members. 

(2) Many bitter controversies arose over the appoint- 
ment of colonial officers, especially treasurers; also, over 
the question of salaries, that of the governor in particular. 
The governors followed instructions from the home gov- 
ernment in their efforts to secure permanent salaries; the 
assemblies, on the other hand, insisted upon amiual grafits 
of salaries. The former policy would render the governor 
more independent of the assembly in his action; the latter' 
would give the assembly a very effective means of control- 
ling the governor, through their refusal to grant a salary 
until he conformed to some popular deipand. The contro- 
versy over this matter raged in New York, Massachusetts, 
South Carolina, and Pennsylvania, but it was quite uni- 
formly settled in favor of the assemblies, so that it was said 
that every governor had two masters: ''one who gives 
him his commission, and one who gives him his pay." 

(3) In their efforts to exercise control over public money, 
the colonists proved to be worthy descendants of their 
Eno^lish ancestors. The assemblies claimed the same 
rights in this respect as the House of Commons, even in 



J". 



1 CATECHISE, 



4CL V K STIC N\ 

-fJ/''iAT h r'/ ch'itf end cf a rrjcx^crn pro'^mcia'i Gov: 

,;'^-'' mWuhr^ that he ma 5 be found zvsriby fo tnj 'V a ptKj'.sn^ or be advan^ 
<"C"- !') ?. hftter fh<-t through b-* fa^-our. 

O.. ^yh-st rule hiii the rp- r.'ter -ivK ',0 d'-.'^rn *no-Jern provincial Go* 
Vcrr.'j'?; .''^Ti' /tw w.-?'.' •'■■:'•: c- .' .'■-'• I'-; r.'- 



as As'ts nis travion ; Ofjuitice, t^tsfidncis a; 
j^. Th-?y have ap;v-cd ^n '\cC.i''c:^-:M 



iVii own .' .:■' ,. . 

ih:^; ! en;. 



A Satire on Royal Government 



138 



American History 



Fublic 

money and 
taxation. 



f he tend- 
ency 
toward 
Belf-gov- 
enunent. 



ttie coin- 
promise 

between 

Imperial 

control 

and self- 

govern- 

"^"^^nt. 



direct contradiction to royal instructions sent to governors. 
They resisted the efforts of councils to share in the pas- 
sage of taxation bills; they insisted that appropriations 
should be made for specific purposes, instead of granting 
lump sums to be disbursed at the governor's discretion. 
All efforts of the governors to collect fees or payments as 
substitutes for taxation were resisted. 

In these contests between external authority, as embodied 
in the governors, and popular will, as represented in the 
assemblies, the popular side was on the whole successful. 
So that the most striking feature of colonial government 
during this period is not the extension of imperial control, 
but the firm assertion of colonial rights. The colonists 
were encouraged in this assertion by a growing feeling of 
economic independence, as industries became more stable; 
by a growing feeling of common interests, as intercom- 
munication became easier and the wars with the French 
compelled them to act in unison; and by a growing con- 
tempt for the authority of the home government, as they 
continued successfully to evade the navigation laws and 
as they won victories in their contests with the colonial 
governors. 

The issue between imperial control and local self- 
government was not decided in this period. While there 
came about no formal understanding upon the subject, 
there was yet a practical compromise, which, while it left 
some irritation in the minds of the colonists, was yet gen- 
erally satisfactory, both to them and to the home govern- 
ment. Had this condition been suffered to continue, 
colonial loyalty to the mother country would not have been 
shaken. It remained for the British Government to under- 
mine the foundations of colonial allegiance by the adop- 
tion of ''a new policy," to be discussed in a later chapter. 



GEORGIA 



It was almost precisely fifty years after the founding of 
Pennsylvania that the last of the thirteen English coloBi<>s 



English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 139 

of the Atlantic coast was established. The Carolinas oc- Reasons 
cupied territory that was claimed by Spain, and the de- colony. 
sirability of preventing Spanish aggression led to the 
placing of forts in the region that is now Georgia. These 
were, however, but temporary. Here also there was com- 
petition for Indian trade between the English colonists 
and the French traders of the Gulf coast. The English 
Government, therefore, gladly granted the country be- 
tween the Savannah and the Altamaha rivers to a com- 
pany of twenty or more prominent gentlemen who pro- 
posed founding a colony that would serve as an outpost 
guaranteeing English possession and trade. A leading 
motive in the undertaking, and the one upon which it was 
initiated, was philanthropic. James Oglethorpe was an 
officer in the English army, a member of Parliament, and 
a man of much ability and of good reputation. Having 
served upon a Parliamentary committee investigating Eng- 
lish prisons, he was moved to undertake the relief of worthy 
debtors then in confinement by aiding them to remove to 
America. Under its charter, the company, known as ''The 
Trustees," could make no profit from the enterprise, but 
collected funds by private subscription and was aided by 
Parliamentary grants.^ Settlers were provided with arms, 
and with tools and food sufficient to start them in their new 
life. Roman Catholics were excluded from the colony. 

Savannah was founded under Oglethorpe's personal 
supervision in 1733. Other poor and worthy persons be- 
sides imprisoned debtors were brought to the colony, and 
many Germans and Scotch Highlanders also received as- 
sistance. The latter were settled on the southern border 
of the colony as a defensive force.* Each family was 
given fifty acres of land. 

The Trustees, endeavoring to establish a model com- Poiicy^of 
munity, forbade (1) the sale of intoxicating liquors; (2) the 

* "Georgia, more nearly than any of the North American provinces, 
approximates the Roman conception of a military colony planted for the 
defence of the empire." Greene, Provincial America, 260. 



settlement, 



140 American History 

use of slaves, and (3) the alienation of land, except to male 
heirs. Within a few years complaints arose against these 
restrictions. They served to keep away other colonists, 
and, silk and grape production having proved unprofitable, 
slaves seemed necessary, especially in the rice fields. The 
Trustees finally agreed to abolish the restrictions, and the 
colony then grew more rapidly. In 1760, the population 
(10,000) was becoming typically Southern in economic 
and social life. 
A royal Once Oglethorpe led a military force against the Spanish 

province. ^ Florida, and later the Spanish unsuccessfully attacked 
the colony. In 1754 the Trustees surrendered the colony 
to the crown. Then there was established the typical 
colonial government, with royal governor, council, and 
elected assembly. 

References 

1. Life in Virginia. Fiske, Old Virginia, II, 28-44; 205-241. 
Hart, Contemporaries, I, 301-306; 235-238. Thwaites, The 
Colonies, chap. 5. 

2. New England Life. Lodge, English Colonies, 441-456. 
Thwaites, chap. 8. Earle, Customs and Fashions in Old New 
England. 

3. Make a comparison of the New England colonies with Vir- 
ginia on the following points: (1) Motives of settlers. (2) Meth- 
ods of settlement. (3) Industries. (4) Government. (5) In- 
fluence of religion. (6) Relations with Indians. In this con- 
nection, review chapter 7. 

4. Dutch life in New York. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colo- 
nies, II, 264-288. Thwaites, chap. 10. Lodge, 312-339. Hart, 
Contemporaries, II, 576-579. Earle, Colonial Days in Old 
New York. 

5. Quaker life. Hart, Contemporaries, II, 65-68. Fiske, 
Dutch and Quaker Colonies, II, 320-329. Lodge, 237-262. 

6. Colonial commerce. Thwaites, 103-106; 185-186; 226. 
Lodge, 409-41 L Coman, Industrial History of United States, 
72-79. Greene, Provincial America, 283-291. 

7. The navigation laws. Fiske, Old Virginia, II, 45-53; 111- 



English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 141 

113. Thwaites, see Index. Coman, Industrial History of United 
States, 79-83. Bogart, Economic History of the United States, 
34-46. 

8. Colonial industries, Bogart, 49-60. Colonial farm imple- 
ments, 66, 68, 73. Greene, Provincial America, 270-282. 

9. Colonial governments. Fisher, Colonial Era, 60; 165-167; 
208-211. Thwaites, 53-63. Channing, The United States, 26^ 
29; 33-38. Hart, Formation of the Union, 5-17. Wilson, The 
State, 449-469. 

10. Source material, James and Mann, Readings in Ameri- 
can History, chap. 9. 

11. Historical fiction. Cooke, The Virginian Comedians, 
Hawthorne, Twice-told Tales. Johnston, Audrey. 

12. Interesting and valuable are Earle, Child Life in Colonial 
Days, Home Life in Colonial Days, and Curious Punishments 
^' Bygone Days. 



CHAPTER X 

CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 



The mer- 
cantile 
■y»tem. 



Benedcial 
features. 



The navigation laws have been noticed (pp. 85, 86, 135) 
as an ever-present source of irritation between England and 
her colonies. These laws were based upon an economic 
theory known as the ''mercantile system." * This in- 
cluded the idea that colonies exist foi' the benefit of the 
parent state; they were, indeed, to be protected and fostered 
by parental care, but in a conflict of economic interests the 
colonies were to be subordinate. For the benefit of Eng- 
lish merchants and ship owners, trade must be controlled 
by restrictive acts instead of being allow^ed to take its 
natural course. 

The laws regulating colonial manufactures illustrate an- 
other idea of the mercantile system; viz., that the manu- 
facturing processes are of greatest value in a country's 
industry, and consequently these must be confined to the 
mother country; while her colonies should furnish raw ma- 
terials and should purchase the manufactured products. 
From the standpoint of the colonists, on the other hand, 
competition with the merchants and manufacturers of Eng- 
land and free trade with other countries was their best 
economic policy, and hence, they reasoned, it was their 
natural right. 

Some features of the navigation laws fostered colonial indus- 
tries. New England shipping received an impetus through the 
exclusion of foreign vessels from England's commerce. Bounties 
were paid in England upon the importation of indigo, naval 
stores, and timber from the colonies. Again, the sugar act of 



* Adam Smith in his Wealth of Nations (1776) overthrew 
theory, and laid the foundations for modern economic thought. 

142 



this 



Causes of the American Revolution 143 

1733 was purposely left a dead letter, and much of the most profit- 
able export trade was under no restriction whatever. In judg- 
ing the navigation acts we should remember that the same 
principles ruled in all European governments of that time. 
A comparison of the Spanish (p. 24) and French (p. 118) re- 
strictive systems with English policy will readily show how much 
more liberal was the last. 

The suppression of colonial manufactures (beyond the Theexecu^ 
purely home stage) was in the main successful; but in only navigat^o^ 
limited sections of the colonies was there any economic laws, 
profit in extensive manufactures. Consequently, little dis- 
advantage was suffered from this restriction. Concern- 
ing trade, the opposite was true. All the colonies depended 
upon European manufactures, and semi-tropical products; 
and these could be paid for only by colonial exports. Hence 
the economic necessity of the situation made the violation 
of the navigation acts profitable. Large quantities of 
imports wxre smuggled; exactly how much is not known. 
The cost of the English revenue system in the colonies 
was four times the amount collected. 

There was regular illicit trade with the West Indies, Mediter- 
ranean ports, and Holland. The desire for profit was stronger 
than law or commercial honor; and when it appeared that the 
English Government was too careless, or too inefficient, to en- 
force the laws it was no longer considered culpable to violate 
them. The connivance of English officers made smuggling 
easier. The landing of goods in obscure ports and the false 
declarations as to the destination of vessels and their cargoes 
are samples of the shrewd tricks that circumvented the laws. 

During the last French and Indian war there were in- Thedis- 
stances of the seizure of smuggled goods by virtue of wrifs°Jf^ 
"writs of assistance" — a kind of search warrant. In assistance. 
1761, application was made by Charles Paxton, surveyor 
of the port of Boston, to the Supreme Court of Massachu- 
setts for authority to use these writs. The right of the court 
to grant the authority was challenged by certain Boston 
merchants, on the ground that they were general rather 
than special warrants. They were directed to any officer 
into whose possession they might fall; they authorized of- 



144 



American History 



Otis's 
"Speech, 



The 

"New 
Policy." 



rhe sugar 
act, 1764. 



ficers to enter and search any place and to seize any goods, 
merely upon suspicion, instead of particularly describing 
the places to be searched and the goods to be seized.* 
The court declared the writs to be legal, and they were sub- 
sequently used in the discovery of smuggled goods. 

The case was argued for the merchants by James Otis, who 
showed that their issuance would be a violation of the "spirit oi 
the British Constitution," and a reversal of the long historical 
movement toward individual liberty thoi occupies such a prom- 
inent place in English history. He alsc declared with much fire 
and eloquence that the enforcement of the navigation laws meant 
the subjection of the colonists to obnoxious laws that they had " 
no share in making. His speech had great influence upon the 
people; for it first clearly defined the issue of Parliamentary 
supremacy in the colonies. 

The head of the British ministry was now (1763) George 
Grenville, an able man, but lacking in breadth of view, 
tact, and statesman-like qualities. He determined that the 
inconsistencies in colonial relations and the inefficiency of 
the Government's control should cease. The three points 
of his "new policy" were: 

(1) The enforcement of the navigation laws. 

(2) The placing of a standing army in the colonies. 

(3) The partial support of this army by a colonial tax. 

This policy seemed to be justified by new conditions that 
followed the Seven Years' War. England's debt (£140,000,000) 
demanded the severest economy of resources. The danger from 
the French in America was not over. The years 1763-17(34 saw 
Pontiac's rebellion, when the frontier of the middle colonies was 
swept by war. At the same time Indian attacks threatened the 
frontiers of Georgia and the Carolinas. For efficient protection 
a standing army seemed necessary, and in Grenville 's judgment 
the expense should be shared by the colonists. 

The sugar act of 1764 announced as one of its objects 
the raising of a revenue in the colonies. The terms of the 
molasses act of 1733 (see p. 135) were <:ltered so that if 
the duties were enforced they would yield considerable 

♦ Compare Amendment IV of the United States Constitution and a cor- 
lespondinsr clause of your State Constitution. 



Causes of the American Revolution 145 

revenue. High duties were levied on other imports. The 
enforcement of the sugar act, said the New Englanders, 
would seriously injure, if not absolutely ruin, the West 
Indian trade and also the fishing industry that depended 
upon it. There now came a storm of protests from colo- 
nial assemblies and their agents in England. 

Such was the ominous situation into which Grenville The 
now introduced k most powerful stimulant of discon- 1765^.^ ° 
tent — the proposition for a stamp tax to be levied in 
America. 

Calling together the colonial agents in London (1764), Gren- 
ville announced his purpose of raising one-third of the expense 
necessary for maintaining 10,000 troops in the colonies. As the 
agents could propose no satisfactory alternative, in the absence 
of a central authority in America, Grenville asserted that Parlia- 
ment must assume the responsibility and enact the least burden- 
some tax possible. The law (1765) required the use of stamps 
(or stamped paper) upon legal instruments (such as bonds, leases, 
etc.), and upon newspapers, bills of lading, playing cards, and 
almanacs. No part of the money was to be employed otherwise 
than in defraying the expense of the army in America. 

The smouldering fires of discontent in America now burst Colonial 
into flame. Everywhere there were public meetings and oppositioa, 
demonstrations of disapproval. In the Virginia House of 
Burgesses Patrick Henry spoke out colonial sentiments in 
a burst of oratory. Resolutions drawn up by Henry were 
adopted, boldly claiming the sole right of taxation to 
reside in the colonial assemblies. These resolutions had 
great influence in other colonies. Everywhere in the 
colonies there were organized patriotic clubs called 
"Sons of Liberty,"* and among these a lively corre- 
spondence ensued. Meanwhile, citizens entered into 
agreements not to buy English manufactures, and col- 
onial merchants threatened to pay no debts owed in 
England until the act was repealed. Riots occurred in 

* For the origin of tlie name, see Frothingliam, Rise of the Republic, 
175-183. Lamed, History for Ready Reference, United States, 1765. 
Bancroft. Ill, 110-112, 



146 



American History 



Tlie 

stamp Act. 

CJongress, 

1763. 



several colonies.* Stamp collectors were publicly abused, 
stamps were destroyed, and the people utterly refused 
to use them. 

Meanwhile, upon the suggestion of the Massachusetts 
assembly, a general congress of the colonies met in New 
York on October 7, 1765. Delegates were present froj^ 




Benjamin Franklin 
From a medallion by Jean Martin Renaud 

nine colonies; among them were James Otis, Christophej 
Gadsden (South Carolina), John Dickinson (Pennsyl- 

* The most notable riot resulted in the destruction of Lieutenant- 
Governor Hutchinson's house in Boston. This gentleman, whose real 
character and motives have until recent years been misunderstood, was 
opposed to the Parliamentary policy, but saw no alternative to Its en- 
forcement. He incurred the bitterest enmity of the popular leaders, 
among whom were James Otis and Samuel Adani;s. 



of the 
Stamp Act. 



Causes of the American Revolution 147 

vania), and Philip Livingston (New York). Though not 
unanimous in opinion, the Congress agreed upon a Declara- 
tion of Rights, and Addresses to the King and both Houses 
of Parliament. Their Declaration breathes at once the 
spirit of loyalty to the King and Parliament and firm ad- 
herence to the principle, "no taxation without representa- 
tion." Their rights were declared to be those of natural- 
born citizens of Great Britain. The importance of this 
Congress in forming public opinion and fostering the spirit 
of united action among the thirteen colonies cannot be 
overestimated. 

Upon the grounds of expediency the Stamp Act was re- The repeal 
pealed in 1766. The following reasons account for this: 
(1) There had been a change of ministry; the Whigs, 
under Rockingham, were disposed toward a more lenient 
colonial policy and were anxious to obtain the favor of 
the mercantile classes. (2) In his testimony before the 
House of Commons, Benjamin Franklin pointed out the 
fact that by persisting in their opposition the colonies 
could ruin British trade and build up manufactures for 
themselves. (3) English merchants and manufacturers, 
already feeling the evil effects of colonial anger, deluged 
Parliament with petitions for the repeal. 

The colonial denial of Parliament's right to levy this tax was 
explained by Franklin, who drew the distinction between ex- 
ternal and internal taxes. He said: ''The authority of Parlia- 
nrient was allowed to be valid in all laws, except such as should 
lay internal taxes. It was never disputed in laying duties to 
regulate commerce." 

Some members of Parliament rested the right of colonial taxa- The theory 
tion upon the theory of "virtual representation," thus stated in of virtual 
the words of Lord Mansfield: "A member of Parliament, chosen represen- 
from any borough, represents not only the constituents and inhab- 
itants of that particular place, but ... all the other commons of 
this land, and the inhabitants of all the colonies and dominions 
of Great Britain." This can be understood onlj' in the light of 
conditions then existing in England under the "rotten borough" 
system.* The theory was not accepted by Burke or by Pitt. 

* Gardiner, History of England, 713 7X4. 



148 American History- 

The idea was certainly incomprehensible to Americans, among 
whom a very different system of representation had grown up. 
A "Declaratory Act" accompanied the repeal of the Stamp 
Act. It proclaimed the right of Parliament to make all laws to 
bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. This act was over- 
looked in the midst of the general rejoicing that followed the 
repeal. 

The colonists now desired nothing better than the restor- 
ation of the former relations with the British Government. 
But the latter adopted the disastrous policy that led to 
American independence. A new ministry was formed 
(July, 1766), with William Pitt, now Lord Chatham, at 
its head. But a prolonged illness made Chatham's leader- 
ship only nominal. The colonial policy was dictated in- 
stead by Charles Townshend, Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer, "a brilliant statesman, but unscrupulous and 
unwise." (1) Townshend proposed to raise a revenue by 
duties upoD paper, tea,* glass, lead, and painters' colors im- 
ported into the colonies. Since the purpose of the new 
duties was the raising of revenue, instead of the control of 
commerce, the colonists regarded them as ''internal taxes," 
and so beyond the power of Parliament. (2) The enforce- 
ment of revenue laws was rendered difficult by the fact 
that judges and crown attorneys were paid by colonial 
legislatures and were consequently under their influence. 
Townshend proposed that these officers should be paid 
from the customs receipts. (3) It was very difficult to 
find a colonial jury that would convict smugglers for viola- 
tion of the trade laws. For the tri^l of such cases Town- 
shend proposed to establish courts of admiralty, in which 
there were no juries. (4) A Board of Commissioners was 
created, to be resident in the colonies, who were to secure 
more efficient administration of the navigation and rev- 

* This duty was 3d. a pound. Under this law, when tea was imported 
into England, paying there a duty of about 25 per cent., and was sub- 
sequently exported to America, the duty was paid back to the exporter; 
*nd in this way it was expected that tea could be sold more cheaply in 
America than in England. Am. Hist. Review, III, 266. 



Causes of the American Revolution 



149 



enue laws. Such were the Townshend acts passed by 
Parhament in 1767. 

The colonial response to these acts was prompt and Measures 
decisive. (1) The non-importation agreements that fol- anceTn*tbe 

lowed the Stamp Act colonies. 
were renewed and with 
them were n on- con- 
sumption agreements. 
(2) Colonial protests 
were voiced by the writ- 
ings of John Dickinson 
of Pennsylvania, who, 
in his ''Farmers Let- 
ters," stated the colonial 
position so cogently that 
public opinion was uni- 
ted in opposition. (3) 
A similar service was 
performed by Samuel 
Adams, from wdiose pen 
came a series of peti- 
tions directed to the 
King and other English 
officials, and a circular 
letter adopted by the general court of ^lassachusetts and 
directed to the other colonial assemblies. The British 
ministry regarded this circular letter as an insult, and 
ordered the general court to rescind it; but the proposal 
to rescind was resolutely voted down. x\s punishment for 
feiie adoption of certain resolutions (1769), the governor 
of Virginia dissolved the House of Burgesses. But its 
members met the following day and adopted a non- 
importation plan. 

The year 1768 saw the landing of two regunents of British 
British troops in Boston; there followed considerable Bostoal 
friction over the question of providing them with quarters. 
It is not strange that a settled state of animosity existed 




John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania 
i'tom a painting by U. W. Pealb, 1791 



150 



American History 



between citizens and vSoldiers and that the outcome should 
be a clash between the latter and the disorderly element of 
the city. The '* Boston massacre** (March, 1770), re- 
sulting in the death of five persons and the wounding of 
six, greatly inflamed 
popular passions. 
The more conserva- 
tive element, depre- 
cating the use of vio- 
lence, approved the 
position of John 
Adams and Josiah 
Quincy, Jr., who 
acted as lawyers for 
the soldiers in the 
trial that ensued. 
Through the influ- 
ence of Samuel 
Adams, Lieutenant- 
Governor Hutchin- 
son was obliged to 
remove the troops to 
Castle William in the 
harbor. 

Samuel Adams, the most influential leader in Massachusetts, 
displayed great skill as an agitator and a moulder of public opin- 
ion. He showed also remarkable ability as a writer, in stating 
the fundamental doctrines of colonial resistance. John AdamSy 
his relative, was a young lawyer of brilliant qualities, but more 
conservative and better balanced than Samuel. His influence 
was destined to grow. 

Lord North was now Prime ]\Iinister, and this meant the 
complete dominance of George III. The motion was 
made in the House of Commons (1770) to repeal all the 
duties of the Townshend acts except that on tea. The 
vote on this policy was carried by the ** King's friends" 
against the protests of Chatham and Grenville. who 
plainly saw its folly. 




Samuel Adams 

From a portrait hy John Pin^'leton Copley, in the Museum 

of Fine Arts, Bostou 



Causes 0} the American Revolution 151 

Lord North was "an easy-going, obstinate man, with a quick Georg»ni 
wit and a sweet temper." George III was but twenty-two years 
of age when he came to the throne in 1760. He had persistently 
followed a course that was in accordance with his early training 
and the emphatic injunction of his mother, "George, be king! '" 
To secure a dominant influence over Parliament he used the cor- 
rupt means that had flourished under the Old Whig supremacy. 
He then entered upon a bitter contest with the colonies and with 
the friends of liberal government in England. For the latter, 
too, the principle of adequate representation was at stake. 

George III and his ministers now issued "royal in- Goverment 
structions" to colonial governors ordering acts that were onies^by^' 
often in violation of both colonial customs and charters, royal in- 
In Massachusetts and South Carolina, the assemblies were ^ ^^^ ^°^^ 
removed from the capitals to other places. In several 
colonies assemblies were ordered dissolved; royal officials 
in Maryland and North Carolina demanded fees that were 
virtually taxes; in other instances local go\^ernments Avere 
interfered with by these instructions. The efforts of 
Virginia to check the importation of slaves were negatived. 
In these ways, the King was arbitrarily legislating for the 
colonies. 

When the sessions of the Massachusetts general court Origin of 
were interfered with, the Boston town meeting passed a miuees^of 
resolution, conceived by Samuel Adams, resulting in the correspoa- 
establishment of "committees of correspondence '* in each 
of eighty or more towns (1772). Thus was promoted unity 
of thought and feeling. In Virginia, a motion was carried 
in the House of Burgesses that a committee of correspond- 
ence be appointed to communicate with similar committees 
in other colonies. 

After the repeal of the duties (except that on tea). In The tea 
1770, there was a revival of trade between England and ^^^l^^' 
the colonies; but the colonists still smuggled tea and re- 
fused to patronize the British East India Company. In 
1773 the King determined to bring about the payment of 
duties on tea, and thus to secure a practical recognition 
of the Parliamentary right to tax. The British East India 



versy. 



152 American History 

Company was allowed to send several cargoes to th« colonies 
under such conditions that the purchasers would pay still 
lower prices than before. The colonists refused to be 
caught in this trap; to them the duty was nothing, the 
principle everything. In New York and Philadelphia the 
cargoes were sent back; at Charleston, the agents were 
forced to resign. At Boston, where the consignees stood 
ready to receive- the tea, the people would not permit its 
landing. When the officers were about to force its landing 
it was suddenly dumped into the harbor (December, 1773). 
TheRetai- This incident aroused the extreme resentment of the 
latoryor British ministry, and under the King's direction Par- 
acts, liament passed a series of acts in retaliation (1774). 
W74. (^2) The Boston port bill ordered the cessation of all com- 
merce at that port until the tea (valued at £18,000) should 
be paid for. (2) Another act revised the charter of INIassa- 
chusetts, making members of the council appointees of 
the crown. The powers of the governor were greatly ex- 
tended; he was to appoint and remove judges and sheriffs, 
the latter having the selection of juries. (3) Government 
officers charged with murder committed in the perform- 
ance of their duties might be taken out of the colonies for 
trial. (4) The quartering act gave complete authority to 
royal officers for the hiring of vacant buildings as quarters 
for the soldiers. 

jlig The Quebec act was classed by the colonists with the four just 

Quebec mentioned; but it was not passed in the same spirit of retaliation. 
"^^ It extended the boundary of Quebec to include the territory be- 

tween the Great Lakes and the Ohio River> and established the 
government for that province, providing full toleration of the 
Roman Catholic religion. 

Sympathy for Boston, suffering under the port bill, 
stimulated the spirit of union.* From the Massachusetts 

* South Carolina and Maryland sent to Boston corn and rice. Salem 
and Marblehead offered free the use of their wharves and warehouses. 
George Washington subscribed ;^50, and Israel Putnam drove a flock of 
sheep from Connecticut to Boston. Resolutions of sympathy in the 
Virginia house of burgesses led to its dissolution. 




Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia 

Where the First Continental C'onffress me 



154 



American History 



Lexinfrton 
and Con- 
cord, 
April 19, 
1775. 



Assembly there came the proposal for a Congress to be 
held at Philadelphia, September 1, 1774. 

The First Continental Congress was the logical result 
of many preparatory steps in the direction of union. 
Fifty-five delegates represented all the colonies but Georgia. 
Its acts may be summarized as follows: (1) It passed reso- 
lutions of s}Tiipathy and encouragement for Boston and 
Massachusetts. (2) A petition to the King asked re- 
moval of grievances, but claimed loyalty to England. 
(3) Addresses were issued to the people of England and 
Canada. (4) A remarkable paper, known as the "Decla- 
ration and Resolves " stated fully the grievances of the col- 
onists and their principles of government. (5) An "Asso- 
ciation" was adopted, binding the colonists not to import 
or consume British goods after December, 1774, and not to 
export goods to England or her colonies after September, 
1775. As the enforcement of previous similar agreements 
had proved to be difficult, Congress advised the appoint- 
ment of committees in every locality who should recom- 
mend that the colonists should have no dealings with per- 
sons who would not observe this policy. Such committees 
were quite generally organized. These, together with the 
committees of correspondence and committees of safety, 
assumed governmental authority and constituted, in reality, 
revolutionary governments. 

Several propositions were introduced into Parliament 
looking toward reconciliation with the colonies. Chatham 
would have retained the Continental Congress as a per- 
manent body. Burke, in a speech that ranks foremost 
among the great argumentative orations of history, pleaded 
for the repeal of the oppressive acts. 

In Massachusetts the militia was completely organized, 
"minute-men" were ready for instant mobilization, and 
stores of war materials had been collected. General 
Gage's effort to capture such stores at Lexington and Con- 
cord led to the memorable fight of the 19th of April, 1775 
Its outcome, the complete discomfiture of the British refjU' 



Causes of the American Revolution 155 



lars, gav? courage to the patriots and brought to the vi- 
cinity of Boston 15,000 troops from the New England 
colonies. Then began the siege of Boston, which lasted 
nearly a year. 



P Forls 
i~^ Redoubts 
vMw American Lines 







1775-1781. 



The Vicinity of Boston During the Siege, 1775-1776 

Meanwhile, the Continental Congress met again, May The Sec- 
10, 1775.* The necessity for military action being recog- Jjnd Conti- 
nized, the army around Boston was adopted as the Con- Congress, 
tinental Army, and it was voted to raise companies of ex- 
pert riflemen in other colonies. On June 15, Colonel George 
Washington was elected Commander-in-Chief of the 
Continental Army. Congress then voted to issue $2,000,- 
000 in paper money. 

On June 17, 1775, was fought the Battle of Bunker Hill. 
The intention of the Continental troops in fortifying Charles- 
town peninsula was to anticipate such a movement on the part 

* In the early hours of the same day, Ethan Allen, commanding a few 
soldiers from New England, surprised the British garrison at Fort Ti- 
conderoga and compelled its surrender. A few days later Crown Point 
Was taken. 



156 



American History 



The Battle 
©f Bunker 
Hfll. 



War to se- 
fure the 
•'rights of 
Bnglish- 
tnen." 



The 

^owth of 
itedepen- 
d^ftice sen- 
twient. 



rhe 

evacuation 
"ot Boston. 



of the British and to command a portion of Boston harbor with 
their guns. The blunder of the Americans in fortifying Breed's 
instead of Bunker's hill was offset by thf> greater blunder of the 
British in making a front attack, instead of capturing the neck 
of the peninsula, where they might have cut off the Americans 
and compelled their surrender. The defeat, at first depressing; 
later gave confidence to the patriots, since the British lost heavily 
in men and officers and gained no ground. 

In July, the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, under 
pressure of its conservative members, adopted another 
petition to George III, and promulgate4 a statement of 
causes for taking up arms. The latter declared: "We 
mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so 
happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish 
to see restored. . . . We have not raised armies with am- 
bitious designs of separating from Great Britain, and 
establishing independent states." However much the rad- 
ical leaders may have desired independence, their follow- 
ers were comparatively few. Franklin, Jay, Washington, 
and Madison all testify that in the summer of 1775 there 
was no general desire among the people for independence. 

But this situation was changed by the contemptuous atti- 
tude of King George in his refusal to receive either the 
petition of Congress or the messenger who earned it. In- 
stead, the King issued a Proclamation declaring his Ameri- 
can subjects to be rebels and threatening their punislmaent. 
Worse yet was his policy of hiring troops in Germany. 
During the months that followed these events, the radical 
patriots had little difficulty in convincing a majority of the 
people that reconciliation was impossible and that indepen- 
dence was the logical outcome of the conflict. 

In the army besieging Boston, the lack of discipline anci 
of supplies was the despair of the commander. Finally, 
Washington made a bold move in ordering the fortifica« 
tion of Dorchester Heights, commanding Boston harbor. 
The British hesitated to attack, and soon loaded the troops 
and 1,000 Tories aboard vessels and sailed away to Hali- 
fax (March, 1776). 



Causes of the American Revolution 157 



A daring invasion of Canada was made during the winter of 
1775-1776 by armies under Richard Montgomery and Benedict 
Arnold, It failed, through mismanagement; the French people 
of Canada were alienated by ill-treatment at the hands of the 
colonial troops, and the province remained loyal. 

In various colonies royal governors were driven out 
' and provincial congresses assumed governmental con- 
trol. This was espe- 
cially true in New Eng- 
land and the South, 
but in the middle col- 
onies the Tory party 
was at least equal to the 
patriot faction. Con- 
gress took decisive ac- 
tion on May 10, 1776, 
in advising that each 
colony should adopt its 
own permanent repub- 
lican government. This 
was the prelude to the 
motion of Richard 
Henry Lee made in 
Congress, June 7, that 
"these United Colonies 
are and of right ought 
to be, free and independent States.'^ The motion was 
seconded by John Adams. 

On June 8th and 10th Lee's motion was debated, but further 
debate was postponed until the members could better learn the 
opinions of their constituents. June 11th a committee was 
chosen to draught a Declaration of Independence; its members 
were Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger 
Sherman and Robert Livingston. The Declaration was reported 
in Congress June 28th. On July 1st the great debate began; the 
leaders w^ere John Adams for independence and John Dickinson 
against. Lee's motion was carried July 2d, and the Declaration 
was adopted July 4th. On August 2d, members of Congress 
signed the Declaration. 




Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia 
Painting by C. AV. Peale, 1791 



Movenae^ 
towards 
indepen- 
dence. 



The Dec- 
laration 
of Ind&- 
pendeocdf 



158 



ATuerican History 



Organiztt- 
;.ion of 
State gov- 
ernments. 



In the Declaration we have an abstract statement of 
human rights, derived by its author, Thomas Jefferson, 
from the great EngUsh philosophers, Hobbes and Locke. 
The list of grievances that follows is directed solely against 
the King; the authority of Parliament is ignored, except 
in the statement that the King ''has combined with others," 
etc. The attitude of the Americans during the contro- 
versy is stated in the final paragraphs. 

Following the advice of Congress several State govern- 
ments were at once organized, New Hampshire, Massa- 
chusetts, South Carolina, and Virginia taking the necessary 
steps before the Declaration of Independence was adopted. 
Virginia framed a permanent constitution. During the 
war all of the States established new governments, Con- 
necticut and Rhode Island using their colonial charters as 
constitutions. 



The 
Tories. 



About one-third of the entire population of the colonies were 
Tories, or Loyahsts. In the middle colonies and North CaroHna 
they were equal in number with the patriots; in South Carohna 
and Georgia they were in the majority. They were chiefly 
(1) the office holders and those who hoped for official appoint- 
ments; (2) the clergy of the Church of England; (3) the large 
land owners and the substantial business men, especially those 
engaged in commerce; and (4) the professional classes. "They 
were the prosperous and contented men, the men without a 
grievance." The Tories argued that the English theory of rep- 
resentation (p. 147) was valid, and that Parliament would not 
enact laws that were really oppressive if the colonies would admit 
the principle of the Declaratory Act of 176G. Wherever Tories and 
patriots were nearly equal, between them there was virtually 
civil war. Where the Tories were in the minority they suiTered 
severely. Their houses were searched, their property destroyed 
or confiscated, and they were sometimes imprisoned. . Probably 
100,000 were banished or died for their cause — a cause which, it 
has been said, was "in argument not a weak one, in sentiment 
not a base one, and in devotion and self-sacrifice not an unheroic 
one."* 



* Moses Coit Tyler, in Am. Hist. Review, I, 26. See also his Literary 
History of the American Revolution. 



Causes of the American Revolution 



159 



What were the causes that led the Americans to declare Funda. 

their independence? (1) The inherent tendencies of the ^^seg'o£ 

people were in the direction of self-government, partly on secessioa 

account of their environment, which gaye free play to in- ^^ncL ^ 




Room in Independence Hall in which the Declaration was Signed 

dividual initiative, and partly because they were the de- 
scendants of the radicals and dissenters who constituted 
a large part of the emigrants from Europe. (2) This 
tendency had been fostered by a century and more of 
practical freedom from outward control. (3) The pro- 
posed policy of imperial control conflicted with their po- 
litical ideals and their economic interests. The appoint- 
ment of bishops of the Church of England in the colonies 
had also been considered by the home government. The 
majority of the colonists were not adherents of this church 
and regarded this step with apprehension. (4) The pol- 
icy of the British Government during the controversy had 



160 American History 

been weak and vacillating. (5) George III had domi- 
nated the government in its American policy; he had stub- 
bornly adhered to an impractical course, first from love of 
ruling and then from mere vanity. I^is will was the chief 
stumbling block in the way of reconciliation. (6) Back 
of all the external grievances of the colonists was the grow* ' 
ing consciousness that the Americans constituted a dis- 
tinct social body with common interests; these could be 
preserved intact, not by conservative yielding, but by 
further advancement into the fuller liberty of economic 
and political independence. 

Suggestive Questions axd References 

1. General accounts.* Higginson, Larger History, chap. 9. 
Lodge, English Colonies, chap. 23. Goldwin Smith, The United 
States, 60-89. Hart, Foraiation of the Union, 43-68. Sloane, 
French War and Revolution, 116-178. 

2. The Navigation Laws. Coman, Industrial History of 
United States, 76-83; 87-92. Hart, Formation, etc., 44-50. 
Channing, The United States, 31-33; 41-44. Lecky, The Ameri- 
can Revolution, 41-48; 52-56. Sloane, French War, etc., 118- 
120; 124-125. Howard, Preliminaries of the Revolution, 47-67. 

3. The Writs of Assistance. Samuel Adams, Am. St. Series, 
39-45 (new ed. 130-145). Hart, Contemporaries, II, No. 131. 
MacDonald, Select Charters, 258-261. Otis's speech. American 
Orations, I, ll-i7. 

4. The Stamp Act. (a) For text, see MacDonald, Select Chart- 
ers, 281-305. Larned, Ready Reference (United States, 1765). 
Am. History Leaflets, No. 21. (6) Discussion. Fiske, Am. Rev- 
olution, I, 14-18; 20-28. (c) Barre's Speech in Parhament. 
Bancroft, HI, 97-101. Frothlngham, Rise of the Republic, 175-- 
176. (d) Resistance in the colonies. Bancroft, III, 134-141. 
Frothlngham, 176-184. Hart, Contem., II, No. 139. {e) The 
Congress and Resolutions. MacDonald, 313-315. Hill, Liberty 
Documents, 155-157. Hart, Contem., II, No. 141. Frothing* 
ham, 184-189. (/) Franklin's examination. Hill, Liberty Docu- 
ments, 158-159. B. Franklin, Am. St. Series, 102-113 (new ed.). 

* In these books will be found excellent brief accounts of the topiea 
given in the succeeding headings. 



Causes of the American Revolution 161 

Hart, Contem., II, 407-411. Larned, Ready Reference (U. S., 
1765). {g) The Repeal and Declaratory Act. Bancroft, III, 
174-184. Lecky, 85-97. Hart, Contem., II, No. 142. British 
Orations, I, 98-119. 

5. The EngHsh theory of representation. Lecky, 78-79. 
S.Adams, Am. St. Series, 78-89 (old ed.). Bancroft, III, 
190-194. British Orations, I, 159-162. 

6. George III and his ministers. Fiske, Am. Rev., I, 38-45. 
Hart, Contem., II, No. 130. Gardiner, Hist, of England, 765-769. 

7. The Townshend Acts and opposition. Lecky, 107-115. 
Fiske, I, 28-32. S. Adams, Am. St. Series, 98-108; 153-159 
(old ed.), 89-97, 141-164 (new ed.). 

8. Samuel Adams's influence. S. Adams, Am. St. Series, 
109-125 (old ed.), 107-136 (new ed.). 

9. The Massachusetts circular letter. Fiske, I, 46-50. 
Frothingham, 211-215. 

10. The Farmer's Letters. Hart, Contem., II, No. 149. 
Bancroft, III, 264-265. 

11. British troops in Boston and the "Massacre." Fiske, I, 
57-59;66-72. Lecky, 119-132. Bancroft, 368-378. S.AdamsAm. 
St. Series. 160-182." John Adams, Am. St. Series, 34-40 (old. ed.). 

12. Committees of correspondence. Fiske, I, 77-82. S. 
Adams, Am. St. Series, 19&-206 (old ed.), 17(>-195 (new e(f.). 
Bancroft, III, 419-423; 436-438. 

13. Boston "Tea Party." S. Adams, Am. St. Series, 243- 
256 (old ed.), 228-238 (new ed.). Hart, Contem., II, No. 152. 
Bancroft, III, 447-458. Old South Leaflets, No. 68. 

14. The Retaliatory Acts. Lecky, 164-173, Fiske, I, 93-99. 
S. Adams, Am. St. Series, 264-273 (old ed.), 260-270 (new ed.). 

15. The First Continental Congress. Frothingham, 359-364; 
370-377. Lecky, 173-184. Fiske, I, 100-111. John Adams, 
Am. St. Series, 50-81. Hart, Contem., II, No. 153. Mac- 
Donald, 356-367. 

16. The Declaration of Independence. Hart, Contem., II, 
537-539. Jefferson, Am. St. Series, 26-40 (old ed.). Bancroft, 
IV, 423-425. Frothingham, 412-417; 532-539. Lecky, 244- 
246. Hill, Liberty Documents, 188-203. Fiske, I, 180-197. 

17. The Tories. Lecky, 222-224; 255-260. 

18. Make a list of events that show the growth of the spirit of 
union among the colonists. 

19. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 10, 



CHAPTER XI 

THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR, 1776-178S 



British at- 
tempt in 
the South, 
1776. 



Campaign 

around 

New 

York, 

1776, 



Sir Henry Clinton, in command of the British fle'et, 
endeavored to gain friends for the British cause by ap- 
pearing in Southern waters. His attack on Charleston, 
South Carolina (June, 1776), had the opposite effect. 
Fort Moultrie was bravely defended. As a consequence, 
the British made no further effort to gain a foothold in the 
South for more than two years. 

They next struck at the strategic centre of the Atlantic 
coast, viz., New York and the Hudson River, hoping to 
cut New England off from the Middle States. Thus, be- 
fore attacking New England more deliberately, they might 
gain a firm base west of the Hudson, and many reenforce- 
ments from the Tories. Washington, anticipating the Brit- 
ish plans, took measures to defend New Y^ork City with 
an army of 17,000 men. General Howe, with an army 
of nearly twice that number, and supported by Admiral 
Lord Howe, commanding a fleet, appeared in the harbor. 
General Howe's attempt to dislodge Washington from 
Brooklyn Heights w^as successful (battle of Long Island, 
August, 1776). The latter was obliged to retreat. This 
he did most skilfully, his escape being made possible by 
Howe's failure to send the fleet to East River and by his 
slowness in following up his victory after the battle. 

Washington, followed by Howe's army, retreated to a 
strong position at White Plains, and Howe did not dare 
make a serious effort to dislodge him. Forts Washington 
and Lee, guarding the Hudson, fell into British hands. 

162 



The Revolutionary War 



163 



At the former the Americans lost 3,000 troops and quan- There.. 
titles of stores. Washington had already led a part of Jfirough 
his army across the Hudson into New Jersey, and here New 
the British endeavored to bring about a decisive battle. 



Jersey. 




The Campaign of 1776 

This would have been disastrous to the Americans, and 
so Washington's only policy was that of retreat.* He 
marched rapidly westward, through Nev/ark, New Bruns- 
wick, and Princeton, constantly losing men by sickness and 

* This was made more necessary by the fact that General Charles Lee, 
stationed East of the Hudson in command of 7,000 men refused to obey 
Washington's order to join the latter's army. 



164 



American History 



Discour- 
agement 
?n the 
\merican 
\rmj-. 



Victories 
ftt Trenton 
und 
Princeton. 



difficulties 
in securing 
an army. 



desertion, until he had no more than 3,000 under his com* 
mand. The British pursued, and gained reenforcements 
from the deserters of Washington's amiy and from the 
Tories, who predominated in New Jersey. The patriot 
mihtia refused to turn out in defence of the country, and 
the people of New^ Jersey seemed to welcome the invaders. 
The terms of enlistment for many of Washington's troops 
were expiring, and these were rapidly going home. 

W^ashington now crossed the Delaware River. Before the 
entire British army had advanced to Trenton, he executed 
his famous manoeu\Te of Christmas night, 1776, recrossing 
the Delaware and capturing 1,000 Hessians at Trenton. 
Again, a few days later, he made a skilful detour about 
Cornwallis's main army and defeated a part of it at Prince- 
ton. He then retired northward into the mountains at 
Morristown Heights, where he was secure from attack. 
The British withdrew to New York. The effect of the 
victories at Trenton and Princeton was remarkable. 
Hope now inspired the patriots. Washirgton had shown 
himself to be a master of strategy. The people of New 
Jersey were disgusted with the conduct of the British troops 
in their midst, and the Middle States were now ready to 
sustain the American cause. 

The American troops had suffered greatly from lack of 
food and clothing in the hard December campaign de- 
scribed above, and this fact deterred many men from en- 
listing. Others were drawn off by the greater attractions 
of the privateering service. Congress had authorized at- 
tacks on British commerce by privateers, and to those en> 
gaged in it, this practice had proved to be exceedingly 
profitable. A third cause that hindered the formation of 
an effective Continental Army was the policy of the States 
in offering larger bounties than Congress gave, for the en- 
listment of men in their respective militia organizations.* 
Nothing but the personal influence of Washington himself 

* Manv of these militia companies disbanded when their States were not 
enaangerea oy tne enemy 



The Revolutionary War 16§ 

held the Continental Army together. To maintain its 
numbers recourse was had to more bounties and heavy 
penalties for desertion. 

The failure to feed, clothe, and equip the army properly, Financial 
was not owing to the poverty of the country; on the whole, difficulties 
the people were prosperous. But Congress could not ob- 
tain sufficient funds. Late in the year 1776 Congress be- 
gan the policy of borrowing money upon certificates of 
indebtedness; but these yielded little at first. In the same 
year assistance came in the form of gifts of two million 
livres (about $400,000) from France, and one million from 
Spain. Later, France made larger gifts, a total of some 
$2,000,000. This money was used in the purchase of 
munitions and clothing abroad, with the connivance of the 
French Government.* Congress also established a lottery 
as a source of revenue; but this yielded small returns. 

After the failure of the attack upon Canada of 1775-1776 British at- 
(p. 157), it was necessary for the Americans to defend JheVorS, 
the line of Lake Champlain and the upper Hudson 1777. 
from British attacks directed from Canada. The year 
1777 saw a renewed effort on the part of the British to 
capture those water-ways and thus to divide the States. 
General Burgoyne advanced southward from Canada, his 
destination being Albany. General St. Leger ascended the 
St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario to Oswego, and then 
planned an advance by the INIohawk valley to meet Bur- 
goyne. General Howe w^as to have ascended the Hudson 
to join the other armies at Albany. But Howe's superiors 
in England neglected to sign and forward to him the pre- 
cise orders for this movement until he had left New York 
upon a campaign in the opposite direction. Consequently, 
that part of the plan failed of execution. 

General Burgoyne ascended the Sorel (or Richelieu) River 
and Lake Champlain with a fine army of 8,000 men, well 

* At the same time, American privateers were allowed to use French 
ports, where they sold their captures. Many men and office's enlisted 
in the American service from FrancCr 



ROUTE OF BORGOrNE 
ROUTEOFST.LEGER 
.ROUTE OF HOW£ 




Campaiffns of 177 



The Revolutionary War 167 

supported by Canadians and Indians . He took Ticonderoga, Burgoyne'a 
and his march to Fort Edward was comparatively easy; but ^^"^P^sn. 
beyond this the American army obstructed the road in 
every way possible. At the same time the surrounding 
country was cleared of provisions upon Avhich the British 
might depend. Burgoyne's supplies had to be carried from 
Canada; his army was constantly being diminished by the 
necessity of garrisoning points left in his rear; about him 
the inhabitants were rising to support the American 
cause. 

The advance of St. Leger was successful as far as Fort Stan- 
wix on the head-waters of the Mohawk River. To this fort he 
laid siege. The Americans under Herkimer -attacked the be- 
siegers; later, reenforcements under Benedict Arnold drove St. 
Leger's army precipitately from the fort; and so this part of the 
British plan failed (August, 1777). 

While at Fort Edward, Burgoyne sent a force into Vermont, 
hoping that British sympathisers might be aroused to his assist- 
ance and supplies obtained. This expedition was utterly de- 
feated at Bennington (August) by General Stark. 

Burgoyne now (September 13, 1777) advanced across the His defeat 
Hudson and marched southward. A series of manoeuvres tog^^^ 
and battles in the vicinity of Saratoga occupied about a 
month. The American force, now several times larger than 
the British, cut off the latter's supplies, almost completely 
surrounded it, and finally compelled its surrender (October). 
The credit for the defeat of Burgoyne belongs to General 
Schuyler, who, in the course of the campaign, was super- 
seded by General Gates, and to Bendict Arnold. Kos- , 
ciusko, the Polish patriot, also assisted in these operations. 

While Burgoyne's campaign was in progress, General Howe's 
Howe had placed his troops aboard ships (July, 1777), and ^^^^d^ 
had proceeded to Chesapeake Bay, landing at its head a Phiiadei- 
month later. Washington hastened to the defence of 
Philadelphia, and met the British force at Brandywine 
creek. Here his army was defeated, and he withdrew to 
Philadelphia. The British followed and Washington 
again retreated. On October 4, the two armies met at 



phia, 177?. 



168 



American History 



A frame of 
govern- 
ment pro- 
posed. 



The fail- 
ures of 

Ctengress. 



Germantown, and the Americans were again defeated. 
The campaign was now over, the British comfortably oc- 
cupying Philadelphia, while the Americans encamped at 
Valley Forge, a few miles distant. The capture of Phila- 
delphia worked less Injury to the American cause than had 
been expected. Congress withdrew to Lancaster, and 
later to York, Pennsylvania. 

At the same time that the question of Independence 
was under consideration (June, 1776) the Continental 
Congress appointed a committee to draw up a plan of 
union. The "Articles of Confederation," submitted by 
the committee were adopted by Congress in 1777. This 
was an effort to place the central government upon a firm 
constitutional basis, to determine its powers and its re- 
lations to the States. Its ratification by the States would 
mean a gain In efficiency for the National Government; 
but this action was postponed for various reasons and the 
weak Congress continued its control until 1781. 

The sufferings of the army at Valley Forge are evidence of the 
complete failure of the system under which Congress was endeav- 
oring to manage the commissary department. Through mis- 
management and the inefficiency of officers, supplies intended 
for the army never reached it. The membership of Congress 
had somewhat deteriorated in character; strong men were at- 
tracted to service in the States, and delegates to Congress were* 
constantly changing. That body had no basis for its authority 
but the acquiescence of the States, and the latter acted inde- 
pendently in following or rejecting the recommendations of Con- 
gress. Again, Congress was not effectively organized, and it was 
endeavoring to handle a mass of details far beyond its power to 
control. As another hindrance to its efficiency, certain members 
of Congress conspired, with bad motives, against Washington. 

During the campaign last described Washington's army was 
joined by Lafayette and De Kalb from France and Baron 
Steuben " an accomphshed Prussian officer, trained in the school 
of Frederick the Great, with a record of distinguished service 
in the Seven Years' War." 

After the decisive American victory at Saratoga the 
French Government openly contracted a treaty of alliance 
with the United States (Fel)ruarv. 1778). France was to 



The Revolutionary War 



169 



aid the Americans in the war, while the latter agreed not The treaty 
to make a treaty of peace, except on the basis of indepen- '''^^ 
. dence. Commissioners were sent to America by George III iiiT^ 
offering guarantees of all the principles in dispute, except 
independence, but their advances were rejected. 

Great credit for the French ti-eaty belongs to Benjamin 
Franklin, who, "under 
the appearance of ex- 
treme simplicity co]> 
cealed the astuteness 
of the most accom- 
plished diplomatist." 
The reasons for which 
France entered the al- 
liance may be sum- 
marized as follows: (1) 
Revenge for past de- 
feats, especially that of 
the Seven Years' Wa \ 
when the American 
possessions were lost. 
(2) Desire to keep the 
balance of power in 
Europe, by striking a 
blow at the colonial 
and maritime suprem- 
acy of England. (3) 
Great enthusiasm over 
the American cause 
had been aroused 
among the French peo- 
ple. This was shared 
by many persons who 
were influential at 
court; among these were the young nobility, some army officers 
and pnilosophers, and the Queen, Marie Antoinette. 

The threatened approach of a French fleet rendered the The evacu. 
contmuance of the British army in Philadelphia unwise; fl^^f. 
consequently, in June, 1778, General Clinton * evacuated Phia!i77V 

* General Howe had returned to England, where he, like General 
Burgoyne, was busily engaged in explaining the failure of the British 
©lans for 1777. 




Lafayette 



Fromaportrait painted by C. W. Peale. in 1780. for Washing, 
ton. Now owned by General G. W, C. Lee. Lexington, V^ 



170 



American History 



fhe moun- 
>aia com- 
piunities 
0f the 
South. 



The 
earliest 
eettle- 
ments be- 
yond the 
mountains. 



that city and set out for New York. Washington attacked 
the British army at IMonmouth, New Jersey, but the diso- 
bedience of General Charles Lee, who ordered a retreat, 
instead of a sharp attack, rendered the results of this battle 
very unsatisfactory. The British army, now in New 
York, attempted no further general operations during 
the war in the Northern and Middle States. Washington 
held his army in the Hudson River posts, watching the 
British. 

An important phase of the Revolutionary War cannot be 
understood until we trace further the progress of settle- 
ment in the valleys of the Alleghany Mountains and across 
to the prairies beyond. Settlers from the Virginia valleys 
(p. 120), advancing southward, made homes 'upon the 
Watauga River (1769), and here can>e many discontented 
North Carolinians. Among these were James Robertson 
and John Sevier, the former typical of the Scotch-Irish 
Presbyterians who formed so large an element of the 
backwoods population, and the letter of Huguenot 
descent. Under their leadership, the community on the 
Watauga adopted a constitution and maintained an in- 
dependent government for several years (1772-1777). 
Later, Watauga became a county of North Carolina. 
This was ''the first instance of a government of the 
people, by the people, under a written compact, beyond 
the mountains, and was established by men of American 
birth."* 

The settlements of the Carolina valleys were outposts 
from which proceeded the first great movement beyond the 
mountains. This movement took place south of the Ohio, 
rather than north of it for several reasons. (1) By the 
treaty of Fort Stanwix, made in 1768, between agents of 
several colonies and the Iroquois Indians, the latter ceded 
their claims to lands south of the Ohio River. (2) The 
region now known as Kentucky and Tennessee was not 
the permanent seat of Indian tribes. (3) Indian tribes 

* Winsor, The Westward Movement, 80 



The Revolutionary War 



171 



Ii\^ng north of the Ohio River were defeated in Lord 
Diinmore's war (1774). 

In the vanguard of the westward movement was Daniel Boone, 
His father was a Pennsylvania frontiersman who had followed the 
mountain troughs southward to the Yadkin River in North Caro- 
lina. Boone's early exploration of Kentucky opened the route 
through Cumberland Gap, an Indian and buffalo trail. He led 

a body of settlers from 
Watauga into Kentucky 
and founded Boonesboro 
(1775). 

The fortunate cir- 
cumstances recounted 
above rendered the 
Kentucky settlements 
comparatively im- 
mune from Indian 
attacks, and their 
growth was rapid. 
Under the leadership 
of Richard Henderson, 
delegates were sent 
from the various towns 
to a convention (1775) 
which organized the 




Colonel Daniel Boone 



government of Tran- 



Prom a portrait by Chester Hardin?, owned by Colonel 
R. T. Durrett, Louisville, Ky. 



sylvania between the 
' Ohio and Cumberland 

rivers. This independent government asked Congress for 
admission to the Union ; but the sentiment of Virginia was 
hostile to such action and, instead, Kentucky was made a 
county of that State in 1776. 

Later, i*n 1780, Robertson led Watauga and North 
Carolina settlers to central Tennessee, where Nash^dlle 
was founded on the Cumberland River. 

There were three main routes of trayel to these western 
settlements. (1) The Ohio River was reached at Pitts- 
burg by routes through Pennsylvania or by way of the 



Daniel 
Boone. 



Tran^l- 
vania and 
Kentucky, 



172 



Arnerican History 



Boutesof Potomac and Monongahela rivers.* Thence the trip to 

Savdf^ Kentucky was easy, but somewhat dangerous on account 

of the hostile northern Indians. f (2) From the Virginia 




The "West During the Revolution 



valleys settlers followed the New and Greenbrier rivers 
to the great Kanawha, a branch of, the Ohio. (3) The 

* From Philadelphia travellers went by way of Lancaster and Bedford 
!;o Pittsburg. From Baltimore the route was up the Potomac to Cumber- 
land, Maryland; thence either to Wheeling, or to Pittsburg, following 
Braddock's trail. 

t The canoe, pirogue, batteau, and flat boat were the river craft com- 
monly used. The pirogue was hollowed out of the trunk of a large tree 
and pushed by oars or setting poles. The barge was a square box-like 
construction with a raised deck. It was frequently large enough to carry 
a number of families with their possessions, and required several men 
to "pole" it up stream. In 1780, three hundred of these large boats 
arrived at the falls of the Ohio River, where Louisville was founded. The 
town that year contained six hundred inhabitants- 



The Revolutionary War 173 

greatest number of frontiersmen moved by the Wilderness 
Road (see map, p. 172), which afforded, even for those from 
Pennsylvania and Maryland, the easiest and best pro- 
tected path to the West. 

Life among the W^estern settlers was simple and pictur- 
esque. All distinctions of rank were broken down, and 
here grew the first true American democracy. 

The BritLsh in Detroit encouraged Indian attacks upon Expeditio* 
the Kentucky settlements. This danger was met by the RogeS^^ 
bold scheme of George Rogers Clark, a frontier surveyor Clark, 
and scout, to conquer all the British posts of the Northw^est. 
Acting under the authority and with the assistance of 
Governor Patrick Henry, of Virginia, he captured suc- 
cessively Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and Yincennes (1778-1779). 
This bold and dramatic action strengthened the claim of 
Virginia to this western territory, and was an important 
fact in the determination of our western boundary at the 
close of the war. 

After the evacuation of Philadelphia, General Benedict Benedict 
Arnold was put in command of the American troops in that city. Arnold. 
Here he became involved in quarrels with the city authorities. 
Arnold was convicted, after a court-niartial trial, of a few minor 
offences, and was sentenced to be censured by Washington. 
This episode, coupled with wrongs which he had previously 
suffered at the hands of Congress, embittered Arnold's spirit, and 
he resolved upon a treasonable plot — the surrender of West 
Point.* The detection of this plot is a familiar story. This in- 
cident added to the depression of the patriots at this time (1780). 

Financially, the country was in desperate straits. There Finance* 
were three principal sources of revenue: (1) The issuance united 
of paper money, begun in 1775 (see p. 155), was con- states, 
tinued as follows: 1776, $19,000,000; 1777, $13,000,000; 
177S, $63,000,000; 1779, $140,000,000. This amount of 
money was greatly in excess of the demand for business 
purposes among a population of three million people where 
commerce was not fully developed. Depreciation resulted 

* The defences oi this important post guarding a narrow passage in the 
fludson River were constructed under the supervision of Kosciusko. 



174 



American History 



Paper 
money 
issued by 
Congress. 



lenFied 

upouthe 

States. 



inevitably. The following figures state the value of one 
dollar of paper money in terms of specie in November of 
each year: 1776, $.66; 1777, $.20: 1778, $.10; 1779, 
$.02. In subsequent years dollar bills were worth but 
one cent, and later, absolutely nothing.* In 1780 and 
later, Congress redeemed some of this money at the ratio 

of 40 to 1, but much 



^r+--': ;\j?.o 









PfiP-'D-i RWWI«»|I 



North Carolina Currency 



of it was lost and 
destroyed. The de- 
preciation and prac' 
tical repudiation of 
this money placed a 
heavy burden upon 
those who originally 
received it at face 
value. Unsuccessful 
attempts were made 
to check depreciation 
by laws fixing prices and by legal-tender enactments. 
(2) Congress made requisitions upon the States for 
money with which to pay war expenses. In the two years fol- 
lowing November, 1777, they paid into the treasury about 
$55,000,000, in response to requisitions for $95,000,000. 
And this amount was paid in Continental currency worth at 
thetimeonly$l,800,000 in specie. When, in 1780 and 1781, 
Congress made requisitions for $10,000,000 of specie, it re- 
ceived from the States about $1,500,000. The States were 
at this tiriie burdened with the same task of raising revenue 
for the support of their local militias. They had issued great 
amounts of paper money early in the war, and they had bor- 
rowed much money. The ultimate source of all revenue, 
taxation, was difficult to put into operation among a peo- 
ple hitherto unused to it except in a mild form, where popu- 
lation was sparse, and in regions occupied by British troops. 

* Hence the phrase "not worth a continental." Paper money was 
sometimes used for wall paper, Dewey, Financial History of United 
States, 4i. 



The Revolutionary War 



175 



(3) Congress endeavored to raise money by borrowing. 
The specie value of $63,000,000 borrowed at home during 
the later years of the war was only $7,600,000. The fol- 




John Paul Jones 

^Vom the original bust by Houdon in the possession of the Pennsylyania Academy of ?1b« 
Arts, Philadelpliia 



lowing amounts were borrowed from foreign governments: 
France, $6,350,000;* Spain, $174,000; Holland, $1,300,000, 

* It is estimated that France spent an equal amount upon her army 
and navy sent in aid of the American cause 



176 



American Hwtory 



The war 

on the 
ocean. 



John Paul 
Jones. 



Bcitish 

■sictones 

tnthe 



A part of these loans was in specie, and this was used to 
pay interest upon the debt contracted at home and to 
purchase suppUes abroad. 

No inconsiderable part of the Revolutionary War was 
fought on the ocean. A great many cruisers were commis- 
sioned by State and National authority, and these, together 
with hundreds of privateers, brought havoc to English com- 
merce. While the United States had no naval force fit to 
cope with the British navy, some decisive victories were won. 

Captain John Paul Jones, after commanding various ships in 
American waters, conceived the greater project of using a fleet 
to attack England in her own waters, where her coasts were de- 
fenceless, and where rich fleets might be surprised. His primary 
object was not enrichment through prize money, but the injury 
of his opponent and the attraction of British warships from Ameri- 
can waters for home defence. His fleet was fitted out in France 
and cruised around west of the British Isles into the North Sea. 
At Flamborough Head (September, 1779), Jones; with three 
ships, attacked and defeated two English warships convoying 
a large fleet of merchantmen. This victory gained for our 
country the respect of foreign governments. 

In 1778, the British entered upon a plan for the con- 
quest of the Southern States, beginning with the weakest, 
Georgia. Savannah was taken (December), and shortly 
thereafter the English Government was recognized as 
supreme in that State. In May, 1780, General Lincoln 
who commanded the American forces in the South, sur- 
rendered the city of Charleston, South Carolina. Elsewhere 
in that State there was at first slight resistance. When an 
American army under Gates, faced the invaders at Cam- 
den, it was badly defeated, large bodies of the militia fleeing 
without giving fight.* As a result, the American army was 
practically dispersed, and the British ruled South Carolina. 

At this point the British plan received a check. Partisan 
leaders, chief among whom were Marion and Sumter, 
gathered their bands on the western frontier, and an army 
under General Greene, was stationed to resist the north- 

* Here DeKalb was killed, while Pulaski, a Polish patriot, met death ir 
an earlier engagement at Chaileston. 



The RevoliUionari/ War 



177 



Americau 
victories 
won by 






\ / ^ ^^ 



SOUVtH ^\J://W.lmmgto. 



G E O R C I A \ .^^^^'•^«^*°° 

Savannah ^^—•* . r 



fv^ard advance of General Cornwallis. When the latter 
was ready to invade North CaroHna, he sent a force (com- 
posed largely of Tories) under Ferguson to harass the frontiers- 
frontier. But the backwoodsmen of the mountain settle- 
ments completely defeated Ferguson at King's Mountain, 
October, 1780. Again, Morgan, commanding the western 
wing of the Ameri- 
can forces, met a 
part of the British 
army underTarle- 
ton at Cowpens 
(January, 1781), 
and completely 
defeated it. 

These battles 
deprived the Brit- 
ish of their most 
valuable contin- 
gents, the scouts 
and light infantry. 
Greene now fell 
back into North 
Carolina, draw- 
ing Cornwallis in 

pursuit farther from his base into a most difficult country. 
When the American army finally faced the enemy at Guil- 
ford Court House (March, 1781), each side suffered con- 
siderabJe damage; but the British could advance no far- 
ther, and withdrew to Wilmington. Greene then returned 
to South Carolina, where he recovered all the strongholds 
except Charleston. 

From Wilmington Cornwallis transferred his army to The cam. 
Virginia, thus giving aid to the forces that, under Benedict yiJjJ^iJ^ 
Arnold, had for some time harassed that State. The Amer- 
ican troops in Virginia, small in number, were commanded 
by Lafayette, then but twenty-three years of age. He 
successfully avoided Cornwallis Tvhen the latter invaded 



^'^. % 



— — Route of 

Oen. Comwallia 



The War in the Southern States 



178 



American History 



The siege 
and sur- 
render of 
Yorktown, 
1781. 



Virginia. Failing to arouse Tory reenforcements and fear* 
ing to remain awr.y .^rom the coast, the British general soon 
withdrew to the York peninsula and asked for reenforce- 
ments from New York. At New York, Sir Henry Clinton 
was expecting an attack by Washington. The latter was 
awaiting the aid of a powerful French fleet, then in the 

West Indies, before de- 
termining where the 
blow should fall. On 
August 14th, news 
reached Washington 
that the French fleet un- 
der De Grasse had 
started for Chesapeake 
Bay. This determined 
him at once upon a bold 
movement. Uniting 
with his 2,000 American 
troops a French force 
of 4,000, under Roch- 
ambeau, he moved into 
New Jersey, leaving a 
force to guard West 
Point. Most skilfully Washington now so manoeuvred as 
to deceive the British into thinking that he contemplated 
an attack upon New York. Instead, his troops marched 
with great rapidity across New Jersey, through Philadel- 
phia, to the head of Chesapeake Bay. 

When Clinton discovered the true state of affairs he des- 
patched a fleet to attack De Grasse in Hampton Roads ; but 
it was worsted and returned to New York. Nothing now 
remained but to transport Washington's army down Chesa- 
peake Bay and up the James River, where, with another 
force brought by the French fleet, they joined Lafayette's 
army. The investment of Yorktown from the land and 
the water sides was now complete. From September, 28th 
to October 17th, Cornwallis withstood the siege and 




Map Showing the Position of the French 
and American Troops at Yorktown 



The Revolutionary War 



179 



the repeated assaults of the allied forces; he then sur- 
rendered. 

Many considerations, besides British defeats in /lumerica, The end M 
determined that the surrender of Cornwallis should end the war. 
the war. During the few preceding years England had 
aroused the enmity of nearly every European power. 
Arrayed against her in open war were France, Spain, 
and Holland. Thus it became increasingly difficult to 
maintain the army in America. At home King George 
was no longer able to stem the tide of opposition that 
had condemned the war from the beginning. The mass 
of common people, as tliey came to understand the King^s 
methods of government, turned against him with great 
bitterness. A majority of them now regarded the war 
as **a ci\-il war in which English liberty was at stake." 
Even Lord North's ministry had acted, in obedience to the 
King, "under compulsion and against their consciences." 
In March, 1782, George finally gave in, Lord North re- 
signed, and the government was turned over to his enemies. 
The new ministry ordered a cessation of hostilities in 
America. 

The commissioners now sent to Paris to agree upon Negotia* 
terms of peace were Franklin, Jay, and John Adams.* treaty.^*^ 
In the treaty with France (1778), the United States had 
agreed not to make a separate treaty with England. The 
commissioners practically ignored this pledge, and the in- 
structions from Congress to the same effect, by secretly 
coming to an agreement with the English Government. 
But the treaty was not signed until the European war 
terminated and the nations involved agreed upon terms 
of peace (1783). 

In acting as they did the American commissioners were in- 
spired by fear that the French minister, Vergennes, would support 
the desire of Spain (the ally of France) that the United States 
should be restricted to the Alleghany Mountains on the west. 

* Jefferson and Laurens were also appointed, but took no part in the 
negotiations, 



180 American History 

The boundaries agreed upon were exceedingly liberal to the 
United States, but they were indefinite at two points: t. e., the line 
between Canada and New England, and that beyond Lake 
Superior, These had to be adjusted by subsequent treaties. 

the tonus The Western boundary followed the Mississippi Rivei 
?_*^ to 31^ latitude. Thence the line ran eastward to the At- 

iTBft. lantic. The United States agreed to recommend to the 

States that they pass laws favorable to the Tories whose 
property had been confiscated; also, it was agreed that 
no obstacles should be placed by law in the way of British 
creditors collecting debts due in America. These two pro- 
visions satisfied British pride, but of course, Congress could 
not compel the States to take any action to which they were 
opposed. There was ground for future controversy in 
these subjects . The Americans were guaranteed the 
right to enjoy the privilege of fishing on the coast of New- 
foundland. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. The defence of Charleston (1776) Is described in Fiske, 
American Revolution, I, 198-200. Bancroft, IV, 398-411. 

2. Conditions in the American army. Lecky, American Revo- 
lution, 253-257. Van Tyne, the American Revolution, 118-129, 

3. The Battle of Long Island and Washington's retreat. 
Fiske, I, 204-212. Sloane, French War and Revolution, 238- 
243. Bancroft, IV, 27-38. Lamed, History for Ready Refer^ 
ence, United States, August, 1776. For a recent critical view see 
American Historical Review, I, 650-670. 

4. Explain the capture of Forts Washington and Lee. Fiske, 
I. 218-224. 

5. Washington's retreat; the battles of Trenton and Princeton. 
Lamed, September-November, 1776. Fiske, 1, 224-238. Sloane, 
243-245; 251-258. 

6. Why were laws fixing prices unsuccessful, and what evils fol- 
lowed these and the legal tender laws ? Lecky, 290-294. 

7. Who were Silas Deane and Beaumarchais, and how did thej? 
aid the American cause? Lamed, A. D., 1776-1778. 

8. Hart, Contemporaries, II. (a) Nathan Hale and his fate, 
No. 17L (see also Bancroft, IV, 48-49). (6) How the work of re 



The Revolutionary War 181 

cmiting was done. No. 170. (c) Lafayette and his enlistment, 
No. 172. ((f) Washington's complaints against the militia. No. 
174. (e) Life in the American Army, Nos. 175, 179, 195. 

9. Taper money and its depreciation. Was it necessaiy? 
Dewey, Financial History of U. S., 39-43. Sloane, 283-286. 

10. Conditions at Valley Forge. Washington's letter to Con- 
fess. Lamed, January-December, 1777. Fiske, II, 29. 

11. Steuben's work in disciplining the American Arm v. Fiske 
11, 50-56. 

12. The Conway cabal and General Gates, Fiske, II, 32-46. 

13. The story of Lafayette's coming to America is told in his 
memoirs, Old S^juth Leaflets, No. 97, 1-9. 

14. Letters that passed between Washington and Lafayette, 
Old South Leaflets, No. 98, 1-10. 

15. Reasons why the French made the treaty of 1778. Fiske, 
I, 238-242. Van Tyne, The American Revolution, 203-226. 

13. Indians and Tories in New York and Pennsylvania. 
Fiskt. II, 82-94. Lamed, June-November, 1778; July, 1778. 

il. Arnold's treason and the justice of Andre's "execution. 
Lecky, 403-419. Fiske, II, 206-238. Sloane, 300-301 ; 325- 327. 

18. George Rogers Clark and his expedition. Fiske, II, 103- 
109. Lamed, A. D., 1778-1779. • 

19. Topics in Fiske, II. (a) Chatham's last speech and his 
death, 11-22. (6) Charles Lee and his character, 59-72. (c) 
John Paul Jones and his victory, 116-130. {d) Marion and 
Sumter, 182-185. {e) King's Mountain and Cowpens, 244- 
255. Comwallis in Virginia and the surrender of Yorktown, 
268-284. (/) Results of Yorktown, 285-290. 

20. Lodge, Story of the American Revolution (illustrated), in 
Scribner's Magazine, Vols. 23 and 24. 

21. On Boone, see Thwaites. Daniel Boone. 

22. The Western Settlements. Howard, Preliminaries of the 
Revolution, 334-341. 

23. What reasons can you state explaining why the Americans 
won in the Revolution ? 

24. Why should the Spanish wish to restrict the limits of the 
United States on the West? 

25. The treaty of 1783. Hart. Formation of the Union, 95- 
101. Channing, the United States, 102-106. Sloane, French 
War and Revolution. 355-369. Hart, Contemporaries. II, No. 
kl6, 



182 



American History 



26. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 11. 

27. Historical Novels. Cooper, The Spy; The Pilot. Churchill, 
Richard Carvel. Ford, Janice Meredith. Thompson, Alice of 
Old Vincennes. Mitchell, Hugh Wynne. 




The old Potts House at Valley For?e, used by Wasfaington .vs-Hea(i- 

quarters. 

Now a Revolutionary Museum 



CHAPTER XII 

THE PERIOD OF THE CONFEDERATION, 1781-1789 

The problems of self-government were no simpler than Forming 
were those connected with the winning of independence. Jfr^jdes of 
To the masses of the people, Congress seemed another Confeder- 
government, external to their local governments, assuming 
authority similar to that which the King had striven to 
enforce. As they had previously rebelled against the re- 
strictions of the English Government, so now they objected 
to the exercise of authority by Congress. It became evi- 
dent, to some of the leaders, that if the elements of union 
were to be strengthened it would be necessary to have a 
government more effective than this Revolutionary Assem- 
bly. November 17, 1777, the Articles of Confederation 
were finally adopted by Congress and recommended to 
the States for ratification. Among the problems under 
discussion most difficult of solution by Congress were: 
(1) What powers were to be given the General Govern- 
ment and what powers retained by the States; (2) How 
were disputes among the States to be settled; (3) The 
number of votes to be given each State; and (4) The 
method of raising revenue. 

The Articles of Confederation provided for a "firm Nature of 
league of friendship" between the States. The authority ^r^g^f^p^J"* 
of the Central Government was vested in a Congress of tabiished. 
delegates who were appointed annually by and were re- 
sponsible to the State legislatures. Not less than two nor 
more than seven members could be sent from each State. 
Each State was entitled to only a single vote on any ques- 

>83 



184 



American Historif 



tion. Among the powers of Congress were: the "ex-clusivc 
right and power of declaring war and making peace"; 
authority to raise an army by calUng upon each State for 
its quota of troops and to build and equip a navy; and 
power to establish and regulate post-offices and to send 
and receive ambassadors. 

There were many defects also in the actual working of 
this government. It provided for no separate executive 
authority to execute and no separate judiciary to interpret 
the laws. Congress mighi make the laws but could not 
enforce them. This was because the General Government 
had no power of taxation but was obliged to depend upon 
the State legislatures for necessary revenues Congress 
acted on the States, not on individuals, but it had no 
power to coerce the States. "Its function was to advise, 
not to command." Besides, no important measure could 
be passed in Congress without the votes of nine States. 
The Articles could not be amended save by the ratification 
of all the States. It is clear, then, that the Articles of Con- 
federation did not institute a nation, but formed merely 
a league of States. We think of them as constituting a 
weak instrument of government. We mu&t remember, 
however, that as a constitution for a confederation, it 
was superior to any which had been previously formed. 
But circumstances, which we shall now consider, showed 
that a confederation was not adapted to the growing needs 
of the United States. 

Nearly three years and a half elapsed after the date of 
the submission of the Articles of Confederation to the 
States before they were ratified by the last legislature, that 
of Maryland. Delay was due to the disputes which had 
arisen over the disposal of the lands between the Alleghany 
Mountains and the Mississippi River. Seven States laid 
claim to this territory. 

Westero The Carolinas and Georgia claimed (under various charters 

^nd and grants) the region south of the Virginia line lying west of their 

daims borders as far as the Mississippi. Massachusetts laid claim. 



Ratifica- 
tion by tha 
legislat- 
ures. 



1 he Period of the Confederation 



!85 



under her charter of 1629 and Connecticut under a charter of 
1662, to strips of land west of the boundary of New York. (See 
map p. 187.) 

But the claims of Virginia and New York were the most far- 
reaching. Virginia maintained that the charter of 1609 gave her 
control not alone of Kentucky but also of the territory extending 
north-west from the Ohio River to Lake Superior. Besides, it 
was stated as an additional right to this claim that Virginia 
soldiers supported by Virginia money and under the leadership 
of George Rogers Clark had won this territory in 1778-1779. 
New York maintained that on account of various treaties she 
had become the lawful successor to the Western lands formerly 
claimed by the Iroquois. 



The other States were unable to advance any claims 
to Western lands. They maintained, however, that this 
territory had been gained through a war in which there 
had been common sacrifice and that the individual States 
should surrender their claims. Maryland refused to ratify 
the Articles of Confederation unless first assured that these 
lands were to become the property of the United States. 
The other States had ratified by February, 1779, but Mary- 
land feared the future power of Virginia. Virginia planned 
to pay off her soldiers by grants of Western lands, while 
Maryland would be compelled to meet this obligation by 
taxation. Congress, on October 10, 1780 suggested that 
the States should cede their unappropriated lands to the 
General Government to be disposed of "for the common 
good of the United States." New York had already de- 
cided to give up her claims. Virginia, in January, 1781, 
promised to take like action. Maryland then agreed to 
ratify, and the Articles of Confederation soon went into 
operation. 

New York relinquished all of her western lands in 1781. Vir- 
ginia, in 1784, completed her cession of western territory, re- 
serving jurisdiction over Kentucky, which remained a part of 
Virginia until 1792, when it became a State. Virginia also re- 
served a tract north of the Ohio as bounty land for soldiers of 
the Revolution. Massachusetts surrendered her claims in 1786. 
Connecticut, in her 'session of the same year, reserved a strip of 



Maryland 
refuses Vd 
ratify tb» 
Articles. 



The 
States 
cede th^ 
western 
lands. 



186 



American History 



tlegults of 

the 
cessions. 



Eoosevelt, 
The Win- 
ning of the 
West. 
I. 219. 



land one hundred and twenty miles long west of Pennsylvania, 
on the shore of Lake Erie. A part of this Western Reserve was 
sold, and the proceeds were used to aid the Connecticut schools. 
In 1800 Connecticut granted to the United States complete 
authority over the "Reserve," some 3,250,000 acres. In 1787 
South Carolina surrendered her claim; North Carolina, in 1790, 
gave Congress jurisdiction over her remaining western lands. 
The territory between the, present western boundary of Georgia 
and the Mississippi River was not ceded by Georgia until 1802. 

There can be no doubt about the importance of these 
cessions. A series of inevitable controversies over con- 
flicting claims were thus happily escaped. From that 
time, this western territory was regarded as the property 
of the Confederation to be used for National purposes. 
Here was the beginning of the National Domain. The 
interest felt by the States in this mutual property has 
always strengthened the ties of union. 

^Yhile the contest over the adoption of the Articles of 
Confederation went on, sturdy pioneers continued to cross 
the mountains and take possession in their own way of 
the lands in dispute. ''They possessed the courage thaf. 
enabled them to defy outside foes, together with the rough, 
practical common-sense that allowed them to establish a 
simple but effective form of government, so as to preserve 
order among themselves. To succeed in the wilderness 
it was necessary to possess not only daring, but also pa- 
tience, and the capacity to endure grinding toil. The 
pioneers were hunters and husbandmen." . . . "As a rule, 
each knot of settlers was gathered together into a little 
stockaded hamlet, called a fort or station." 

By 1784 it is estimated that there were 30,000 people in 
Kentucky alone, and 12,000 more came during that year. 
Some of them, by blazing a tree and marking it with the 
date and the number of acres, established what was called 
a "tomahawk claim" to the land. Others, by clearing a 
few acres and planting them, set up what w^as known as 
the "corn title." These possessions must be defended 
against the attacks of the Indians or seizure by other 




90 Longitutl 



^^t.t, POATES ENSB'6 CO.', N.Y. 



"West 80 from 75 Greenwich 70 



187 



188 



American History 



Survey of 
the 

western 
lands. 



The 

rectangu- 
lar system. 



The 

Ordinance 
of 1784. 



The 

Ordinance 
of 1787. 



settlers, who came with "land warrants" from the govern- 
ment of Virginia. It is stated that one thousand boats, car- 
rying settlers, descended the Ohio River in a single year. 
Most of the settlers went to the Kentucky side, but many 
ascended the river valleys to the north. Indian lands were 
seized regardless of the proclamation by Congress, in 1783, 
that such occupation was unlawful. 

Congress determined, even before the cessions of Avest- 
ern lands were completed, to sell them and in this way 
partially provide for the payment of the National debt. 
The provision for the first systematic survey of these lands 
was made in 1785. 

The rectangular survey was to be used. This plan had been 
suggested the year before by a committee of which Thomas 
Jefferson was chairman. According to this system, lands were 
divided into townships six miles square. One section of each 
township was to be set aside for the support of the public schools. 
Land was to be sold at a minimum price of one dollar an acre, a 
price which did not cover the actual cost of the survey. 

Congress had no constitutional authority for governing this 
territory. As early as 1780, however, it had been proposed to 
make new States out of it, and in pursuance of this plan, Jefferson, 
1784, submitted a report providing for the government of 
the whole western country. It was proposed to make four- 
teen States, each having a classic name, as Metropotamia, Poly- 
potamia, and Illinoia. These States might adopt constitutions 
like that of any of the original States and become members of the 
Confederation. The ordinance was adopted by Congress when 
the clause abolishing slavery "after the year 1800" was removed, 
but the names suggested for the States were rejected. The 
ordinance remained practically a dead letter for the next three 
years, when it became the foundation for the more famous 
Northwest Ordinance. 

In 1786, the ''Ohio Company of Associates" was 
organized at Boston in the interests of Revolutionary 
soldiers who desired to procure homes in the West. Gen- 
erals Rufus Putnam and Samuel Parsons and Manasseh 
Cutler, a minister, were the directors. In July, 1787, 
while a committee of Congress was considering an ordi- 
nance for the government of the Northwest, Cutler asked 



The Period of the Confederation 



189 



that lands in this territory mignt be exchanged for the 
soldiers* certificates held by members of the Ohio Com- 
pany. The draft of the Ordinance was submitted to him, 
and he became the author of some of its notable provisions. 
This famous Ordinance, having received the votes of the 
eight States then represented in Congress, became a law, 
July 13, 1787. 

It applied only to the government to be organized for the terri- 
tory bounded by the Ohio and Mississippi rivers and the Great 
Lakes, a territory out of which from three to five States were to be 
formed. The officers of government to be appointed by Congress 
were a governor and three judges. Provision was made for a 
general assembly so soon as there should be five thousand free 
white men in the territory. This assembly, besides having cer- 
tain legislative powers, was au.thorized to elect a delegate to Con- 
gress who should have the right to take part in debate but not to 
vote. Settlers were to be granted religious freedom and right of 
trial by jury. Schools were to be encouraged. Slavery and in- 
voluntary servitude were prohibited except as a punishment for 
crime, "whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." 

Nathan Dane and Rufus King were prominent members of the 
committee which drafted the ordinance. The former was chair- 
man. Speaking broadly, the ordinance represents the substance 
of the discussions of years over the problems of western settle- 
ment. It indicates also the progress which was then being made 
towards social and religious freedom. The legislature of Virginia, 
under the leadership of Jefferson, by an act of 1778, prohibited 
the imp)ortation of slaves into that State from foreign countries. 
All of the other States save Georgia and South Carolina had, by 
1787, abolished or placed restrictions on the importation of ne- 
groes. In most of the Northern States, emancipation had been 
accomplished or begun. 

In 1776 Jefferson, in the legislature of Virginia, had directed an 
attack against aristocracy and had brought about the destruction 
of the rule of primogeniture in that State. Similar action was 
taken in other States. 



Some pro- 
visions of 
the 
Ordinance 



Social and 
religious 
progress 
and the 
orifjin of 
the Nortbt. 
west 
Ordinaoce 



The Ordinance became a model for the later organization infldence 
of territories. It has been classed in importance with the ordinance 
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. "I 
doubt," said Webster, "whether one single law of any 
law-giver, ancient or modern, has produced effects of more 



190 



American History 



distinct, marked and lasting character than the Ordinance 
of 1787." 

On October 27, 1787, the Ohio Company secured about 
a milhon acres of western lands. General Putnam was 
elected leader. Two divisions of the pioneers, forty-eight 
in all, set out from Ipswich, Massachusetts. After cross- 
ing the Hudson, they passed through Pennsylvania and 
reached the Youghiogheny River, early in 1788. With 




View of Pittsburg in 1790 

rude boats and canoes, hastily built, the voyagers moved 
down this river to Pittsburg, thence down the Ohio to the 
mouth of the Muskingum. There, as previously agreed 
upon, they founded a town, Marietta. Meantime, Gen- 
eral Arthur St. Clair had been appointed Governor. He 
reached Marietta in July, 1788, was received with "due 
honors," and within a few days put into force the pro- 
visions of the Northwest Ordinance. 

In May, 1788, about a quarter of a million acres of land 
between the Great and Little Miami rivers wercsecured by 
John Cleves Symmes and a few associates. The terms of 
purchase were practically the same as those of the Ohio 



The Period of the Confederation 



191 



Company. A New Jersey colony of sixty persons, under 
Judge Symmes, reached the grant, September 22, 1788. 
Within two months a settlement was begun on the site of 
the city of Cincinnati. Here Fort Washington was built 
during the winter of 1789-1790. Governor St.' Clair 
established his head-quarters there m 1790. 

Some of the foreign powers early showed a desire to 
enter into treaty /elations with the new Confederation. 
A commercial trsa-ty was made with Holland in 1782, and 
in the following year that nation sent a minister. France 
was the only other nation represented in America at the 
time. In 1783, Sweden, and in 1785, Prussia also made 
commercial treaties. 

At the close of the war, however, American foreign trade 
was chiefly with Great Britain. That nation refused to 
make a commercial treaty, since any State might break it, 
and still seem determined to interfere with American com- 
merce. In 1783, it was decreed, by an Order in Council, 
that trade between the United States and the British West 
Indies could be carried on only in vessels which were British 
built and were owned and manned by subjects of Great 
Britain. The retaliatory measures of the States on British 
commerce were of little effect. 

It was hoped that John Adams, who was appointed 
JMinister to Great Britain in 1785, would secure more sat- 
isfactory relations. But his efforts were futile, and upon 
his own request he was recalled in 1787. "It is very ap- 
parent," he wrote from England, ''that we shall never have 
a satisfactory arrangement with this country, until Con- 
gress shall be made by the States supreme in matters of 
foreign commerce and until Congress shall have exerted 
that supremacy wiv> a decent firmness." 

Besides, the terms of the treaty of 1783 had been kept 
by neither party The States placed obstacles in the way 
of British creditors collecting their private debts in America. 
On the other hand. Great Britain declined to make com- 
pensation for the slaves carried away by the English army. 



Foreis:n 
relations 
under the 
CJonfederar 
tion. 



Commerce 
with 
England 
and her 
colonies. . 



192 



American History 



Difficulties 

with 

Spain. 



and continued to hold her Western forts, the most important 
being Oswego, Niagara, Detroit, and Mackinac. 

Spain contended that the boundary of her territory 
should be farther north than the thirty-first parallel agreed 
upon in the treaty of Paris. In 1785, therefore, Gardoqui, 
envoy from Spain, offered to enter into a treaty of com- 
merce with the United States 
providing the J\I i s si s s i p p i 
were closed to American 
traders south of this line, the 
mouth of the Yazoo River. 
Northern merchants, desir- 
ous of Spanish trade, were 
willing to accept these te^ms. 
The people of the West pro- 
tested; for New Orleans as 
a market, and a port from 
which their products might 
be shipped, would thus be 
closed to them.* 

John Jay, representing the 
United States, on August 3, 
1786, recommended that 
* Congress consent to a treaty 

for tw^enty-five years upon the terms submitted by 
the Spanish jNIinister. Delegates from New England 
favored this action, but it was opposed by those of the 
South. 

Meantime, the boat and property of a trader from North 
Carolina were seized by Spanish officers at Natchez. 
American soldiers at Vincennes retaliated by sacking the 
store of a Spaniard. The Western settlers threatened to 
secede from the Union if the terms favored by Jay were 
accepted. Congress feared to take action, and the contro- 
versy was not finally settled until 1795. 

* Their chief products, corn and pork, were so bulky that it was im- 
practicable to transport them over the mountains to the Eastern markets. 




John Jay 

The earliest known portrait of h 

in 1783, from a pencil drawing 
Du Siinitiere, made in 1779 



engraved, 

■y 



The Period of the Confederation 



193 



Not only were the States jealous of the power of the Conrro- 
Central Gc>vernmeni, but they were also en\ious of one amoSt 
another. It seemed at times that civil war would result states. 
from the selfish policy pursued by the States. New York 
taxed the products coming to its markets from Connecti- 
cut and New Jersey. Merchants of Connecticut agreed 
to hold no intercourse with New York. New Jersey taxed 




The Franklin Penny 



First United States Coin 



the light-house recently built by New York City on Sandy 
Hook. Similar controversies arose between the other States. 

The financial distress of the Government during th& Financial 
Revolution continued, and developed during the years ^5*^^"^** 
of the Confederation. Foreign trade soon drained the Govern- 
country of the greater part of its specie. Sales of public ^®^** 
lands cancelled the certificates of indebtedness, but brought 
in little money. The Continental currency was worthless. 
Robert Morris, who had been superintendent of finances 
sine. 1781, resigned his office in 1784. Management 
of the finances was entrusted to a Congressional Com- 
mittee of three, called "The Board of the Treasury." 
The States became more delinquent in furnishing the sums 
of money asked by Congress. Requisitions amounting to 
$10,000,000 had been made on the States between Novem* 
ber 1, 1781, and January 1, 1786, but less than $2,500,000 
came into the treasury. This sum was not adequate to 
meet the interest on the national debt then amounting to 
142,000,000. At the beginning of the year 1786, MadisoD 



194 



Americarc History 



Attempts 
to amend 
tbe 
Ar tides. 



wrote Randolph: '*Our situation is becoming every day 
more and more critical. No mon'^y comes into the Federal 
treasury; no respect is paid to tl.fc Federal authority; and 
people of reflection unanimously agree that the existing 
Confederacy is tottering to its foundation." 

Business confidence had well nigh disappeared. In 
1785, under the lead of the debtor classes, the demand 
became general for ne^v issues of paper money by the State 
governments. Seven legislatures yielded to the demand. 
Scarcely were the notes in circulation before they beg9.n to 
depreciate in value and people refused to accept them in 
payment of debts. In Rhode Island, any person who re- 
fused to accept the bills of the State was subject to a fine of 
one hundred dollars and the loss of his rights as a freeman. 

Discontent was most pronounced in Massachusetts, a 
discontent due to stagnation in business, lack of en play- 
ment, and the consequent inability of debtors to pay their 
debts. As frequently happens at such times, the restless, 
idle, and vicious, asserCod their wrongs. Hatred for 
lawyers who tried cases against helpless debtors and for 
judges was especially bitter. Armed mobs prevented the 
holding of court at Worcester and some other towns. 
During the closing months of 1786, some nineteen hundred 
insurgents were collected under the leadership of Daniel 
Shays, who had been a captain in the Continental army. 
He was not a man to maintain discipline among such fol- 
lowers. An attempt to capture the United States arsenal 
at Springfield was foiled through their defeat by the State 
troops. Within a short time they were completely routed 
and Shays and one hundred and fifty of his followers were 
made prisoners. jNIany others escaped into adjoining 
States. There were similar outbreaks in Vermont and 
New Hampshire. 

Something must be done to supply Congress with rev- 
enue, since the amount received from the States was not 
adequate to pay the running expenses of the Government. 
The attempt, ,in 1781, to give Congress the right to lay a 



The Period of the Confederation 195 

duty of five per cent, on imports was defeated by the vote 
of Rhode Island. Two years later, Congress proposed, 
in order to provide for the interest on the public debt, that 
it be given authority, for twenty-five years to levy specific 
duties on imports. The States were to appoint the 
collectors. This amendment was also ratified by twelve 
States, but was defeated by the vote of New York. Other 
attempts to amend the Articles of Confederation failed. 
As we have seen, the nation was drifting rapidly tow- 
ard anarchy and open rebellion. In the dark days of 
Shays's Rebellion, Washington wrote to Lee, then in Con- 
gress: '*You talk, my good Sir, of emplo}ang influence to 
appease the present tumults in Massachusetts. I know 
not where that influence is to be found or if obtainable that 
it would be a proper remedy for the disorders. Influence 
is not government. Let us have one by which our lives, 
liberties, and properties will be secured or let us know the 
worst." This expressed the sentiment which was general 
with Madison, Hamilton, and other leaders. The ad- 
vance toward a stronger Union was thus made possible. 

Suggestive References and Questions 

1. Economic, political and religious conditions (1783-1787). 
McMaster, History of the People of the United States, I, chap. I. 

2. Formation of the Articles of Confederation and Govern- 
ment established. Walker, Making of the Nation, 6-14. 

3. Why was the adoption of the Articles so long delayed? 
Hart, Contemporaries, II, 189. Hart, Formation of the Union, 
93-95. 

4. Elements of disunion among the people. Walker, Making 
of the Nation, 1-5. 

5. Read the Articles of Confederation. Powers of Congress. 
Powers of the separate States. Method of voting. See American 
History Leaflets, No. 20, James and Sanford, Government in 
State and Nation, Appendix B. 

6. The rectangular survey and its advantages. James and 
Sanford, Go\ernment in State and Nation, 280-283. 

7. Slavery under the Confederation. Fiske, Critical Period, 
70-^. 



196 American History 

8. The attitude of Jefferson toward freedom of religion and 
tovt-ard slavery. Jefferson, Am. St. Series, 70-83. 

9. The Northwest Ordinance. Old South Leaflets, Nos, 
13, 42. Hart, Contemporaries, III, No. 46. 

10. The Ohio Company and settlement of Marietta. Mc- 
IMaster, History of the United States, I, 505-519. Old South 
Leaflets, No. 40. Hart, Contemporaries, HI, No. 32. Roose- 
velt, Winning of the West, HI, chap. 6. 

11. What does the attempt to organize the State of Franklin 
illustrate? Walker, Making of the Nation, 12. 

12. Great Britain and American commerce. Fiske, Critical 
Period, 137-140. 

13. The nature of the money of the period and its influence? 
Fiske, Critical Period, 162-186. McLaughlin, The Confedera- 
tion and the Constitution, 138-154. 

14. Shays's Rebellion and other disturbances. McMaster, 
History of the United States, I, 302-354. McLaughlin, The 
Confederation and the Constitution, 154-167. 

15. Proposals to amend the Articles of Confederation. Ameri^ 
can History Leaflets, No. 28. 

16. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 12. 



CHAPTER XIII 

'IHE FORMATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION" 

Disputes were common between Virginia and Maryland The Coa- 
over the navigation of the Potomac River and of Chesa- Ijex^an^** 
peake Bay. Finally, in 1785, commissioners from these dna 1785. 
States, on the recommendation of Madison, met at Alex- 
andria. In their report they suggested the appointment 
of a commission every second year to consider the com- 
mercial regulations of those States bordering on the Po- 
tomac and the Chesapeake. When considering the re- 
port, the Maryland Assembly agreed to invite Pennsylvania 
and Delaware to send commissioners. The Virginia Leg- 
islature proposed a convention of delegates from all the 
States to consider the condition of the trade of the Confed- 
eration which was to meet at Annapolis (September 11, 
1786). 

There were present at Annapolis on the appointed day, The An- 
commissioners from Virginia, Delaware, Pennsylvania, "^poiis 
New Jersey, and New York. Commissioners from some tioa, I786c 
of the other States were on their way, but Maryland, 
Georgia, South Carolina and Connecticut had appointed 
none. Nothing final could be accomplished with so few 
States represented; but before adjourning they agreed to 
a resolution framed by Alexander Hamilton, which pro- 
posed a convention to meet at Philadelphia for the purpose 
of preparing amendments to the Articles of Confederation. 
Not until delegates had been appointed by six States did 
Congress practically approve of the plan by re>commend- 
ing to the States a convention identical with the one 

197 



198 



American History 



already provided for by the Annapolis resolution. Tlie 
remaining States, Rhode Island excepted, soon appointed 
delegates. 

The day fixed for the Convention was May 14, but noi 
until May 25 was there a quorum of delegates from 
seven States present at Philadelphia. Seventy-three dele 
gates were appointed as members in this, one of the most 
memorable assemblies that the world has ever known, but 
only fifty-five attended. Washington was unanimously 
chosen President of the Convention. He took no active 
part in the debates but his presence was an inspiration to 
the other members, and his influence at critical times can- 
not be measured. Besides Franklin, seven other signers 
of the Declaration of Independence were present. Among 
these were Roger Sherman of Connecticut, Elbridge Gerry 
of Massachusetts, and Robert IMorris of Pennsylvania. 
Edmund Randolph and James Madison came, with others, 
from Virginia. Of Madison, called the ''Father of the 
Constitution," a member wrote: "From a spirit of industry 
and application which he possesses in a most eminent 
degreee, he always comes forward the best informed man 
on any point in debate." Rufus King came from Mas- 
sachusetts. Delaware sent John Dickinson. Among the 
other more notable members were Alexander Hamilton of 
New York; Governor William Paterson of New Jersey; 
Luther Martin of Maryland; and the two Pinckneys and 
John Rutledge from South Carolina. 

The Convention lasted from May 25 to September 17, 1787. 
The members sat behind closed doors. The official journal was 
entrusted to Washington, who deposited it in the public archives 
in 1796. It was published in 1819 as a part of the first volume 
of '^ Elliot's Debates." We can gather little from the Journal 
with regard to what was said by the members in these immortal 
debates. Fortunately, Madison, who was present every day, 
took careful notes on the various discussions. " Nor was I una- 
ware," he wrote, ''of the value of such a contribution to the fund 
of materials for the history of a Constitution on which would be 
staked the happiness of a people great even in its infancy, and 
possibly the cause of liberty throughout the world." Hasty 



The Formation of the Federal Constitution 199 

notes were also taken by King, Yates, and a few other members. 
Letters written by some of the members to their friends during 
the first days also give us valuable material on some phases of 
the Convention. 

The magnitude of the labor of the Convention can be The 
understood only as we read the discussions in Madison's "^'i^ginia 
Notes. The actual work was begun on May 30, when 
the Convention went into a committee of the whole for the 
purpose of considering a series of fifteen resolutions that 
had been presented the day before by Edmund Randolph. 
The plan of government set forth in them, known as the 
Virginia Plan, was largely the work of Madison. It was 
under consideration until June 13, and was then sub- 
mitted to the Convention. Among its provisions were 
the following: (1) That a National Government should 
be formed possessing supreme legislative, executive, and 
judicial powers; (2) that the legislative power should be 
vested in a Congress of two separate houses, viz., a House 
of Delegates to be chosen by the people of the States, and 
a Senate to be elected by the House of Delegates; (3) that 
the representation in both houses should be based on popu- 
lation or on contributions to the support of the Govern- 
ment, and (4) that the executive should be chosen by both 
houses of Congress and the members of the judiciary by 
the Senate. It had been attacked fiercely in the committee 
by the delegates from the smaller States who desired to 
maintain equality of State representation. They held that 
if the plan proposed were adopted the Government would 
pass into the hands of the large States. 

The small States agreed upon a series of eleven resolu- The Ne* 
tions, known as the New Jersey Plan, which were pre- ^J^^^^ 
sented by Mr. Paterson of that State on June 15. They 
provided for a continuance of the government under the 
Articles of Confederation, which were to be revised in such 
a manner as to give to Congress the power to regulate com- 
merce, raise revenue, and coerce the States. There were 
also to be executive and judicial departments. This plan 



200 



American History 



of the small States expressed the ideas of those opposing 
the Virginia plan upon two points; (1) a supreme National 
Government; and (2) proportional representation. It was 
agreed upon among the members from Connecticut, New 
York, New Jersey, Delaware, and Luther Martin of Mary- 
land. 

On the same day that the Virginia Plan was brought before the 
Convention, Charles Pinckney submitted a series of resolutions 
resembling those presented by Randolph. It never received a 
separate consideration, but had considerable influence on parts 
of the Constitution. 

Hamilton wanted a highly centralized government. Hit 
sketched a brief outline of government which provided that the 
terms of the "Governor," Senators, and Judges were to be during 
good behavior. It was not, however, formally proposed to the 
Convention and wa^ never referred to a committee. A few days 
before the adjournment of the Convention, Hamilton entrusted to 
Madison for preservation a more elaborate plan. This plan had 
no influence whatever on the final draft of the Constitution. 



The contest centered on the Virginia and the New Jersey 
Plans. Those who opposed the Virginia Plan asserted that 
it would destroy the sovereignty of the States; and that they 
did not possess the power to create such a government. 
Said Paterson: ''I came here not to speak my own senti- 
ments but the sentiments of those who sent me. Our object 
is not such a government as may be best in itself, but such 
a one as our constituents have authorized us to prepare 
and as they will approve." To this sentiment Randolph 
replied: **\Yhen the salvation of the Republic is at stake, 
it would be treason not to propose what we find necessary, 
. . . The true question is whether we shall adhere to the 
federal plan, cr introduce the national plan. The insuf- 
ficiency of the former has been fully displayed by the trial 
already made." Finally, the arguments of Madison, Wil- 
son, and King triumphed, and the Virginia Plan was 
accepted as the basis for a new Constitution. The debates 
became even more heated than before as resolution after 
resolution was considered. The critical time came when the 



The Formation of the Federal Constitution 'ZW. 



clause which provided for proportional representation was 
reached. The opposition asserted that they would rather 
submit to a foreign power than be deprived of equality 
of suffrage in both branches of the Legislature. 

Finally, a vote on June 29 indicated that membership 
in the House of Representatives was to be based upon 
proportional representation. This was a victory for tlie 
national men. How was the Senate to be constituted? 
The delegates from Connecticut demanded that the States 
have equality of representation in the second branch of the 
National Legislature. Over this proposition the votes of 
the States were evenly divided. A committee of one mem- 
ber from each State to wliich the question was submitted 
recommended that each State should have an equal vote 
in the Senate. After another heated debate, this was 
accepted by the Convention on July 16. When the small 
States were given an equal vote with the large States in the 
Senate, they no longer feared ''absorption," and united in 
giving yet greater powers to the General Government. 

How were the number of Representatives from each 
State to be determined and direct taxes to be apportioned ? 
If the number of representatives from each State waj to 
depend on population alone, the delegates feared that the 
new States which might be formed west of the mountains 
would gain too great power. ''If the Western people get 
the power into their hands," Gouverneur Morris declared, 
"they will ruin the Atlantic interests." The motion that 
the number of members sent to the House by the new 
States should never exceed those sent by the old, was lost, 
although it was favored by Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
Delaware and Maryland. 

Were slaves to be counted in establishing the basis of 
representation and apportionment of direct taxes? The 
South Carolina delegates maintained that slaves were a part 
of the population, and as such should be counted. Ob- 
jections were made that slaves were not represented in the 
Legislatures of South Carolina and other Sta+*"s and, in 



The Con- 
necticut 
com- 
promise. 

Article I, 
section 2, 
clause 3. 

Article I, 
section 3, 
clause 1. 



Number 
of Repre- 
sentativea 



The three 
fifths com- 
promise. 



202 



American tl istonj 



Article I, 
section 2, 
clause 3. 



The third 
great com- 
promise. 



Article I, 
section 8, 
clause 3. 

Article I, 
section 9, 
clause 1. 



{"orm of 
o\-ern- 
aeat. 



consequence, ought not to be represented in the National 
Legislature; that they were regarded in those States merely 
as property, and as such should not be represented. At 
this point there was grave danger that the work of the Con- 
vention would fail. Finally, a proposition was introduced 
to the effect that slaves were to be represented as "other 
persons," three-fifths of whom were to be counted. An- 
other clause was inserted for the purpose of reconciling 
the non-slaveholding States: that "direct taxes should be 
apportioned in the same manner as representatives." 

Eastern members representing the commercial States 
■\;N'ished the National Government to have the right to regu- 
late foreign and interstate commerce. This was resisted 
by some of the delegates from the South. Leading men 
from the Middle States and from Virginia and Maiyland 
were opposed to the further importation of slaves. The 
other Southern States were determined to continue this 
traffic. Finally, a compromise was agreed upon which 
gave Congress power over commerce, but forbade any act 
which might prohibit the importation of slaves prior to 
1808. It was agreed also that a tax of ten dollars each 
might be laid on all slaves imported. While the Constitu- 
tion may be said to be made up of a series of compromises, 
these three settled, for the time, the questions which were 
most vital and rendered the further work of the Convention 
possible. 

The Constitution divided power among three practically 
independent departments of government; the Legislative, 
the Executive, and the Judicial. In place of the single 
house of the Confederation there was to be formed a leg- 
islative body consisting of two houses. Experience had 
proved that a strong executive power was necessary to en- 
force the laws. It was finally agreed to entrust this power 
to a single person, the President. Hamilton characterized 
the lack of a judiciary, under the Confederation, as the 
crowning defect of that Government. The conviction that 
the Federal Judiciary should constitute one of the three 



The Formation of the Federal Constitution 203 



parts of the Government v/as general in the Convention, 
and after a brief discussion provision was made for it. 

On September 17, the final draft of the Constitution 
was submitted to the delegates for their signatures. 
George Mason, Edmund Randolph, and Elbridge Gerry 
refused to sign. Thirteen members were absent, but only 
four of these, including Luther Martin, were absolutely 
opposed to the Constitution. The other thirty-nine mem- 
bers, representing twelve States, affixed their names to 
the document and the Convention adjourned. While the 
last signatures were being written, Franklin said to those 
standing near him, as he called attention to a sun bla- 
zoned on the back of the President's chair; ''I have often 
and often in the course of the session and the vicissitudes 
of my hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that be- 
hind the President without being able to tell whether it 
was rising or setting; but now, at length, I have the hap- 
piness to know that it is a rising and not a setting sun." 

The Federal Government, according to the Constitu- 
tion, was no longer, as under the Articles of Confederation, 
to be the agent of or to be dependent upon the States. Its 
laws were to be imperative, not advisory merely, and were 
to operate upon persons and not States. Certain significant 
powers were bestowed upon the National Government 
such as the right to tax; to regulate commerce; to make war 
and peace; to support an army and navy; and to coin 
money. The peculiarity of the ncAV Government lies in the 
division of powers between State and National authorities. 
The National Government was to exercise certain powers 
enumerated in the Constitution. All other powers not pro- 
hibited by the Constitution to the States were to be re- 
served to the States or to the people. "When a particular 
power is found to belong to the States, they are entitled 
to the same complete independence in its exercise as is the 
National Government in wielding its own authority. Each 
within its sphere has sovereign powers."* 

* Cooley, Principles of Constitutional Law. 34. 



Signers of 
the Constk 
tution. 



Supreme 
authority 
of the Gov 
ernment 
estab- 
lished. 



204 



American History 



Origin of 
the Consti- 
tution. 



features of 
State Con- 
stitutions 
tollowed 
by the 
Conven- 
tion. 



Ratifica- 
tion of the 
Constitu- 
tion. 



Fortunately, there was little that was absolutely new in 
the nature of the proposed Government. English prin- 
ciples of government were of influence but the main features 
were derived from the constitutions of the several States. 
These, in turn, had been adopted from the colonial govern- 
ments. Many of the delegates to the convention had 
helped in the framing of the State constitutions, and all 
were familiar with their practical working. Thus, "the 
Convention was led astray by no theories of what might be 
good, but clave closely to what experience had demon- 
strated to be good." 

There was a legislature, with two houses, in eleven of the States 
and the terms, Senate and House of Representatives, were com- 
monly used. The Constitution of Delaware provided for the 
election of one-third of the Senators every two years. Connecti- 
cut furnished the example for equal representation of the States 
in the Senate and for proportional representation in the House 
of Representatives. The powers of the President resemble closely 
those granted the governors. So-me of the delegates were fa- 
miliar also with other provisions ot the State constitutions, such 
as: bills for raising revenue must originate in the House; the proc- 
ess of impeachment; the veto power and governor's message, and 
language of the first ten amendments. It has been said: "The 
process of electing the President is almost the only feature not 
a natural growth." 

The Constitution was submitted to Congress September 
20. It was to go into effect between the ratifying States 
when accepted by conventions of delegates in nine States. 
The period included between September 28, 1787, when 
Congress, without a favorable word of comment, trans- 
mitted the Constitution to the legislatures and June 21, 
1788, the date of its ratification by the requisite number of 
State conventions, was one of the most critical in our 
history. 

Delegates to conventions were elected in all of the States, 
except Rhode Island. In all the conventions the Constitu- 
tion was violently assailed by its foes. Those who supported 
it called themselves Federalists, and those who opposed it 
were known as Anti-Federalists. In general, the men whr 



and 
opponenta 
of the 
Const It u- 



rhe Formatix)n of the Federal Constitution 205 

opposed the Constitution represented the views of con- Supporter* 
stituents who lived away from the great trade centers. 
This rural population, chiefly engaged in agricultural pur- 
suits, was frequently a debtor class, and desired that the ^on 
States be left free to issue a depreciated paper money. The 
landed aristocracy of New York opposed the Constitu- 
tion. A tax on their lands would be necessary if the State 
were to be deprived of the duties collected at their chief 
port. It was opposed by the Kentucky and Tennessee 
districts whose connection with the Atlantic coast was but 
slight. 

On the other hand, its advocates were men from the 
commercial centers or those who represented the great river 
valley regions, such as the Connecticut, Delaware, Shen- 
andoah, and Ohio, and other highways of trade. The 
Tories favored the Constitution because it seemed to offer 
them greater protection. 

Among the leaders in the State conventions, who de- Argumentt 
fended ably the views of the opposition were Richard raUftcL 
Henry Lee, Elbridge Gerry, George Clinton, and Patrick tioa. 
Henry. It was urged that the President would become a 
despot, the House of Representatives a corporate tyrant, 
and the Senate an oligarchy; that equality of representation 
in the Senate was an injustice to the large States; and that 
there was no Bill of Rights protecting the libert^'es of the 
p-eople against encroachment by the National Govern- 
ment. Newspaper letters, tracts, and pamphlets appeared 
in large numbers denouncing the Constitution as dangerous. 

The views of the Federalists were well presented in a 
letter wntten by Washington to Patrick Henry, in which he 
said: *^I wish the Constitution which is offered had been 
more perfect; but it is the best which could be obtained at 
this time and a aoor is open for amendments hereafter. 
The political concerns of" this country are suspended by a 
thicpd. The Convention has been looked up to by the re- 
flecting part of the community with a solicitude which is 
bard'y to be conceived, and if nothing had been agreed 



Federal 
ist 



206 American History 

on by that body, anarchy would soon have ensued, the seeds 
being deeply sown in every soil." 
The In the New York newspapers a series of political essays 

appeared for many weeks bearing the title ''The Federal- 
ist." They presented the case for the Constitution with 
such logic that even now they are considered the best com- 
mentary on that document ever written. Hamilton in- 
stituted the plan and probably wrote fifty-one of the essays, 
Madison wrote twenty-nine, and Jay five. 
The December 6, 1787, the Delaware convention ratified 

state* i\^Q Constitution without a dissenting vote. Pennsylvania, 

New Jersey, Georgia, and Connecticut quickly followed. 
Much depended on the action of the Massachusetts con- 
vention. The leading opponent of the Constitution in this 
State was Samuel Adams. A letter from Washington, 
which was published in a Boston newspaper, had much to 
do in bringing about ratification by the convention. The 
sentiment was similar to that presented in the letter to 
Patrick Henry. The delegates finally accepted the propo- 
sition that amendments might be made which would take 
the place of a Bill of Rights and ratified the Constitution 
with the vote of 187 to 168. Maryland and South Caro- 
lina, after a heated contest, adopted the Constitution. 
The ninth State was finally secured through the ratification 
by New Hampshire (June 21, 1788). Before this news 
was known in the South, Virginia had ratified on the 25th 
of June. Here both parties had notable learners. "What 
right," exclaimed Patrick Henry, "had they to say, We 
the people? . . . Who authorized them to speak the 
language of We the people, instead of, We the States?" 
He was seconded in his opposition by Mason and Richard 
Henry Lee. But the influence of Washington, Marshall, 
and Madison finally triumphed, and Virginia ratified with 
a vote of eighty-nine in favor and seventy-nine opposed. 

When the New York convention assembled, some two- 
thirds of the members, under the able leadership of Gov- 
ernor Clinton, were opposed to the Constitution. Ham' 



The Formation of the Federal Constitution 207 

3ton was untiring in his efforts to secure the ratification 
by this State and to his influence was largely due the favor- 
able action in the close vote of thirty to twenty-seven. 

A second convention was called in North Carolina and, 
November 21, 1789, that State voted to adopt the Constitu- 
tion. Rhode Island, in May of the following year, after 
Congress had threatened to cut her off from the privileges 
of trade, also declared in favor of the Constitution. 

When nine States had ratified the Constitution, Con- First steps 
gress passed a resolution for putting the new Government Sng^tS n^ew 
into operation. Presidential electors w^ere to be chosen Govern- 
on the first Wednesday in January, 1789. They were to 
cast their votes for President on the first W^ednesday in 
February. The new Government w^as to go into operation 
on the first Wednesday of March which happened that year 
to be the fourth of the month. So slowly did the members 
of Congress assemble that the House of Representatives 
was not organized until the first of April and the Senate five 
days later. When the electoral votes were counted, it 
was found, as had been expected, that Washington was 
unanimously chosen President. John Adams was elected 
Vice-President, having received thirty-four votes, the next 
highest number.* 

THE NATION IN 1789 

It is somewhat difficult for us to picture to ourselves the Area and 
nation for which the new government was to be organized. J^°^ ^ 
The area of the United States was 828,000 square miles, ac- 
cording to the census of 1790, the population was 3,929,000. 
Of these, about one-fifth were negroes, mostly slaves. 
Virginia ranked first in population, ha\'ing 747,610 in- 
habitants. Five per cent, of the total number of people 
were west of the Alleghanies, Kentucky having a popula- 
tioti of 74,000 in 1790 and Tennessee 35,000. 

*\i eie 9vere sixty-nine electoral votes in all. Besides John Adams, 
nine ether men received votes. Among them were .John Hancock and 
6amiv»i Aiams. 



208 



American History 



€ltle& 



CSasses 
customs. 



There were no large cities. The most important were 
Philadelphia with a population of 42,500; New York, with 
33,000; Boston, with 18,000; Charleston, with 16,000 and 
Baltimore with 13,500. The streets of the cities were nar- 
row and were 
poorly paved 
when paved at 
all. There were 
no sewers, and 
no attention was 
paid to proper 
sanitary condi- 
tions. Diseases 
of the worst sort 
were prevalent. 
The scourge of 
yellow fever in- 
fested the cities 
almost yearly. 

Among the 
official and aris- 
tocratic classes 
there was much 
social display. 
The style and 
the fashion of 
the English gen- 
try were still 
copied. The homes of the rich were noted for their spa- 
cious rooms and elaborate furnishings, but the comforts 
of to-day were mostly lacking. Drinking of spirituous 
liquors and gambling were common among ail classes. 
Duelling and lotteries were in vogue; many public im- 
provements and a number of academies and colleges were 
assisted by money received from lotteries. 

Farmers usually made their own wooden ploughs and 
wagons, cut th^i grain with a scythe, and threshed it with a 




Distribution of Population in 1790 



The Formation of the Federal Constitution 209 

flail. Most of the clothing of the family was homespun. 
The fireplace supplied the lack of a stove, and light was 
furnished by the tallow candle. Wonderful changes have 
taken place in the lives of day-laborers since that time. 
Wages were, in purchasing power, less than one-half the 
wages of to-day. The necessities of life were costly, the 
mechanic being scarcely able to supply the coarsest food 
and clothing for his family and keep out of debt. 

Nine-tenths of the people were engaged in agricultural Occupar- 
pursuits. Wheat was the leading crop and was grown ^^^' 
diiefly in Connecticut, the Middle States, and Virginia. 
These States also produced corn. Hemp and flax were 
cultivated in nearly all of the States; the Southern States 
produced tobacco, rice, and indigo. Cattle, sheep and 
hogs were raised in all of the States. Fishing was carried 
on extensively in New England. Manufacturing, with 
the exception of ship-building, was of little importance. 
Americar- navigators were familiar with all seas. Besides 
an extensive European and West Indian trade, that with 
the north-west coast of America, because of the furs and 
peltries, was becoming important. In 1789 some forty- 
five vessels went from the port of Boston alone to this coast 
and to India and China. 

The value of the imports was slightly less than that of imports 
(he exports, which amounted to about twenty million dol- exports. 
lars in a single year. Besides tea, having a value of one- 
seventh of the articles imported, the leading imports were 
manufactured articles, sugar, salt, coffee, nails, and distilled 
spirits. There were sent out of the country, in 1789, 369,- 
000 barrels of flour from Pennsylvania alone. Other chief 
articles of export were lumber, rice, wheat, beef, pork, fish, 
and pitch. 

A French traveller wrote of the enterprise of American sailors: Brissot ae 

^ You see their flag everywhere displayed; you see them exploring Warville, 

all islands, studying their wants, and returning to supply them. Travels 

A sloop from Albany of sixty tons and eleven men had the cour- (1788), 

age to go to China. The Chinese, on seeing her arrive, took her ^ 268. 
for the cutter of some large vessel and asked, where was the great 



210 



American History 



Means of 

eommuni- 

cdiion. 



District 
schools. 



Text- 
books. 



Town 
achools. 



ship? We are the great ship; answered they to the Chinese, 
stupefied at their hardiness." 

From a month to seven weeks and even three months 
were required to cross the Atlantic. Domestic trade was 
limited because of the lack of good roads and bridges. 
Boats and sailing packets were common on the rivers and 
the coast. Stage-coaches were used between the larircr 
towns. To make the journey from Boston to New York 
required six days. IMails were ordinarily carried on horse- 
back. Postmen carried the mail from New York to Phila- 
delphia five times each week, and required two davs to 
make the journey. 

The intellectual life of the people developed slowly. 
District schools were common in New England, where 
school was "kept" for two months in winter by a mail and 
two months in summer by a woman. The boys usually 
attended in winter and the girls in summer. The teacher 
received a small amount of money for his services and 
"boarded round." Pupils were given a limited amount of 
instruction in reading, writing, and arithmetic. 

Text-books were few until after the Revolution. Noah 
Webster's American Spelling Book, which appeared in 1785, was 
really the first of our modern texts. The author indicated his 
purpose in the preface, as follows: "To diffuse an uniformity 
and purity of language in America, to destroy the provincial 
prejudices that originate in trifling differences of dialect and pro- 
duce reciprocal ridicule, to promote the interests of literature 
and harmony in the United States is the most earnest wish of the 
author." A New and Complete Arithmetic Composed for the 
Citizens of the United States, which appeared in 1788, was the first 
arithmetic produced by an American. The author, Nicolas 
Pike, devoted the greater part of the book to arithmetic proper 
and the remainder to plane geometry, algebra, trigonometry 
and conic sections. 

Few schools were to be found in the country districts 
outside New England. In the towns it was the custom 
for pupils to remain with a single teacher through the sixth 
reader, when they were admitted to the grammar school. 
Here they were taught the classics. Grammar schools 



The Formation of the Federal Constitution 211 

were generally supported by fees. Girls did not usually 
continue their education beyond the grammar school. 
Daughters of the well-to-do families completed their train- 
ing by learning to do fine needle-work or to play on the 
spinet or the harpsichord. There were no public high 
schools. Private tutors were frequently employed in 
wealthy famihes. Night schools had been established in 
some of the cities. 

The need for higher secondary education led to the Higher 
founding of endowed academies by individuals, by towns, ^^^<^^^*<'*« 
or by grants of land from the State. The first incorporated 
academy was founded in Philadelphia in 1758 through the 
efforts of Franklin. Academies increased rapidly in num- 
bers, and by 1800 over one hundred had been established in 
different sections of the country. Among the most noted 
were Phillips Academy at Andover, chartered in 1780, and 
Phillips Academy at Exeter, founded about the same time. 
Nine years was regarded as the proper age for pupils to 
enter the academy. Discipline in all secondary schools was 
strict, and the rod ordinarily was the only *'aid" in teach- 
ing. Courses of study in the better academies were classi- 
cal, in preparation for entering college. 

There were graduated from the colleges of the country, 
in 1789, about one hundred and seventy men. Instruction 
in the colleges was confined chiefly to Latin, Greek, 
mathematics and logic. North Carolina established the 
first State university in 1795. 

The first medical school, afterward a department of the 
University of Pennsylvania, was founded at Philadelphia 
m 1765. King's College and Harvard had also provided 
for instruction in medicine. But the majority of young 
men who desired an education in medicine were accus- 
tomed to become apprenticed to seme city practitioner. 

Young men were accustomed to study law in the office 
of a leading lawyer. The first law school was established 
at Litchfield, Conn., in 1784. 

A chair of divinity existed in most of the colleges. No 



212 American History 

definite organization was given, however, to courses lead- 
ing to a preparation for the ministry. The first theological 
school in the country was established in 1784, in New York 
City, by the Dutch Reformed Church, 
literature. English influence on thought grew weaker and French 
influence stronger after the Revolution. Few of the men 
who were to create a real National literature were born 
Washington Irving was but a lad of six years, and James 
Fenimore Cooper was born in 1789. In 1787, Joel 
Barlow published "The Vision of Columbus," a lengthy, 
prosy production in verse. Philip Freneau was the real 
lyric poet of the time. But Benjamin Franklin was the 
eighteenth-century author of greatest distinction. Besides 
the two works by which he is best known, *' Poor Richard's 
Almanac" and his Autobiography, he had won a notable 
reputation by his state papers, scientific discussions, and 
lectures. Americans excelled in political Hterature. The 
state papers of Washington, John Adams, Samuel Adams, 
Hamilton, Jefferson, and Madison, are models of their 
kind. 

James Otis. Patrick Henry, Fisher Ames, and several 
other men of the time have always been given high rank 
as orators. 

The Pennsylvania Packet, founded in 1784, was the first 
daily newspaper. In 1785, the first daily evening paper, 
The Philadelphia Gazette, was established. Newspapers 
were printed on poor paper. There were no editorials. 
They were made up chiefly of clippings from other papers, 
a summary of news from London or Paris, lengthy con- 
tributions on political questions, and advertisements. 
Scientific Scientific societies in America had their beginning in 

a«d a^rt.^ 'The American Philosophical Society for Promoting Use= 
ful Knowledge," which met at Philadelphia. It was in- 
corporated in 1786. The American Academy of x\rts and 
Sciences of Boston was founded the same year, and, in 
1791, the Massachusetts Historical Association. 

John Copley, Benjamin West, and Gilbert Stuart were 



The FormrMon of the Federal Constitution 213 

three Americans who gained reputations as painters in 
England. They preferred to live there because of the poor 
support given artists in America. Stuart, who received 
$100 for his portrait of Washington once said: ''A grocer 
will make more by buying a cargo of molasses in a day 
than my labor can bring me in a year." 

In America, as in other countries of the world at the Hospitals 
close of the eighteenth century, there was little responsi- """ito^ 
bility felt for the care of dependent classes. Hospitals for ^"'°'^* 
the sick existed in only a few cities. Insane persons were 
confined in cells underneath the ground floor and were 
treated with great brutality. Prisoners, of all degrees of 
crime, were herded together in dark, loathsome dungeons, 
and their lives, through inhuman treatment, were made 
as miserable as possible. The crime of debt brought more 
people to jail than any other. 

A small property qualification or pa.yment of a certain Right to 
amount of taxes was required of voters in a majority of ^'^^'^ ^"^ 
the States. While freedom in religious belief had become omce. 
general, in a number of the States only Protestants might 
hold office. But the Federal Constitution did not recog- 
nize religious belief as a qualification for office-holding, 
and the States soon followed this example. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. The attitude of Congress toward the callini^ of a Conven- 
tion at Philadelphia. Fiske, Critical Period, 217-222. Schouler, 
History of the United States, I, 34-39. 

2. Problems connected with the appointment of delegates in 
some of the States. McMaster, History, I, 390-399, M'^mbers 
of the Convention. Hart, Contemporaries, HI, No. 5.5. 

3. The influence of certain men in the Convention. Mc- 
Master, History, I, 418-423. Fiske, Critical Period, 224-229. 
Walker, Making of the Nation, 23-27. 

4. The "Compromises" of the Constitution. Read Article II, 
Section 8, Clause 3 and Section 9, Clause 1. Madison, Am. 
St. Series, chap. 8. McLaughlin, The Confederation and the 
Constitution, 221-235. 



214 American History 

5. The Constitution in the Virginia convention. Patrick Henry, 
Am. St. Series, chap. 18. Schouler, History, I, 70-75. Fiske, 
Critical Period, 334-336. 

6. Attitude of the New York convention and why was New 
York a pivotal State. Hamilton, Am. St. Series,, 6S~82. Ban- 
croft, History of the United States, VI, 455-460. Schouler, 
History, I, 6&-67 (old ed.); 77-78 (new ed.). Fiske, Critical 
Period, 340-345. McLaughlin, The Confederation and the 
Constitution, 308-312. 

7. Objections to the Constitution in North Carolina. Hart, 
Contemporaries, HI, No. 75. 

8. What would have been the status of North Carolina and 
Rhode Island if they had refused to ratify ? Walker, Making the 
Nation, 73-75. Hart, Formation, 132-133. 

9. Compare the original method of nominating the President 
with that of to-day. James and Sanford, Government in State 
and Nation, 216-219. 

10. The first Presidential election and inauguration of the new 
Government. Fiske, Critical Period, 346-350. Schouler, His- 
tory, I, 74-86 (old ed.); 79-90 (new ed.). 

11. The nation in 1789; education, literature, religion, ^ tc 
McMaster, History, II, 1-24; 57-66. Scudder, Men and Man- 
ners in America One Hundred Years Ago. Earle, Stage-Coach 
and Tavern Days. 

12. Extent of American and foreign shipping engaged in the 
commerce of the United States in 1789. Is the showing for this 
country as favorable now ? Why ? Coman, Industrial History, 
131, 132. 

13. Would you favor the restrictions on suffrage of 1789? Of 
to-day? Fiske, Critical Period, 69, 70. Government in State 
and Nation, 43, 44, 125, 126. 

14. James and Mann, Readings in American History j cbaj^^ 
ter 13. 



CHAPTER XIV 

ORGANIZATION OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT 
THE FEDERALISTS IN CONTROL 

Washington set out for New York April 16. He wrote inaugura- 
in his diary of that day: "About 10 o'clock I bade adieu wTshLg. 
to Mount Vernon, to private life and to domestic felic- ton. 
ity, and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and 
painful sensations than I have words to express, set out for 
New York with the best disposition to render service to 
my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of 
answering its expectations." Well might he hesitate to 
assume the burdens of the office to which he had been 
elected. The Government must prove itself acceptable 
to the people, and under the guidance of a less able leader, 
it must have failed. The confidence of the people in 
Washington was expressed in the homage shown him at 
all stages of his journey. April 30, on the balcony of 
Federal Hall, in New York City, the oath of office was ad- 
ministered. Washington then read his inaugural address 
in the presence of Congress assembled in the Senate 
Chamber. At the conclusion of the address, the as- 
semblage went to St. Paul's chapel, where prayers were 
offered. Formal addresses were presented to the Presi- 
dent by both Houses of Congress. This ceremony, dis- 
continued when Jefferson became President, was in keep- 
ing with the other formalities of the time. 

The Federal treasury was empty. INIadison, on April Firsf -^* 
8, introduced a resolution into the House, based on the con°',"e^s. 
plan of 1783, for raising a national revenue. This led The tariff, 
to the nrst tariff act (July 4, 1789). Members from sections'. 
Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and the other States in which ^^^"^^ ^^ 

215 



216 



American History 



manufactures were developing wanted protection for their 
industries. The act was shghtly protective, but its chief 
object was to secure revenue for carrying on the Govern- 
ment. It provided specific duties on wines, teas, nails, 
salt, and twenty-eight other articles, and an ad valorem 
duty from five to fifteen per cent, on a few articles, as paper, 
leather, and tinware. The average of duties was about 
eight and one-half per cent. The amount of money coh 
lected from taxes on imports was not sufficient to carry on 




Dollar of 1794. 



Appropri- 
ation's. 



Executive 
depart- 
ments or- 
ganized, 
Article II, 
section 2, 
clause 1. 



the Government, and on the recommendation of Hamil- 
ton the rates were increased in 1790 and 1792. 

The appropriations by Congress for the first year's ex- 
penses amounted to $639,000. Washington, as during the 
Revolutionary War, desired to serve without salary. It 
was agreed, however, that the President should receive 
$25,000 and the Vice-President $5,000 annually. 

It was taken for granted by the Constitutional Conven- 
tion that executive departments would be formed. Three 
departments were created: the Department of State, 
then called Foreign Affairs, the Department of War, and 
the Treasury Department. Provision was made for the 
office of Attorney-General, although this office was not, for 
many years, considered an executive department. The 
former Post-Office was continued, and it was made a 



Organization of the New Government 217 

department in 1794. Through the appointment by 
Washington and confirmation by the Senate, Thomas 
Jefferson was made Secretary of State, Alexander Hamil- 
ton, Secretary of Treasury; Henry Knox, Secretary of War, 
and Edmund Randolph, Attorney-General. 

Although not authorized by the Constitution, Washington 
early began the custom of calling these four men together from 
time to time to confer with him on public questions. Later 
Presidents have preserved this practice of calling their Cabinets 
into conference. While the President is not obliged to take the 
adviee of his Cabinet, their views have usually great weight with 
him. 

By an act of September 24, 1789, Congress proceeded Organiza- 

• 1 -r-( 1 1 T T • ±^^ 1 ' A r^ • tionofthe 

to organize the rederai Judiciary as outlined in the Consti- judiciary, 
tution. This act pro^^ded that the Supreme Court should -^'"ticie iil. 

. , p ... -p, section 1, 

consist of a Chief Justice and five associate justices. J^our clause i. 
Circuit Coi:rts and thirteen District Courts were also cre- 
ated, and their functions as inferior courts were defined. 
John Jay, of New York, a man of sterling character and 
strong convictions was appointed Chief Justice. Regular 
Circuit Court judges were not then provided for. 

The first Congress was called upon to consider some First ten 
three hundred propositions to amend the Constitution, ^^^^g^t^, 
Of these, more than one-third were submitted by the the Constl. 
States at the time of ratification. Twelve amendments 
finally received the requisite two-thirds votes of both 
Houses of Congress. Ten became a part of the Constitu- 
tion in 1791, having been ratified by the legislatures of 
three-fourths of the States. These ten amendments have 
been called ''The Bill of Rights"; for they provide, in 
general, for the preservation (against encroachment by 
the National Government) upon such rights as the freedom 
of religion, and of speech, and that over private property, 
rights which had been enumerated in the "Bills of Rights" 
of the State constitutions. 

The Constitution provides (Article III, Section II, Clause 1) that Eleventh 
the judicial power of the United States shall extend to contro- ^^^^t"^" 
versies between a State and citizens of another State, and between 



218 



American History 



Alexander 
Hamilton 
and the 
establish- 
ment of 
National 
credit. 



The public 
4ebt. 



a State and the citizens or subjects of a foreign State. These pro* 
visions were intended doubtless to apply only to suits in which a 
State should attempt, as plaintiff, to secure justice in a Federal 
Court. But, contrary to expectation, suits were early brought 
against some of the States by citizens of other States. In the no- 
table case of Chisholm vs. the State of Georgia (in 1793), Chisholm, 
a citizen of North Carolina, began action against the State of 
Georgia in the Supreme Court of the United States. That Court 
interpreted the clause as applying to cases in which a State i& 
defendant, as well as to those in which it is plaintiff. The de- 
cision was received with disfavor by the States, and Congress pro- 
posed the Eleventh Amendment to the Constitution, which was 
ratified in 1798 and reads as follows: "The judicial power of the 
United States shall not he construed to extend to any suit in law or 
equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States, 
by citizens of another State or by citizens or subjects of any foreign 
State." 

When Alexander Hamilton, at the age of thirty-two, 
was appointed Secretary of the Treasury, he had already ac- 
quired a notable reputation as a writer on the problems of 
government and as a lawyer. Although fully aware of the 
difficulties to be met, he did not hesitate in accepting the 
burdens of the office at the meager salary of $3,500 a year. 
Shortly after his appointment. Congress requested Ham- 
ilton to prepare a report on the public credit. This led 
to the formation of his financial policy. The carrying out 
of his recommendations placed the National credit on a 
solid foundation. 

Hamilton showed that the National indebtedness was 
about $54,000,000, including principal and arrears of in- 
terest. Of this sum, $12,000,000 was owed in Europe, 
chiefly to the French Government. In his first report on 
the public credit (1790), he proposed that these obliga- 
tions against the Government should be paid in full 
While there was no objection made to paying the foreign 
debt, a heated debate took place, in Congress, over the 
proposition to pay the remainder, or ** domestic debt." 
These certificates of indebtedness had depreciated so much 
that they were worth only about one-fifth of their face value. 
Speculators had been buying the certificates, and it was 



Organization of the New Government 219 



tion of 
State 
debts and 
location oi 
the Capi- 
tal. 



argued that they and not the original owners would profit by 
the measure. But Hamilton insisted that the credit of the 
Government could be established only by redeeming its 
promises to pay at full face value. Hamilton's plan tri- 
umphed, and a bill was 
passed by Congress 
providing for the pay- 
ment of both the for- 
eign and domestic 
debts. 

The proposal by Assunap 
Hamilton that the Na- 
tional Government 
should assume the un- 
paid debts of the in- 
dividual States which 
had been incurred in 
support of the Revolu- 
tion, met with bitter 
protest. The total of 
these debts finally 
fixed upon was $21,- 
000,000. Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut, and 
South Carolina had the largest debts. With the excep- 
tion of South Carolina, the Southern States had already 
paid off the greater part of their debts and were . op- 
posed to the plan. New England and the Middle States 
with xae exception of Pennsylvania, favored assump- 
tion. The Representatives from North Carolina now ap- 
pea'-ed in Congress in time to defeat the measure in the 
House. 

Hamilton saw in the discussion over the permanent 
location of the Capital the opportunity to save his plan 
for assumption. The choice had narrowed down to a 
site on the Delaware River in Pennsylvania, or to one on the 
Potomac. Finally, a bargain was agreed upon in which 




Alexander Hamilton 

From the painting by John Trumbull, 1792 



220 



American History 



The excise. 



The 
United 
States 
Banic. 



Article I, 
section 8, 
clause IS. 



Hamilton offered to secure enough Northern votes for the 
Potomac site, providing Jefferson would ^et Virginia votes 
to carry the assumption of the State debts. Both measures 
were carried. For ten years, the Capital was to be at 
Philadelphia and then to be located in a district ten miles 
square on the Potomac at some spot to be selected by 
Washington. 

Some means must be found to pay the debts. Hamil- 
ton proposed, in a second report on the public credit, pre- 
sented at the close of the year 1790, an increase in the 
import duties on distilled liquors and also an excise upon 
spirituous liquors distilled in the United States. An ex- 
cise, to be laid by the National Government, was especially 
objectionable to many. It was regarded in the same light 
as the stamp duties before the Revolution. It tended, 
they thought, to give too great powers of taxation to the 
Federal Government. In spite of great opposition, the 
measure was passed. One member suggested that it 
would be like "drinking down the National debt." 

The plan for a United States Bank, advocated in a 
special report (December 13, 1790), is even more note- 
worthy. Hamilton had recommended such an institution 
to Robert Morris during the Revolution. He now urged 
that a bank would become the means of increasing the cir- 
culating medium, and at the same time give a safe and 
tmiform currency to the country, through the issue of 
bank-notes; and that the Government would be able to 
borrow money and carry on other financial affairs tlirough 
the bank with greater facility. Besides, the men who 
might subscribe for the stock would thus become inter- 
ested in the Government. 

jNIadison, as the leader of a strong minority party in the 
House of Representatives, asserted that Congress did not 
possess the power of estaolishing such a corporation, since 
it was not '' expressly" granted by the Constitution. 
Hamilton maintained that the power was implied in 
that clause which authorizes Congress "to make all laws 



Organization of the New Government 221 

which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into exe- 
cution the foregoing powers . . . vested by the Constitu- 
tion in the Government of the United States." The bill, 
which finally passed both Houses of Congress, provided 
for the incorporation of a bank for twenty years with a 
capiral of $10,000,000. The Government might subscribe 
for an amount not exceeding $2,000,())00. Payment for 
ii large amount of the stock was to be made 'n Government 
bonds. The bank was to be used as a pla ;; of deposit for 
Government funds and to aid it in borrowing, collecting, 
and paying out money. 

Because of the objections to the measure, Washington, strict and 
before signing the bill, referred it to his Cabinet for their gtruct^oo^ 
written opinions on its constitutionality. The replies sub- 
xniited by Jefferson and Hamilton are noteworthy. They 
set forth definitely the two opposing views on the inter- 
pretation of the Constitution which have so often been con- 
tended for in the course of our history. Jefferson argued, 
as Madison had done, that the incorporation of a bank 
would be unconstitutional and that a bank was neither a 
"necessary" nor a '^proper" agent *'for carrying into exe- 
cution" the ''enumerated powders" of the Constitution. 
He stood for what is called the doctrine of ''strict" con- 
struction. Hamilton, in his answer, held that all con- 
venient "means" might be employed by the Government 
which were "required in the execution" of powers granted 
by the Constitution. He argued that the creation of a Article!. 
bank was constitutional since it was related to the power3 clauses 
of collecting taxes and borrowing money. Thus he de- ^' ^^ 
clared in favor of the "broad" construction of the Consti- 
tution. Washington, after some hesitation, signed the 
bill. The Bank was established in Philadelphia with 
branches in New York, Baltimore, and six other cities. 

This doctrine of the implied powers of the Constitution was in Bryce, 

turn to be adopted by the Supreme Court and stated in the fa- American 

mous decisions of John Marshall. James Bryce has well said: ^ealth^'^" 

*'The interpretation which has thus stretched the Constitution 1.390.* 



222 American History 

to cover powers once undreamt of may be deemed a dangercue 
resource. But it must be remembered that even the constitu* 
tions we call rigid must make their choice between being bent 
or being broken. The Americans have more than once bent 
their Constitution in order that they might not be forced to 
break it." 
The mint. Congress, on Hamilton's recommendation, also passed 
an act for the establishment of a mint. The free coinage 
of both gold and silver at a ratio of 15 to 1 was adopted, 
i.e., the weight of pure metal in a silver dollar was fifteen 
times as much as the pure metal in a gold dollar. 
Report on At the close of the year 1791, Hamilton made the most 
factures. elaborate of his reports, that on manufactures. The argu- 
ments for the protection of American industries, through 
a tax on imports, stands to-day as one of the best presenta- 
tions ever made in behalf of the protective system. The 
act of 1792, which provided for a slight increase in duties, 
followed, in the main, his suggestions. 
Rise of As we have seen, two parties developed over the ratifi- 

panie?^ cation of the Constitution. After the inauguration of 
the new Government, the Anti-Federalists as a party 
disappeared. But the adoption of Hamilton's financial 
plans was the chief cause for the formation of two well- 
organized political parties. Hamilton favored a strong 
central Government. The policy of loose construction 
which he advocated would deprive the State governments 
of many powers. Many persons then, as to-day, viewed 
with alarm this growing authority of the central Govern- 
ment and Jefferson declared that the Government was 
drifting toward a monarchy. He believed that Hamilton 
was building up a monarchical party by giving to certain 
members of Congress, which the Secretary of State called 
the ''corrupt squadron," financial privileges in return for 
their support. In the ceremonial connected with the 
sittings of the Supreme Court, and in the secret sessions of 
the Senate, Jefferson and his adherents saw also the death 
of Republican institutions. 

These followers of Jefferson, chief among whom was 



Orgamzatioii of the New Government 223 

INIadison, were soon organized, and called themselves the RepubU- 
Repiiblican Party. They were called by their enemies f^dSr^'ists, 
"Democratic." They insisted on the strict interpretation 
of the Constitution, and were most numerous in the agri- 
cultural States. Those who favored the views of Hamilton 
clung to the name "Federalist" for their party. They 
were chiefly in the commercial States. Another notable 
difference between the party views grew out of the atti- 
tude of the two leaders toward the people. Hamilton had 



M: "fr 





ii '^¥'l,V 



The Home of George Washington at Mount Vernon 



little confidence in the ability of the mass of the people 
to govern, and held that government should be in the 
hands of the educated and property-owning classes. 
Jefferson believed in the common people and in their 
capacity for self-government. He had no fears of such 
uprisings as that led by Shays, and declared with regard 
to it: "Whenever our affairs go obviously wrong, the good 
sense of the people will interpose and set them right." 



224 American History 

From the sessions of the Cabinet, where, as Jefferson 
said, he and Hamilton were arrayed against each other 
like "two cocks in a pit," the contest passed to the news- 
papers. Jefferson and Hamilton became personal ene- 
mies. Although the attacks on Hamilton were largely ill- 
founded, it is fortunate that a party was then brought into 
existence which held, as its leading principle, belief in the 
people. 
Washing- As the time for the second Presidential election ap- 
eiected, proached, Washington, who had grown weary of the at- 
1792. tacks on his administration, would gladly have retired tc 

the quiet of Mount Vernon. Urged by the leaders of both 
parties, he again allowed his name to be used and was 
unanimously reelected. The contest between the parties 
came in the choice of a Vice-President. John Adams, the 
Federalist candidate, was reelected, having received the 
votes of seventy-seven electors. Fifty electors voted for 
George Clinton of the Republican party. The Repub- 
licans, however, succeeded in electing a majority of the 
members of the House of Representatives. The Senate 
remained under the control of the Federalists. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Relation of Washington to the Senate. Hart, Contempo- 
raries, HI, No. 79. 

2. Washington's Cabinet; departments since organized and 
chief functions of each. Walker, Making of the Nation, 88-93. 
Fiske, Civil Government, 236-240; 250-252. James and San- 
ford's Government in State and Nation, 244-258. 

3. Compare with the English Cabinet; appointment, authority. 
Government in State and Nation, 157-160. 

4. Organization of the Federal Judiciary. Walker, Making of 
' the Nation, 97, 98. Hart, Formation, 145, 146. Government 

in State and Nation, 261-263. 

5. Process of amending the Constitution and nature of th(^ first 
teii amendments. Walker, Making of the Nation, 74-77. 
Government in State and Nation, 288-291. 

6. Compare the methods of r^».sing revenue under the Consti- 



Organization of the New Government 225 

tution and under the Confederation. Government in State and 
Nation, 162. 

7. Hamilton's Financial Policy. Hamilton, Am. St. Series, 
chaps. 5 and 6. Madison, Am. St. Series, 144-150 (new ed.)! 
Hart, Formation, 146-151. Walker, Making of the Nation 
78-86. 

8. Formation of political parties. Hamilton, Am. St. Series, 
chap. 7. Jefferson, Am. St. Series, chap. 8. Madison, Am. St 
Series, chap. 12. Hart, Formation, 155-156. Walker, Making 
of the Nation, 94-97. 

9. The slave question in the First Congress. Madison, Am. 
St. Series, 152-164 (new ed.). Hart, Formation, 151, 152. 

10. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 14. 

11. Historical fiction. James Lane Allen, Choir Invisible 
(Kentucky). James K. Paulding, Westward Hoi (Kentucky). 



CHAPTER XV 



FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1793-1301 



Tbe Party contests became more embittered because of the 

Revolution I'elation of the United States to European affairs after 
^"d the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789. For a 

quarter of a century foreign relations were to constitute 
a leading feature in our history. France, as we ha\ e seen 
(p. 168), aided America in gaining independence. The 
news of the proclamation of the French. Republic (Sep- 
tember 22, 1792), and the execution of King Louis XVI 
(January 21, 1793), were enthusiastically received in 
America. This feeling of joy was heightened when it 
was learned early in April, 1793, that France had also 
declared war against England. 

By the terms of the treaty of 1778, France expected the 
United States to defend the French West India Islands 
against attack and to grant France certain privileges in 
our ports not granted other nations. Appreciating that 
the very existence of the nation might depend on keeping 
out of the struggle, Washington determined that the 
United States should pursue an impartial course toward 
both England and France. His Proclamation of Neutral- 
ity was issued, therefore, on April 22, 1793. It is classed 
to-day as one of the most important documents of the 
period. The United States was thenceforth to keep clear 
of European entanglements. 

Its enforcement was difficult because of the actions of 
Genet, the French Minister, who came to Charleston two 
weeks before the Proclamation was issued. Counting on 

226 



Proclama- 
tion of 
Neutrality, 
1793. 



»enet 



Foreign Relations 227 

American s}Tnpathy and aid for France, he fitted out four 
privateers, which captured a number of English vessels. 
After ten days he set out for Philadelphia. Ovations were 
o^iven him on the way and in that city. Democratic clubs 
svere formed, modelled after those in Paris. Angered at 
his treatment by Washington, who insisted on the principle 
of neutrality, Genet threatened an appeal to the people. 
Disregarding the request of Jefferson and his own promise 
not to do so, he fitted out a captured vessel and sent it to 
sea. His recall was requested by Washington. The party 
by which he was appointed had fallen, and the French 
Government, then in the hands of the more radical Robes 
pierre faction, sent Fauchet as his successor. 

The secret plans of Genet relative to the West were of no less French 
moment. Because of the closing of the Mississippi by Spain plans in 
(p. 192), and the seeming disregard of their interests by the ^ ® West, 
Government, there was general discontent among the men of 
the West Genet was secretly instructed, by his Government, to 
make use of this disaffection and enlist men to conquer, for France, 
Louisiana, the Floridas, and Canada. Before leaving Charleston, 
he arranged for an expedition against Florida and similar plans 
for the capture of New Orleans and Louisiana were set on foot 
by him at Philadelphia. These plots were revived by Fauchet 
and by Adet, the successors of Genet, 

The non-enforcement of the terms of the treaty of Difficulties 
1783 between Great Britain and the United States was qJ.^'^, 
still under discussion by both nations. In June, 1793, Britain. 
Great Britain ordered the seizure of neutral vessels carry- 
ing provisions to French ports. The French Government 
had already passed a similar decree relative to the ports of 
Great Britain. This policy, which struck so heavily at 
American shipping, was based on the doubtful claim that 
'' provisions were contraband of war." Upon the outbreak 
of hostilities, France threw open her ports in the West 
Indies to trade with neutral ships. According to the " rule 
of 1756," by which Great Britain did not consider herself 
bound, trade which was forbidden a neutral in time of 
peace could not be allowed that nation in time of war. 



22o American History 

Great Britain, however, proceeded to enrorce this rule 
against American trade with the French colonies. Some 
three hundred American vessels were seized and brought 
into British West Indian ports, by March 7, 1794, and 
their passengers and seamen were brutally treated. 

With even greater arrogance. Great Britain claimed the 
right to stop and search American ships for seamen of 
British birth in order to ivipress them into her navy. Upon 
the theory, *'once an Englishman always an Englishman,'* 
sailors, English by birth, but who had become naturalized 
Americans were impressed. Even sailors born in the 
United States were seized. With the feeling excited by these 
acts, war seemed inevitable. Congress, in March, 1794, 
voted an embargo for thirty days on shipping in the ports 
of the United States. It was renewed for a month and 
bills were passed providing for the fortification of some 
of the harbors and for increasing the navy. 
Jay's But in spite of the clamor for war, Washington deter- 

itSJ."^ mined, if possible, to avert it. He selected John Jay, then 

Chief Justice, as Envoy Extraordinary to open negotia- 
tions with Great Britain for the execution of the treaty of 
1783 and for making a treaty of commerce. After four 
months of negotiation, in London, between Lord Gren- 
ville and Jay a treaty was drawn up (November 19, 1794). 
According to its terms, the British Government agreed to 
evacuate the posts by June, 1796. Joint commissions 
were to settle the amount of the claims growing out of the 
non-pa}Tiient of debts due British subjects and the seizure 
of American ships.* A general commercial treaty was 
agreed upon — an advantage to our merchants and ship- 
owners. 

Nothing was said about an indemnity for the loss of 
the negroes and no mention was made of impressment. 
The British Government refused to yield its position on 

* Three million dollars was agreed upon by treaty (1802) as the amount 
due British subjects. A commission of five, in 1804, settled on $11,000,000 
as the amount due American claimants for the capture of their ships. 



Foreign Relations 229 

neutral trade. The treaty passed the Senate with the exact 
number of votes necessary to make the required two- 
thirds. The whole country w^as aroused when the terms 
became known. In many cities Jay was burned in d&gy 
and Hamihon, w^hile defending the treaty, was stoned at a 
pubUc meeting in New York City. The British flag was 
dragged through the streets at Charleston and burned' be- 
fore the door of the British Consul. A \dolent debate en- 
sued in the House of Representatives over the bill pro- 
viding for the money needed to execute the terms of the 
treaty. Finally, the House, by a vote of 51 to 48, passed the 
appropriation bill. The terms of the treaty were doubt- 
less the best which could be secured at that time. Re- 
jection would have meant an almost certain war, a war 
which would have crippled the nation. The opening 
of the Mississippi by Spain and the settlement of the 
Indian troubles of the West were intimately connected 
also with the acceptance of the Jay treaty. 

Fearing the alienation of the West because of the long Treaty 
standing troubles with Spain (p. 192), Thomas Pinck- gpain, 
ney, in 1794, was sent to Spain for the purpose of making i"95. 
a new treaty. Knowing of the relations about to be 
established by the parties to the Jay treaty, Spain 
thought it desirable to win the friendship of the United 
States. On October 27, 1795, a treaty was signed by 
which America gained all that was asked: the free navi- 
gation of the Mississippi; the right to deposit goods at 
New Orleans;* and the parallel of 31° as the Florida 
boundary line. 

The advance of settlers into the territory ceded by tlie Indian 
treaty of 1783 was resisted by the Indians and attacks upon Jj™"^^^^ ^° 
die outlying settlements were frequent. f American offi- North- 
cers who made offers of peace were answered by some of the 

* A place of deposit was necessary in order that goods brought down 
the Mississippi on river boats might be transferred to ocean-going vessels. 

t The early settlements in Ohio were noted on pages 190, 191. Three 
other settlements were made on the Muskingum in 1790. 



west. 



230 



American History 



chiefs of the North-western tribes: ''The English com- 
mandant at Detroit is our father and we cannot answer 
without consulting him." The enonnities of the savages 
becoming more frequent, the Government, in 1790 sent 
a force against them led by General Harmar. Under the 




Fort Washington (Cincinnati) 



leadership of the famous Chief, "Little Turtle," the Indians 
were victorious. An expedition the following year under 
General St. Clair met a like fate. 

The command was then entrusted to General Anthon}' 
Wayne. Setting out from Fort Washington (Cincinnati), 
he reached the rapids of the Maumee in August, 1794. 
There the desperate battle of "Fallen Timbers" was 
fought in which the Indians were utterly defeated. In 
the treaty at Greenville the next year, they agreed to 
surrender their claims to the greater part of the present 
Ohio. With the promise of security, settlers began at 
once to go into this territory in ever-increasing num- 
bers- 



Foreign Relations 



231 



Meantime, hatred by the inhabitants of the Western Whiskey 
communities, especially of Pennsylvania, for the excise uon.T;^. 
law, gave rise to serious disturbances. Because of inade- 
quate facilities for transportation. Western men, in order 
to get their produce to market most readily, reduced the 
grain to, whiskey. Their opposition to the tax on distilled 

spirits finally led to 




R G I N I A 



Waytie's Campaign and Treaty of Greenville 



open rebellion in 
1794. Collectors of 
revenue were driven 
from their homes, 
mails were seized, 
and the United 
States Marshal was 
fired upon. About 
6,000 men assem- 
bled at '' Braddock's 
Field" and marched 
through the streets 
of Pittsburg to 
frighten the inhab- 
itants. Governor 



Mifflin of Pennsylvania did nothing^ and Washington 
determined to enforce the law. He called out 13,000 
militia. This army, commanded by Governor Henry 
Lee of Virginia, marched across the mountains to tlie 
scene of the uprising, but met with no resistance, for the 
leaders had fled. The prompt suppression of this insur- 
rection served to demonstrate that the National Govern- 
ment had become powerful enough to enforce its laws. 

Declining to be a candidate for a third term. Washings .Vashing. 
ton, in a masterly state paper (September 17, 1796), mado i°a"rewei> 
an appeal for the highest standards for the nation. He Address, 
urged a ** cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment'* 
to national union. Americans were to observe good faith 
and justice toward ah nations and keep ''clear of per- 
manent alliances with any portion of the foreign world." 



232 



American History 



lohn 

Warns 

lected 
coresident, 
<796. 



John 
A.dams. 



Public opinion, he wrote, should be ''enlightened" and 
public credit ''cherished." 

John Adams and Thomas Pinckney were selected as the 
candidates of the Federalists for President and Vice-Presi- 
dent. The Republicans gave their support to Thomas 
Jefferson and 
Aaron Burr. Of 
the 132 electoral 
votes, Adams re- 
ceived 71 and 
was elected Pres- 
ident, and Jef- 
ferson received 
68, the next high- 
est number, and 
was elected Vice- 
President. 

John Adams 
had already 
served his coun- 
try ably and with 
honor. He was 
prominent as a 
leader in Massa- 
ch us etts in 
bringing on the 
Revolution; was 
a member of both Continental congresses, became Minister 
to France and then to Holland; in 1785 was made jNIinis- 
ter to England; and was twice Vice-President. x\lways 
upright in his relations with his associates, he failed, at 
times, because of lack of tact, jealousy of his rivals, and 
dislike of advice. He soon found that he had made a 
mistake in retaining Washington's Cabinet, for they were 
under the control of Hamilton, who was his enemy. Out 
of touch with his Cabinet, Adams was early called upon to 
adjust the troubles with France, which had become serious. 




John Adams 

From a copy by Jane 9tua»t, about 1874, of a painting oy her 

father, Gilbert S»uart, about 1800— in the 

possession of Henry Adams 



Foreign Relations 



233 



The negotiation and ratification of the Jay treaty by the 
United St* <es was considered by France a grave offence. 
Because ut the sacrifice of the principle that "free ships 
make free goods" and of the privileges secured to France 
by the treaty of 1778, that nation now declared its alliance 
with the United States at an end. American shipping was 
subjected to still greater injury by French war vessels, and 
the French minister to this country was recalled. Mean- 
time, Washington determined to send Chaiies C. Pinck- 
ney to take the place of James INIonroe as ]Minister to 
France.* 

The Directory, piqued at the attitude of the United 
States and exalted by the victories of Napoleon in Italy, 
not only refused to receive Pinckney, but ordered him to 
leave France. News of this insult reached America shortly 
after the inauguration of President Adams. In his message 
to Congress, called in special session, he asserted that the 
world should be convinced that "we are not a degraded 
people . . . fitted to be the miserable instruments of for- 
eign influence and regardless of national honor, character 
and influence.'' He was determined, if possible, to pre- 
vent war. A commission, consisting of C. C. Pinckney, 
John Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry, was appointed to 
make another effort to negotiate. 

Upon their arrival in Paris, they were refused official 
recognition by the French Government and instead, they 
were waited upon by three secret agents sent by Talley- 
rand, then Minister of Foreign Affairs. These men, 
called in the dispatches to the American Government 
Messrs. "X, Y, and Z," demanded $250,000 for the Di- 
rectors and Ministers as the price of an audience. Said 
X: "Gentlemen, you do not speak to the point; it is money; 
it is expected you will offer money." "No, no, no; not a 
sixpence" was the reply. The attempt to carry on a sep- 

* Washington thought that Monroe had not pushed the claims against 
the French Government, for depredations upon American commerce, 
with enough vigor. 



Unfriendly 
acts of 
France. 



The 
*'X, YZ" 

affair. 



234 



American History 



vVar with 

France 

'mminent. 



Peaceful 
felations 
restored. 



arate negotiation with Gerry, who was a Republican was 
also a failure. The President, April 3, 1798, laid the 
X, Y, Z dispatches before Congress. The effect produced 
was magical. War measures were quickly passed in both 
Houses of Congress. An army was organized and Wash- 
ington was given the command. New vessels were added 
to the navy, and the Navy Department was organized. 
Treaties between the two nations were declared to be at 
an end. 

President Adams now notified Congress that he would 
''never send another Minister to France without assur- 
ances that he would be received, respected, and honored 
as the representative of a great, free, powerful, and ivv 
dependent nation." Public opinion generally sanctioned 
the measures of Congress. The stirring words of ''Hail 
Columbia," one of the numerous songs composed at the 
time, seemed best to express the patriotic fervor of the 
people. On February 9, 1799, the Cojistellation, under 
Captain Truxton, after a hard fight, captured the French 
frigate VInsurgente. This and other engagements reflected 
great credit upon the infant navy. 

Talleyrand hastened to say in a message to William 
Vans Murray, American Minister to the Netherlands, that 
France was now ready to receive an envoy from the United 
States with the I'espect due to the representative of a free, 
independent, and powerful nation. President Adams 
seized this opportunity to establish peaceable relations and 
appointed a commission consisting of Oliver Ellsworth, 
William R. Davie, and William Vans Murray, to go to 
Paris. Napoleon Bonaparte, then First Consul, also ap- 
pointed a Commission of three, and September 30, 1800 a 
treaty Avas concluded. Napoleon agreed to regard the 
terms of the treaty of 1778 as no longer binding, and the 
United States relinquished all claims to indemnity. The 
President regarded this as his greatest service to the nation. 
Years later he declared that he desired no other epitaph 
than: "Here lies John Adams, who took upon "himself 



Foreign Relations 



235 



the responsibility of peace with France in the year 
1800." 

While foreign affairs were demanding attention, party 
spirit continued to grow more bitter. The President and 
the Government were openly denounced. Among the 
Republicans were certain foreigners, thought to be French 
agents, who were extreme in their abuse. In 1798, Con- 
gress, under Federalist control, passed four laws by which 
it was hoped to repress these attacks. (1) By the Natural- 
ization Act, the time of residence necessary to become a 
citizen was raised from five to fourteen years (repealed in 
1802). (2) The Alien Acts authorized the President to 
expel from the United States all aliens whom he should 
deem dangerous. (3) The Sedition Act provided for the 
punishment by fine and imprisonment of any person who 
should by writing or speaking bring the Government, 
either House of Congress, or the President, into disrepute. 
The Alien Acts were to be in force only two years, and the 
Sedition Act less than three years. There was not a single 
case under the xMien Acts and only ten persons were con- 
victed of sedition. 

The Alien and Sedition laws were denounced by the Re- 
publicans for they saw^ in them the means for a more com- 
plete centralization of power in the National Government. 
Influenced by Jefferson, the legislatures of Kentucky and 
Virginia (1798) each passed a series of resolutions condemn- 
ing the Alien and Sedition Acts as "unconstitutional, void, 
and of no force," and asserting the right and duty of the 
States to interpose and "arrest the progress of the evil." 
The more moderate Virginia resolutions were prepared by 
Madison. Jefferson was the author of the Kentucky 
resolutions. The legislatures of the other States refused 
to sanction these resolutions. 

The Legislature of Kentucky (1799) passed a still stronger 
set of resolutions declaring the States to be sovereign 
and independent, and "that a nullification by those 
sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under color 



Alien and 

Sedition 

laws. 



Virginia 
and Ken' 
tucky 
resolu- 
tions. 



236 



American History 



ReOvSorK 
for lack of 
Federalist 
popularity. 



of that instrument [the Constitution] is the rightful 
remedy. " * 

The FederaUst party lost many of its adherents because 
of the AHen and Sedition laws. Their policy was brought 
into disfavor also on account of increased taxation and 
especially the direct taxes made necessary in preparing 
for war. After the 



death of Washing- 
ton (1799), there 
was no leader 
strong enough to 
preserve harmony 
in the party. There 
were dissensions 
within the Cabinet. 
Three members 
looked for advice 
to Hamilton, party 
rival to the Presi- 
dent. Two of them 
were compelled to 
resign. Leading 
Federalists protest- 
ed also against the 
President's method 
of dealing with 
France. This fac- 
tional strife increased after the renomination of Adams 
for the Presidency. Charles C. Pinckney was the Feder- 
alist candidate for Vice-President. Hamilton became 
more bitter in his opposition, and on the eve ot the elec- 
tion, wrote a pamphlet in which he severely criticised the 
political career of President Adams. This ill-advised 
attack strengthened the Republican cause. 

*It is notable that nullification by a single State is not sanctioned 
Madison denied this doctrine. But the sectionalists of New England 
(1814), South Carolina (1832), and those who favored secession (1861) 
claimed support in these resolutions. 




Presidential Election of 1800 



Foreign Relations 



237 



Jefferson was again the candidate of that party for Presi- Jefferson 
dent. His principles of freedom of speech, opposition to elected 
standing armies and to centralized government had becom^ .800. 
more popular. Aaron Burr, an unprincipled politician of 
New York, who controlled the votes of that State was 
nominated for Vice-President. Jefferson and Burr each 

received seventy-three elec- 
toral votes and Adams sixty- 
five. According to the Con- 
stitution (Article II, Section 
I, Clause 2), the election was 
thrown into the House of 
Representatives. When vot- 
ing by States, as was re- 
quired, the Federalists had a 
majority in the House. Many 
of them, in their disHke for 
Jefferson, determined to elect 
Burr. On the thirty-sixth 
ballot, however, Jefferson 
received the votes of ten 
States out of sixteen and was elected. 

In order to prevent the repetition of such a contest, the Twelfth 
Twelfth Amendment was proposed by Congress, and after ment! ' 
ratification by the States was declared in force (1804). 
This provides that the electors shall cast separate ballots 
for President and for Vice-President. 

According to the census of 1800, the population of the Popuia 
United States was 5,308,000. About 2,200,000 of these 
were south of Mason and Dixon's line, and 2,700,000 
north. There had been a rapid growth in the number of 
settlers west of the Alleghanies. Kentucky had a popula- 
tion of 229,000; Tennessee, 106,000; Ohio, 45,000; Indiana, 
4,875, and Illinois, 2,300. The centre of population had 
moved westward. In 1790, it was twenty-three miles 
east of Baltimore. Now it was eighteen miles west of 
that Gity. Three new States had been admitted into the 




Samuel Slater 



tion. 180a 



238 



American History 



Industrial 

advance, 

1790-1800. 



Union: Vermont (1791); Kentucky (1792), and Tennes» 
see (1796). 

In general, it had been a period of prosperity. Trade 
and commerce had largely increased. It was during this 
decade that the factory system was introduced into the 




Whitney's Cotton Gin 

From the original model 



United States. Spinning and weaving increased rapidly, 
in England after the invention of the spinriing jenny by 
Hargreaves (1767); the spinning frame by Arkwrigh< 
(1769); the mule spinner by Crompton (1784), and the 
po'M;er Zoom by Cartwright (1785). England intended that] 
America was not to profit by these inventions, for an act 
of Parliament (1774) forbade the exportation of machines 
used in the cotton or linen manufactures. However, 
Samuel Slater, an Englishman, in 1790, set up at Paw- 



Foreign Relations 239 

tucket, Rhode Island, the first perfected machinery for 
spinning, of the EngUsh t}^e, used in this country. Be- 
fore coming to America, Slater had been an apprentice in 
a factory using such machinery and was able to construct 
h from memory. 

In 1793, Eli Whitney invented the cotton-gin, a machine The cot- 
tor separating the seed from the cotton fibre. With its aid, ^^^^^ '**" 
a slave could clean fifty times as much cotton in a day as 
with the old machines or by hand. The production of 
cotton and the demand for slaves began to increase. 
Two hundred thousand pounds of cotton were exported in 
1790. In 1800, nearly 20,000,000 pounds were sent out of 
the country. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Opposition to the Proclamation of Neutrality. Hart, 
Contemporaries, III, No. 94. 

2. Chief criticisms of Genet. Hart, Contemporaries, III, 
No. 95. 

3. Were the French justified in their attitude? Walker, 
Making of the Nation, 117-119. 

4. French plans for getting control in the West. Atlantic 
Monthly, Vol. 93, 676-691; 807-817. 

5. Treaty-making power in the United States. Authority of 
the House of Representatives. Constitution, Article II, section 
2, clause 1 and Article I, section 9, clause 7. James and San- 
ford, Government in State and Nation, 234, 235. 

6. Significance of the Jay treaty. Jay, Am, St. Series, chap. 
11. Hart, Contemporaries, III, No. 97. Basse tt. The Fed- 
eralist. System, 125-135. 

7. Washington's farewell address. Old South Leaflets, No. 4. 
Hill, Liberty Documents, chap. 18. 

8. X, Y, Z letters. Alien and Sedition laws. Virginia and 
Kentucky resolutions. Schouler, History, I (old ed.), 352-358; 
373-382; 385-403; I, (new ed.), 384-397; 404-415. McMaster, 
History, II, 37&-401; 417-426. Hart, Formation, 166-17L 
Walker, Making of the Nation, 137-143; 148-155. Hamilton, 
Am. St. Series, 202-212; 218-220. John Adams, Am. St. Series, 



240 American History 

278-288; 291-298; 305-308. Madison, Am. St. Series, 239-251 
(old ed.); 231-241 (new ed.). Marshall, Am. St. Series, 101- 
130. Jefferson, Am. St. Series, 178-182; 187-199, (new ed.); 
187-195 (old ed.) Hart, Contemporaries, III, Nos. 99, 101. 

9. Power of naturalization and process. Constitution, Article 
I, Section VIII, Clause 4. Government in State and Nation^ 
191-193. 

10. Was it for the best interests of the nation that the Federal- 
ists should be defeated ? Causes. Walker, Making the Nation, 
165-167. Hart, Formation, 173, 174. Hamilton, Am. St. Series, 
222-233. Bassett, The Federalist System, 276-296. 

11. Life in America, 1800. McMaster, History, II, 538-582. 
' 12. Difficulties in establishing the first manufactures in the 

United States. Completion of the factor}^ system. Wright, In- 
dustrial Evolution of the United States, 117-131. 

13. American inventive genius before 1793: Eli Whitney, 
Samuel Slater. Walker, Making the Nation, 67-72. McMaster, 
History, II, 159-165. 

14. James and Mann, Readings in American E -story, chap. 15. 



CHAPTER XVI 
BEMOCRAGY AND EXPANSION, 1801-1811 

^Iarch 4, 1801, accompanied by a few friends and an lnauguf»r 
escort of militia, Jefferson walked across the square from jefferaoiw 
his boarding-house to the unfinished capitol in order to 
take the oath of office as President of the United States. 
To his political opponents, the new. President was a 
"violent Democrat" and '*a vulgar demagogue." By his 
own party he was almost idolized. For many years he 
had been conspicuous in public affairs as member of the 
Continental Congress, Governor of Virginia, Minister to 
France, Secretary of State, and Vice-President. He now 
stood, he believed, as the representative of the people, 
against the monarchical tendencies of the Federalists. 
Jefferson, as President, abolished all forms and ceremo- 
nials. He was dignified and gentlemanly in manners, 
scholarly in tastes, and sympathetic with men irrespective 
of their advantages. In conversation with a friend, he 
said: ''The whole of my life has been a war with my 
natural tastes, feelings and wishes. Domestic life and 
literary pursuits were my first and my latest inclinations; 
circumstances and not my desires lead me to the path I 
have trod." 

Although a large land ow^ner and slaveholder, he was 
opposed to slavery. He advocated the necessity of edu- 
cation for the people, and was the founder of the University 
of Virginia. Jefferson had confidence in the self-govern- 
ing capacity of the people; preferred to manage men rather 
than command them, and, as we have seen, advocated the 

241 



242 



American History 



i>fferson 

jikI the 

■ivil 

*rvice. 



repeal of 

udiciary 
Act of 
801. 



strict construction of the Constitution. He was a poor 
public speaker, and began the custom of sending his mes- 
sages to be read before Congress instead of delivering 
formal addresses as Washington and Adams had done. 

In his inaugural address Jefferson had declared: **We 
are all Republicans. We are all Federalists!" He soon 
appreciated that the '* revolution'* which brought him into 

office was incomplete 
so long as the \ic- 
torious party did not 
share in the appoint- 
ive offices. Some 
of the office-holders, 
therefore, were re- 
moved and their 
places given to Re- 
publicans. In all, 
during eight years, 
Jefferson removed 
one hundred and 
nine civil officials, 
or about one-fourth 
the entire number 
then holding Presidential offices. President Adams is re- 
ported to have continued to appoint members of his party 
to office until nine o'clock of the last night of his adminis- 
tration. Jefferson was indignant over this, called by him, 
"indecent conduct" of Adams. 

Some of these so-called "midnight appointments" were 
connected with the putting into foTce of the Judiciary Act 
of February 13, 1801. This law, although there was no 
real need for the extension of the judicial system, provided 
for the appointment of sixteen circuit judges and increased 
the number of marshals and district-attorneys. The Re- 
publican Congress repealed the act in 1802.* 

* Special judges were not again appointed for the circuit courts untij 




Thomas Jefferson, by Gilbert Stuart 

The property of T. Jefferson Coolidge 



Democracy and Expansion 



243 



Marbarj 

vs. 
Madison. 



Jefferson withheld certain commissions to office which 
had been duly made out and signed in the closing hours 
of Adams's administration. William Marbury (1801) asked 
the Supreme Court for a writ to compel Madison, the Sec- 
retary of State, to deliver to him his commission to office. 
(In the Judiciary Act of 1789, Congress had granted the 

Supreme Court the right 
to issue such an order.) 
This request was refused 
by the Supreme Court, 
however, on the ground 
that the Constitution did 
not give the Court this 
power. Chief Justice 
Marshall, in rendering 
this important decision, 
took the position that thr, 
Supreme Court might 
declare void an act of 
Congress deemed con- 
trary to the Constitution. 

President Adams, in John 
appointing John Mar- 
shall Chief Justice per- 
formed one of his great- 
est services for the nation. Marshall was at that time welj 
known as a lawyer, soldier, legislator, and- statesman. 
The notable decisions which he delivered during the 
thirty-four years he was Chief Justice distinguished him 
PS the leadmg American jurist. His was the great task 
of construing for the first time the principles of the Con- 
sUtution. So convincing was his logic that only once 
was the majority ot the Court against him on a constitu- 
tional question. 

Because of the unusual expenses to the Government on Finaaciwi 
account of Indian wars and the trouble with France, the P^^^y* 
National debt under the Federalists had incrmsed some 




Marstiaa. 



John Marshall 

engraving of the paiuting by Henry Iniiian 



244 



American History 



Louisiana 

" -eded to 
France, 
1800, 



$6,000,000. Economy in public expense, x-eduction of the 
debt and of taxes were cardinal docirines of the new 
administration. The thorough work of Albert Gallatin, 
as Secretary of the Treasury, enabled Jefferson to carry 
out his policy. For years Gallatin had been a student of 
finance, and, as a representative from Pennsylvania, was 
a leader in opposition to Hamilton's 
plans. Internal revenue taxes were 
repealed. The Government was de- 
pendent then for revenue upon cus- 
toms duties and the sales of public 
lands. Reduction in expenditures 
was begun at once. "Peace is our 
passion," Jefferson had said. Tlie 
army was greatly reduced in num- 
bers, although an appropriation was 
allowed (1802) for the establishment of 
the Military Academy at West Point. 
The attack fell heaviest on the naval 
appropriation. The construction of 
new vessels was discontinued, and the 
number of vessels in commission wa,s 
cut down. Could the President have 
carried out his plan, the remainder 
would have been brought into dock 
and "laid up dry and under cover of 
the sun." Notwithstanding the addi- 
tional expenditures connected with the 
acquisition of Louisiana and growing out of the war with 
the Barbary Powers, the public debt was reduced from 
$80,000,000 in 1801 to $53,000,000 in 1810. 

As we have seen, the King of France ceded to Spain, 
in 1763, that part of Louisiana west of the Mississippi 
River together with the Island of Orleans (on which New 
Orleans is situated) lying east of that river. To Great 
Britain was presented the strip of land, later called West 
Florida, along the Gulf from the Island of Orleans to 




Cavalry Private, 1801 



1S03. 



Democracy and Expansion 245 

the Perdido River. At the close of the Revolution (.1783), 
this territory was ceded by Great Britain to Spain. France 
wanted to regain colonial empire in America, and Na- 
poleon Bonaparte, by the treaty of San Ildefonso in 1800, 
made a successful advance toward this goal. The King 
of Spain retroceded Louisiana to France, receiving in ex- 
change the Italian kingdom of Tuscany for his son-in-law. 
The knowledge of this exchange excited great alarm among 
Americans, for France was then at the height of her power. 
"The day that France takes possession of New Orleans,'* 
wrote Jefferson to Robert R. Livingston, our Minister to 
France, "fixes the sentence which is to restrain her forever 
within her low-water mark. . . . From that moment, we 
must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation." 

The West became still more inflamed when it was learned Purchase 
in November, 1802, that the Spanish Governor had Vvdth- Louisiana 
drawn the right of deposit at New Orleans. War against 
France and Spain was demanded by the Federalists. 
Jefferson now instructed Livingston to buy New Orleans 
and West Florida. In January, 1803, James Monroe was 
appointed special envoy to France to assist Livingston. 

In order to carry out his plan of empire in America, 
Napoleon determined first to reconquer Santo Domingo.* 
The negro leader, Toussaint L'Ouverture, with his native 
troops, resisted successfully the invasion of the large 
French army sent against them. Napoleon was disap- 
pointed at the outcome. Besides, in case of war with Eng- 
land, a war which was impending, he knew that Lou- 
isiana could not be held. Talleyrand, therefore, startled 
Livingston by asking him what the United States would 
pay for the whole of Louisiana. On the next day Monroe 
reached Paris. The ministers decided to go beyond the 
power of their instructions, and finally, on April 30, 1803, 
completed the treaty by which the United States secured 

* The combined exports and imports of this island in 1789 amounted to 
$140,000,000. The plan was to crush the Revolution there, and then go 
on and take possession of Louisiana. 



Democracy and Expansion 



247 



New Orleans and all of Louisiana west ol the Mississippi. 
For this immense area, 1,172,931 square miles, there was 
to be paid $15,000,000. Of this sum, $3,750,000 was to 
go to satisfy the claims of Americans against France for 
spoliations committed on American commerce since 1800. 
November 30, 1803, the Spanish Governor transferred 
Louisiana, with its population of some 50,000, one-half 
of whom were negro slaves to a French agent of Napoleon. 
Seventeen days later the United States was given formal 
possession. The following year the southern part of the 
territory was organized as the territory of Orleans. 

The boundaries of the purchase were not definitely defined. 
Livingston and Monroe asserted that the cession extended to the 
?erdido River, thus including West Florida, but Spain refused 
to withdraw from this territory. In 1810, President Madison 
annexed a part of this territory to the United States, and three 
years later the remainder of West Florida was occupied. It is 
probable that the Louisiana Purchase did not include West 
Florida, but did extend to the Rio Grande. 

**We have lived long," said Livingston, as he arose after 
signing the treaty, *'but this is the noblest work of our 
lives." The purchase of Louisiana was one of the most 
important events in the history of the United States. 
Among the effects may be mentioned: (1) It doubled the 
area of the United States. (2) The contest of rival Eu- 
ropean powers for the possession of the valley of the Mis- 
sissippi was ended. (3) It established an important pre- 
cedent in the direction of the loose construction of the 
Constitution. (4) Thereafter, the United States was to 
expand steadily in the direction of a world power. 

By the strict interpretation of the Constitution, there was no 
power given the Government to acquire territory. Jefferson 
advocated an amendment that would confirm the action, but 
haste was necessary, for Napoleon might change his mind. By- 
ratifying the treaty, therefore, the doctrine of implied powers was 
adopted by the Repubhcans. The Federalists were bitter in 
their opposition; for they feared the future influence over legis- 
lation of the new States which were ultimately to be formed out of 
the territory. 



The 

transfer of 
Louisiana. 



Limits of 
ouisiana. 



Signifi- 
cance of 
the ac- 
quisitir'n- 



Strict con- 
struction 
and the 
purchase. 



248 



American History 



#£I>edition 
tff Lewis 
•&d Clark. 



iS:£piora- 
<a!3n. by 
lieutenant 



As early as 1783, Jefferson became interested in a proj- 
ect to discover a route across the Rocky Mountains from 
the Missouri River. In a secret message to Congress, 
January, 1803, he proposed that an expedition be sent to 
the Indians on the jNIissouri in order to secure their trade, 
then absorbed by Enghsh companies, and to extend the 
exploration ''even to the Western Ocean." In pursuance 
of this object a party of thirty-five men under command 
of Meriwether Lewis and William Clark began the as- 
cent of the Missouri River from St. Louis, May 14, 1804. 
With great diflSculty, they reached, at the end of one hun- 
dred and seventy-three days travel, the region of the present 
Bismarck, North Dakota, having journeyed on an average 
nine miles a day. The winter was spent near the chief 
village of the Mandan Indians. Setting out the following 
spring they reached the source of the Missouri on the 
twelfth of August. Crossing the mountains, a perilous 
journey, to the Columbia, they descended that river in 
canoes. On November 7, 1805, Clark wrote: ''Great joy 
in camp, we are in view of the ocian, this great Pacific 
Octean which we have been so long anxious to see." The 
entire continent had at last been crossed by American ex- 
plorers, and the claim of the United States to Oregon was 
strengthened.* (Map, p. 246.) 

In 1805, Lieutenant Zebulon Pike was sent from St. 
Louis with a command of United States troops, to find the 
source of the Mississippi. Not succeeding in this, on his 
return to St. Louis he set out to explore the Arkansas and 
Red rivers. On the expedition, he discovered the moun- 
tain peak to which was given his name. Turning to the 
•southward, after terrible suffering because of the snow and 
?e, they reached the Spanish settlement at Santa Fe 
(February 26, 1807). The return to the United States 
was made through Texas. 

* In 1792, Captain Robert Gray of Boston had discovered, on the 
Pacific coast, the mouth of a large river which he called The Columbia 
after the name of his vessel . 



Democracy and Expansion 



249 



Western settlement and travel were soon greatly acceler- 
ated through the use of the steamboat. A number of ex- 
periments by Americans, notably those of James Rumsey 
(1785) and John Fitch (1790), proved that boats could be 
driven by steam. But steam navigation was really not 



Fulton- 8 
steamboat 





Fulton's "Clermont," 1807 



begun until Robert Fulton ran his steamboat, the Cler- 
mont from New York to Albany, 150 miles in 32 hours 
(August 11, 1807). 

The Barbary States of North Africa had, for generations, sub- 
sisted by preying upon Mediterranean commerce. Ships were 
captured and passengers and crews enslaved. To escape these 
depredations, the United States, hke the European powers, was 
compelled to make costly presents in addition to paying a yearly 
tribute. Altogether, the Pasha of Tripoli, alone, received 
$83,000 annually from our Government. But he was not con- 
tent, and as a sign of defiance, May 14, 1801, ordered the flag- 
staff of the American Consulate to be chopped down. Jefferson 
had already ordered a small fleet to the Mediterranean because of 
the insults of the Algerine pirates. Commodore Preble was sent 
with a stronger fleet in 1803, and the war was conducted with 
greater vigor. The Pasha was willing to come to terms (1805) 



War with 
the 

Barbary 
Powers. 



250 



American History 



Jefferson 
rejected 
President. 



Death of 

Alexander 
Hamilton. 



ftiirr's 
conspiracy- 



after the repeated bombardment of the city of Tripoli and the 
destruction of his vessels. He agreed not to ask for further 
tribute from the Americans. Two squadrons were sent against 
the Dey of Algiers at the close of the war of 1812 because of his 
attacks on American commerce during that war. Thoroughly 
frightened, he agreed that no tribute should ever again be asked 
by him from the United States. Other nations followed the ex« 
ample of the United States, and the Mediterranean was freed 
from these scourges. 

The power of the Republicans had grown steadily. In 
the election of 1804, Jefferson and George Clinton were 
nominated by that party for President and Vice-President. 
They were triumphantly elected, each receiving 162 elec- 
toral votes, while their opponents, Charles C. Pinckney 
and Riifus King, received only 14 each. For the first time 
the candidates had been nominated by the ''Congressional 
Caucus." 

Aaron Burr had sacrificed his influence in the Republican 
party by becoming a candidate for the Presidency in 1801. 
As an independent he strove to get the support of the Fed- 
eralists in his attempt to be made governor -of New York. 
It w^as largely due to Hamilton that he was defeated. 
Burr then challenged Hamilton to a duel and killed him 
(July, 1804). Then only forty-seven year's of age, Ham- 
ilton had acquired the honor of being clg.ssed among the 
greatest of the world's constructive statesmen. His death 
did much to place duelling under the ban \n the Northern 
States. 

Burr became an outcast. It is not certain what he dreamed 
of accomplishing in an undertaking which he entered upon (1805- 
1806). Did he hope, because of the discontent of Western set- 
tlers, to bring about the separation of the r jgion west of the 
mountains from the Union, or was he plann ng to bring on a 
revolution in Mexico with the thought of making himself king? 
Sixty men were assembled for the expedition, and with arms and 
ammunition they set out for New Orleans fro' a Blennerhassett's 
Island.* Reaching Natchez, Burr learned tl» it General Wilkin- 
son, commander of the United States troops in the Southwest, 

* An island in the Ohio a short distance below Marietta. Blennerhassett 
wa3 one of the conspirators- 

\ 



tral trade. 



Democracy and Expansion 251 

instead of cooperating with him, had betrayed the design tc 
Jefferson. In disguise, Burr tried to escape to Spanish Florida. 
He was arrested and brought to trial for treason. But he was 
acquitted; for it was not proved that he had actually levied war 
against the United States. Thenceforth he lived in obscurity. 

The struggle between Great Britain and France, de- Great 
layed for a year by the Peace of Amiens, was resumed and Fj^aaoB 
in 1803. Up to that time, America^n commerce had ex- and neu- 
panded especially in carrying products of the French and 
Spanish West Indies. A way around the "Rule of 1756'* 
(p. 227) was sanctioned by Great Britain. Cargoes from 
the West Indies might be carried to France or Spain pro- 
viding they were first landed in some port of the United 
States and customs duties paid. But English ship-owners 
wanted the control of this trade and the British Govern- 
ment, in 1805, decreed that the rule of 1756 should be 
enforced literally. During that year Admiral Nelson, in 
the celebrated victory of Trafalgar, gave to Great Britain 
complete supremacy on the seas. Napoleon was supreme 
on the continent of Europe. Neutral trade was almost 
wholly in the hands of Americans. By attacking this 
trade, each of these antagonists hoped to give a telling 
blow to the other. 

Napoleon inaugurated his ''Continental system'* by 
insisting that Prussia (1806) should declare all German 
ports closed to British vessels. Great Britain retaliated 
by declaring the coast blockaded from Brest to the Elbe, 
a distance of about eight hundred miles. Napoleon, in 
reply, issued the Berlin Decree (November, 1806), which 
declared the British Isles in a state of blockade and for- 
bade all trade in British goods. By Orders in Coun- 
cil in the year 1807, neutral vessels were forbidden to 
trade with any port in Europe from which the British flag 
was excluded, unless certain duties were first paid at some 
port of Great Britain. Napoleon issued the Milan Decree 
(December 17, 1807), which declared that any vessel might 
be seized which submitted to search by the British or en- 



252 



American History 



Right ot 
search and 
impress- 
ment. 



Attack on 
the 

Chesa- 
peake. 



Policy of 
JefEersoa 



tered a port of that nation. Neither nation hesitated in 
asserting these "paper blockades"; that is, mere declara- 
tions without sufficient force to make them effective. 
Under their cover, American ships whenever found on the 
high seas were seized by the cruisers of both belligerents.* 

Moreover, with the renewal of war (1803), Great Britain, 
with still greater arrogance, assumed the right to search 
American vessels for British seamen and to impress them 
into her service. British war-vessels even anchored just 
outside x\merican ports; their brutal press-gangs boarded 
merchant vessels and captured and impressed American 
seamen. It is estimated that the number of seamen seized 
during these trying times exceeded 4,000. 

The climax occurred off Hampton Roads, June 22, 1807. 
The British frigate Leopard overhauled the American 
frigate Chesapeake and demanded the surrender of "cer- 
tain deserters." The order being refused, the Leopard 
opened fire at short range and the Chesapeake, unpre- 
pared for action, was compelled to haul down her flag. 
Four "deserters" were taken, three of whom were Ameri- 
can citizens. All America was aroused over this outra- 
geous act, in which three Americans had been killed and 
a number wounded. 

But were these insults to pass unheeded? Urged to 
declare war, Jefferson, still clinging to his policy of peace 
and economy, ordered all British warships to quit the 
waters of the United States. Instead of ships of war, he 
now advocated the building of small gun-boats for 'defence 
of the coasts. They were each to carry one gun and be 
manned by from five to seven men. By 1807, over one 
hundred and fifty of these boats had been constructed, but 
the plan was a complete failure. 

The period of the Jay treaty had expired, and in 1806 
INIonroe and William Pinckney were sent to London to 
conclude a new treaty. This they did, but the terms made 

* Great Britain, in a single year, captured two hundred American 

vessels. 



Democracy and Expansion 253 

no provision for gi^^ng up the right of search and impress- 
ment. Jefferson refused even to submit the treaty to the 
Senate. 

But American interests were suffering and upon the The 
recommendation of the President an embargo act was ®™ ""^ 
hurriedly passed at the close of the year 1807 which pro- 
hibited the sailing of vessels from the United States to 
foreign ports. It was hoped that the belligerents would be 
driven to make terms when American products were cut 
off. The embargo proved injurious to the working classes 
of Great Britain, but that Government still adhered to its 
policy. Napoleon even claimed to be assisting Jefferson 
in carrying out his policy by ordering all American vessels 
in French ports to be confiscated. Southern planters, 
thus deprived of leading markets for their products, were 
many of them ruined. The effects were similar upon the 
commercial interests of the Middle and New England 
States. New England Federalists declared the act uncon- 
stitutional and threatened secession. More drastic sup- 
plementary acts were passed to prevent smuggling. As 
a fortunate outcome, manufacturing was greatly accel- 
erated. 

It became clear that the embargo was a failure and must Non- 
be repealed. For it was substituted the Non-intercourse ^^^^ i^q^^ 
Act, by which all commerce was forbidden with Great 
Britain, France, and their dependencies. 

Meantime, Jefferson, following the exiample of Wash- ^™?^ 
ington, refused to become a candidate for a third term, elected 
James Madison and George Clinton, nominated for Pres- fgQ^^®^^ 
ident and Vice-President by the Republicans, were elected 
by a large majority of electoral votes over Charles C. 
Pinckneyand Rufus King, the candidates of the Federalists. 
Madison had already acquired an enduring reputation 
through his influence in the Constitutional Convention 
as a leader of his party in Congress, and as Secretary of 
State. A statesman of great political ability, he lacked the 
dualities of a vigorous administrator so necessary in the 



254 



American History 



critical international relations of the time. Albert Galla- 
tin was retained as Secretary of Treasury. In 1810, James 
Monroe was made Secretary of State. 

It appeared for a time that Madison would be able to 
carry out his policy of peace. An agreement was reached 
with David M. Erskine, English Minister at Washington, 
whereby the Orders in Council were to be withdrawn, and 

Madison proclaimed the 
reopening of trade with 
Great Britain. But this 
action of Erskine was 
repudiated by his Gov- 
ernment, and he was 
recalled. Non-inter- 
course was again de- 
clared in force. The 
new Minister from 
Great Britain, Francis 
J. Jackson, was an able 
exponent of the arrogant 
attitude of the Court 
he represented. Presi- 
dent Madison, he de- 
clared, knew that Ers- 
kine was exceeding his 
authority. Jackson 
was informed that no 
more communications would be received from him, and 
he returned to England. 

For some time Napoleon had been enforcing one of the 
most outrageous of his decrees. Because of the Non- 
intercourse Act, he issued the Ramhouillet Decree, which 
prescribed that every vessel bearing the American flag 
which had entered or should enter the ports of France after 
May 20, 1809, or the ports of any country under French 
control, should be seized and sold. Before it became 
know^n in the United States, vessels and cargoes were con- 




James Madison 

From a paintmg by Gilljert Stuart. Property of T 
Jefferson Coolidge 



Democracy and Expansion 255 

fiscated which, when sold, poured some $10,000,000 into 
the French Treasury. 

In the meantime, Congress (May 1, 1810), passed the 
"Macon Bill No. 2" which repealed the Non-intercourse 
Act. If either Great Britain or France should agree to stop 
its violations on neutral commerce, then intercourse between 
the United States and the other nation was to cease. Here 
was Napoleon's opportunity for deception which he be- 
iieved would lead to the destruction of his enemy. A let- 
ter from the French Minister of Foreign Affairs to Arm- 
strong, American Minister in Paris (August 5, 1810), an- 
nounced that the Berlin and Milan decrees would cease 
to have effect after November 1st. It was stipulated 
that Great Britain was to revoke her Orders in Council 
or the United States should ''cause their rights to b( 
respected by the English." The letter also affirmed 
the love that Napoleon bore the Americans; and that 
their prosperity and their commerce were within the 
scope of his policy. < 

The breakdown of the Napoleonic system was hastened through Napoleoa- 
the diplomatic ability of John Quincy Adams, American Minister ism 
at St. Petersburg. October 25, 1809, he was officially received j^hn 
by the Czar, Alexander I. Russia was then the ally of Napoleon. Quincy 
But Russia, compelled because of her own industrial condition Adams. 
to 'carry on foreign trade, seized this opportunity to break with Jj^^|^^^' 
the policy of Napoleon. Through the Russian Minister of For- 
eign Affairs, Adams asked the interposition of the Czar in behalf 
of American commerce in the Baltic then being ravaged by the 
agents of Napoleon, especially by Danish privateers. The Czar, 
to the astonishment of Adams, ordered the Danish Goverment to 
restore American property as speedily as possible. The "Em- 
peror was gratified," Adams was informed, ''at this opportunity 
of proving his friendly dispositions toward the United States." 
During the summer of 1810, the Czar refused to close Russian 
ports to American ships as Prussia and Denmark had done. 
His answer to Napoleon was in no uncertain terms. " I cannot/' 
he declared, " as I have already told you, prohibit all commerce 
to my subjects with the Americans. . . . We must keep to these 
terms, for I declare to you, were war at our doors, in regard to 
commercial matters I cannot go further." On December 19, 
an Imperial ukase was issued which admitted Am.erican produce 



256 



American History 



On the 
verge of 
war with 
Great 
Britain. 



and hundreds of American vessels entered Russian ports. Eight 
days afterward, Adams notified the American Government that 
Russia would resist Napoleon " to the last." In February follow- 
ing, military movements on both sides began. 

Europe smiled incredulously at the promise made by 
Napoleon to rescind his decrees. Madison, however, ac- 
cepted literally the statement made in the letter to 
Armstrong.* After a stormy session, Congress passed 

an act (March 2, 
1811) which was 
approved by the 
President, again 
declaring non- 
intercourse i n 
force against 
Great Britain. 

On IMay 16th 
of that year, the 
American fri- 
gate Pre.ndent 
was fired upon 
by the sloop-of- 
war Little Belt. 
The return fire 
quickly crippled 
the inferior 
British vessel. 
Americans were 
elated at the out- 
come for the 
Chesapeake affair was fresh in their minds. The offer 
made by the Government of Great Britain shortly after- 
ward to make reparation for that attack, w^as accepted, 
but her attitude toward neutral rights remained unaltered. 

* The decrees were not actually revoked until April 28, 1811. Napoleon 
himself gave licenses to trade with Great Britain during the period of ihe 
"Continental System." 




Tecumseh 



Democracy and Expansion 257 

For some years the Indians of the Western frontier had ^attu ti 
looked upon the advance of the white men with jealous c^Sol,' 
eyes. Tecumseh and his brother, ''the Prophet," Indians isn. 
of unusual ability set about uniting the tribes of the entire 
frontier into one great confederacy which was to resist the 
further encroaclunents upon their hunting grounds. In 
October, 1811, Tecumseh was absent among the Southern 
Indians, arcusing them to join the league which had al- 
ready been formed among the Northern tribes. British 
traders had furnished them with arms and equipment. 
The settlers becoming alarmed, General William Henry 
Harrison, the Governor of Indiana Territory, collected 
troops and maicned against the Indians. Near the 
"Propliet's Town" on Tippecanoe Creek where it flows 
into the Wabash, General Harrison was attacked (No- 
vember 7, 1811). After the first surprise, the troops rallied, 
repulsed the Indians, and burned their town. The losses 
on both sides were heavy, the number cf killed and 
wounded reported by General Harrison being one hun- 
dred and eighty-eight or about one-fourth of his com- 
mand actually engaged. Tecumseh returned in December, 
but the expected attack did not follow, since he awaited 
directions from Canada. 

Suggestive Questions ajstd References 

1. Compare the election of President before 1800 with later 
process. Constitution, Article II, section 2, clause 1. Amend- 
ment XII. James and Sanford, Government in State and Na- 
tion, 222-227. 

2. Civil Service during Jefferson's administration. Jefferson 
A.m. St. Series, 194-200 (new ed.); 218-225 (old ed.). Hart, 
Formation, 179-180. 

3. Cases in which the Supreme Court has original Jurisdiction. 
Constitution, Article III, section 2, clause 2. 

4. Gallatin's preparation and labors. Gallatin, Am. St. Series, 
chap. 6. 

5. The Louisiana Purchase. . Jefferson, Am. St. <^eries, chap, 



258 American History 

14. Monroe, Am. St. Series, 75-91. McMaster, History, IL 
620-635. Schouler, History, H, 40-50 (old ed.); 49-59 (new 
ed.). Walker, Making of the Nation, 179-184. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, HI, Nos. 111-114. Sparks, Expansion of the Am. 
People, 192-210. Roosevelt, Winning of the West, IV, 258- 
282. Hosmer, The Louisiana Purchase, chaps. 2, 3, 7. Hos- 
mer. Short History of the Mississippi Valley, 118-127. Chan- 
ning. The Jeffersonian System, 47-72. 

6. Authority by which the United States acquired territory not 
possessed before 1789. Hart, Formation, 188. Walker, Mak- 
ing of the Nation, 182-184. Government in State and Nation, 
276, 277. 

7. Significance of the Louisiana Purchase. Review of Reviews, 
Vol. 27, 547-563; 568-584. 

8. Lewis, Clark, and Pike. Roosevelt, Winning of the West^ 
IV, chap. 7. Hart. Contemporaries, III, No. 115. Channing, 
The Jeffersonian System, 86-99. 

9. Importation of slaves prohibited. Article I, section 9, 
clause 1. Walker, Making of the Nation, 209-210. Govern, 
ment in State and Nation, 243, 244. 

10. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap 
16. 

11. Historicid fiction. Cable, The Grandissimes (Louisiana) 
Cable, Strange True Stories of Louisiana. Edward Egglestoa 
Roxy (Battle Tippecanoe). 



CHAPTER XVII 

THE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 

Of the members who assembled in the extra session of New men 
Congress (November 4, 1811), the presence of a large congress. 
number of new men was notable. They came chiefly 
from the States of the South and the West. The influence 
of these men of a ''younger generation" was to be dominant 
in pubHc aftairs for over a third of a century. Aggressive 
by nature, ambitious, self-reliant, and intensely American, 
they were ready to defend the Nation against humihation 
and insult. 

This new spirit was manifest in the election of Henry Henry 
Clay of Kentucky as Speaker of the House. He was the gi^^ed 
embodiment of the energy characteristic of the West — a Speakeic 
section which already, as expressed in Clay's own words, 
"looked to the conquest of Canada and the dictation of 
peace at Quebec or Halifax." At that time, thirty-four 
years of age, he had been a leader in the Legislature of his 
State. He had been sent on two occasions to fill a vacancy 
in the United States Senate, where he had won a place by 
his power of argumentation and fiery eloquence. From 
the Speaker's chair and on the floor of the House, Clay 
wielded a dominating influence over legislation. 

The war party was given control of the chief committees. Dedam- 
John C. Calhoun, then thirty years of age, who was serving ^^ ° 
his first term as Representative from South CaroHna, was against 
placed on the Committee on Foreign Relations, and soon Britain. 
began to direct its policy. In his speech on the first report 
■ol this Committee, he showed that force and assurance 

259 



260 



American History 



Madkon 

reelected 
President. 



Strength of 
the bellig- 
erents. 



characteristic of all his efforts. The resolutions submitted 
(November 29, 1811) indicated clearly what the policy of 
the "war-hawks/* as John Randolph called them, was to 
be. It recommended : that the army should be increased : 
that the navy be put into condition for im- 
mediate service; and that merchant vessels 
be alia wed to arm in self-defence. Re- 
luctantly President INIadison was forced to 
modify his peaceful attitude and to sign 
the act declaring war against Great Britain 
(June 18, 1812). On June 23, that Gov- 
ernment revoked the Orders in Council. 
Even had this action been known in 
America, it is probable that impressment 
would have been regarded as adequate 
cause to go on with the struggle. 

Among the leading causes for war men- 
tioned by the President were: (1) The 
impressment of seamen; (2) the violation 
of the rights of commerce by British 
cruisers in American waters; (3) "the 
mock blockades" of the Orders in Council ; 
and (4) attacks of the savages incited by 
British traders. 

A month previo'is t^ this time, ]Madison 
had been nominf; ed for a second term. It 
was declared, without adequate evidence, 
that he agreed to sanction war as a condi- 
tion of his renomination. He received 12S 
electoral votes as against 89 for De Witt 
Clinton, the nominee of the *' Peace Party.'* 

America was wholly unprepared to engage in such a conflict, 
although it was seen to be approaching for years. The regular 
army was composed of only 6,700 men led by officers who had 
grown old in the service or by those with little experience. De- 
pendence upon volunteers and militia was necessary. The Brit- 
ish army was composed largely of veterans under able leaders. 
Besides, Great Britain controlled the ocean with a navy con- 




Infantry Private 
1810 



The Second War for Iiidependerice 261 

listing of 994 vessels of war, over 200 of them larger than 
any in the American navy, which contained only 16 effective 
vessels and 165 gun-boats. In contrast with the army, 
American naval officers were equal to the best of their oppo- 
nents, and the crews were, man for man, superior to those of 
^ireat Britain. 

It was with difficulty that the necessary money for the Financial i 
vi-ar, which cost $30,000,000 each year, was raised. The 'condition, 
customs revenue upon which the Government depended 
began immediately to decrease, and in 1812 amounted to 
only $9,000,000. The plans resorted to, among others, to 
raise money, were double duties on imports, double post- 
age, direct and excise taxes. Loans were made with 
difficulty, bonds were sold much below their face value, 
and $37,000,000 in treasury notes were issued. Great 
Britain at that time was raising, by taxation, $350,000,000 
annually. 

Regardless of the lack of preparation due to a miserly plans for 
economy, and in spite of the general incompetency of g|jf,/oJ^^ 
governmental officials to direct a war, the conflict was Canada. 
entered upon with a surprising air of self-confidence. This 
spirit was voiced by Calhoun, who declared that within 
four weeks most of Canada would be in the possession of 
Americans. 

Three armies were brought together on the Canadian 
frontier. One was to defend Detroit, the key to the fur- 
trade and the control of the Indians of the North-west. 
Another w^as to cross the Niagara River and, reenforced 
from the army at Detroit, was to capture York (now 
Toronto) and advance to Montreal. There they were to 
be met by the third army, advancing from Lake Cham- 
plain, and the combined forces, after the capture of Mon- 
treal, were to take Quebec. 

With 2,000 men, General William Hull toiled over the war in tim 
miserable roads through the forests from the Maumee ^^H^' 
River to Detroit, and then crossed to Canada in order to 
take Fort Maiden. He delayed the attack, however, and 
thus allowed the assembling of a larger force of British 



262 



American History 



and Indians. Learning that Foiv, Mackinac had falkn 
and that his Unes of communication were broken, he re- 
tired to Detroit. Followed by General Brock with a force 
of 1,300, including 600 Indians, Hull retired within the 
fort and immediately surrendered (August 16, 1S12). 
Thus, Michigan territory — the Httle garrison at Fort 



FWf^f^^^^^ 




War ou the Northern Frontier 



Dearborn * having been massacred by the Indians — passed 
to the control of the British. 

After this ill-fated event, General William Henry Har- 
rison was put in charge of the American forces on the 
Maumee River for the defence of Ohio. Early the next 
year a detachment of 600 Kentucky troops defended 
Frenchtown, on the River Raisin, from an attack by the 
Indians, but were compelled to surrender to a superior 
force of the British. Barely able to hold his line of de- 
fence, it was evident that Harrison could not recapture 
Detroit unless the English naval control over Lake Erie 
was overcome. There was at the time no American 
squadron on the lake. 

* Chicago now occupies the site of this Fort. 



The Second War for Independence 



263 



After the capture of Detroit, General Brock hurried to 
the defence of the Niagara frontier. During October, 600 
Americans crossed the river at Queenstown, but were not 
reenforced, and were compelled to surrender. General 
Brock was killed. A second attempt to cross the river was 
likewise a failure. 

Nothing was accomplished by the third army; but the 
gloom caused by these defeats on land was partly dis- 
pelled by the brilliant victories of American commanders 
at sea. 

The first of these naval duels took place off the coast of 
Nova Scotia, between the American frigate Constitution ^ 
commanded by Captain Isaac Hull, and the Guerrieret 



The math 
ara fron- 
tier, 1812. 



The Cham. 
plain re- 
gion. 



Battles oo 
the ocean. 
18i2-18ia 




The Constitution and Guerriere 



ander Captain Dacres. Within a half hour after the 
Sring of the first gun, the masts of the English vessel were 
shot away, and she was otherwise so disabled that she 
could not be brought into port. Although the Constitu- 
tion was a faster and a stronger vessel with heavier guns, 
the victory was due chiefly to the superior marksmanship 
of American gunners. Americans were exultant; for it 
was clear that the ''Mistress of the Seas" was not invin. 
cible. During October, the American sloop-of-war Wasp^ 



264 American History 

in a short action, about five hundred miles tast of Chesa- 
peake Bay, overcame the brig Frolic, but both vessels were 
in such a disabled condition that they were taken possession 
of by a British war-vessel. Among other victories which 
heightened the pride of Americans in their small navy 
were the capture of the frigate Macedonia, off the coast ol 
North Africa, by the frigate United States, Captain De- 
catur (October 25); the destruction, north-east of Rio 
Janeiro, of the frigate Java by the Constitution under 
Commodore Bainbridge (December 29); and the sinking 
of the Peacock by the Hornet, near the north-east coast of 
South America (February 24, 1813). 

At the beginning of the year 1813, Great Britain made 
the blockade of the Chesapeake and Delaware bays more 
effective, and by the end of the year had extended it to the 
other Dorts on the Atlantic. The best American vessels 

JL 

were thus bottled up for the remainder of the war. Two 
other events occurred on the coast deserving of mention. 
The American frigate Chesapeake, commanded by Captain 
Lawrence, engaged in battle with the Shannon outside 
Boston harbor. The CJiesapeake, with a crew composed 
mostly of green men, was ill-fitted for the contest, and 
within a few minutes was disabled. The last order of Cap- 
tain Lawrence, who was mortally wounded: ''Don't give 
up the ship," was unavailing, and the colors were soon 
hauled down (June 1, 1813). During a year and a half, 
the frigate Essex, under Captain David Porter, cruised 
in the South Atlantic and the Pacific, capturing British 
whaling vessels until destroyed, in order to prevent capture, 
in the harbor of Valparaiso, Chili (February, 1814) 

The British were astounded at these defeats by an enem} 
that they held in contempt. Besides, in two hundred single 
ship battles with the vessels of other nations that had been 
fought during the previous twenty years, Great Britain 
had lost only five ships by capture. Her officers and 
crews were overconfident and training had been relaxed. 
The Americans, we are told, had become expert gunners 



The Second War Jor Independence 265 

through constant target practice, while the British, with 
but few exceptions, engaged in this drill but once a year.* 

Returning to the lake frontier, we find that the Amer- Perry's 
ican squadron on Lake Ontario had accomplished nothing. Lake^Er?" 
The fate of the North-west rested on the efforts of Com- Sepiem- 
modore Oliver H. Perry, who was put in command on 
Lake Erie. With great labor, he completed the construc- 
tion of a fleet of nine vessels, with which he was forced to 
meet the attack of a similarly constructed but inferior 
fleet, under Captain Barclay, off Put-in Bay (September 
10, 1813). The outcome was expressed in Perry's well- 
known message to General Harrison: '*We have met the 
enemy and they are ours, two ships, two brigs, one schooner 
and one sloop." The advantage was quickly followed up, 
and the American army in the West, aided by the fleet, 
appeared at Detroit. General Harrison pursued the re- 
treating British and defeated them in the Battle of the 
Thames (October 5, 1813). Tecumseh was killed, and 
the allegiance of the Indians to the British cause was 
broken. Michigan territory was again controlled by the 
Americans. 

Meantime, General Dearborn had captured York, and The Niag- 
some of the soldiers, unauthorized, burned the Parliament ^^^^ ^ ^g""^ 
House. The Americans were forced to retreat to the New 
York side and lost Fort Niagara. During the summer of 
1814, because of the downfall of Napoleon, the British 
armies in America were greatly strengthened by the ad- 
dition of veteran soldiers withdrawn from European fields. 
More competent officers, however, were now in command 
of the Americans, and the partial victories at Chippewa 
and Lundy's Lane were due to the efiicient leadership of 
General Jacob Brown and Lieutenant Winfield Scott. 
Later, they were forced to withdraw across the Niagara 

* The superiority of the Shannon over the Chesapeake was due to the 
discipline and training to which Captain Brolce, contrary to orders, had 
for a long period subjected his men. Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812, p. 
180. 



266 



American History 



Mac- 

'lonough's 
\ictory on 
Lake 
Cliam- 
plaia, Sep- 
tember, 
1814. 



Attack on 
Washing- 
ton, Au- 
gust, 1814, 
and Balti- 
more, Sep- 
tember, 
1S14. 



American 

privateers. 



River. While nothing was accomplished on this fron- 
tier, a decisive action took place in September, on Lake 
Champlain, which added much credit to the American 
name. 

General Prevost, with 12,000 regulars, planned to in- 
vade New York by the old Burgoyne route. Instead of 
attacking the American army, consisting of 2,000 men, at 
Plattsburg, he awaited the cooperation of the British 
squadron. After a hard-fought contest, in the bay, the 
victory of the American squadron under Captain Mac- 
donough was so complete that Prevost retreated to Can- 
ada, and the war in that section was ended. 

Earlier in the year. Admiral Cochrane, in charge of the 
coast fleet, ordered the destruction of American property 
and towns in *' retaliation" for the acts of our soldiers at 
York and other places. The entire Eastern coast was 
harried, and General Ross was sent to capture Wash- 
ington. He encountered little resistance, and the Capitol, 
the White House, and many other public buildings were 
plundered and burned. Two weeks afterward, Baltimore 
was attacked, but the Americans maintained their defence. 
General Ross was killed, and the bombardment of Fort 
IVlcHenry also proving a failure^ the British withdrew from 
the Chesapeake.* 

Although American foreign trade was cut off by the 
blockade, terrific blows were struck at the commerce of 
Great Britain by privateersmen. Americans in this way 
made their otherwise idle ships sources of profit. Over 
500 of these armed ships scoured the seas, capturing mer- 
chantmen even on the coast of Great Britain. Because 
of these depredations, insurance rates on English vessels 
were made excessive, and public meetings of tradesmen 
and ship-owners demanded the termination of the war. 
Before the news reached Washington that peace had been 
concluded, the Battle of New Orleans was fought. 

* During the bombardment, Francis Scott Key. prisoner for the time 
on a British vessel, composed The Star Svanaled Banner. 



The Second War for Independence 267 

To General Edward Pakenham, one of Wellington's Battle 
ablest lieutenants, with an army of 10,000 veterans, sup- orSns. 
ported by a fleet of fifty vessels, was entrusted the capture January 8, 
of New Orleans. Andrew Jackson, having overcome the 
Creek Indians in Alabama, at Horse-shoe Bend, and in 
other battles, was put in command of the south-western 
district. With about 5,000 troops, mainly men from the 
West, he prepared to resist the British advance, and 
hurriedly threw up defences a short distance below the 
city. When the main assault was made, at daybreak, Jan 
uary 8, so effective was the fire of the Americans that the 
British were repulsed with a loss of 2,000, and General 
Pakenham was killed. The American loss was 7i. 

Four days after the declaration of war between the United ^^^^-^^^fj^^ 
States and Great Britain, Napoleon renewed the conflict against Russian ' 
Russia. At the time, Great Britain and Russia were in aUiance, mediation. 
and it was unfortunate that America should have contributed 
to the support of Napoleonic despotism. In keeping with the 
friendly attitude of the Czar, Alexander I, toward the United 
States (see p. 255), and with a desire to secure the full sup- 
port of his ally, he proposed Russian mediation between Great 
Britain and the United States. This proposal was immediately 
accepted by President Madison; and James A. Bayard and 
Albert Gallatin were sent to St. Petersburg as associates with 
John Quincy Adams for such a negotiation. But Great Britain, 
having refused to negotiate except directly, Hemy Clay and 
Jonathan Russell were added to the Commission for that pur- 
pose. After needless delay on the part of Great Britain, the 
joint Commission met at Ghent during the summer of 1814. 

The treaty finally agreed upon provided for the mutual Trea^ty of 
restoration of all conquered territory and for commissions ish. ' 
to settle the boundary disputes. The rights of citizens of 
the United States to fish or the shores of British America, 
which had been granted in the treaty of 1783 were not re- 
newed, and this continued to be a source of disturbance 
until 1818. Our commissioners were obliged to waive the 
question of impressment, but with the coming of general 
peace in Europe Great Britain ceased this obnoxious 
practice. 



268 



American History 



Opposition 
in New 
England. 



The Hart- 
ford Con- 
vention, 
1814-1815. 



Results of 
the war. 



Peace, even at a sacrifice, was at the time desirable; 
for there was danger that New England support would be 
entirely withdrawn. The declaration of w^ar had been 
carried by members of Congress from the South and West 
in spite of the protests of the New England Representa 
tives, who were ready to acquiesce in the attacks upon 
their commerce rather than risk its extinction. 

The Governors of Massachusetts and Connecticut re- 
fused to obey the requisition of the President for State 
militia. Subscriptions to the national loan in New Eng- 
land were meager in comparison with the financial ability 
of that section. The effects of the blockade and the war 
taxes increased this disaffection, and led to the calling at 
Hartford, in December, 1814, of a convention of delegates 
from these States in opposition to the war. Portions of 
the report of the Convention resemble closely the lan- 
guage of the Virginia Resolutions (1798). It was recom- 
mended that the States should adopt measures for pre- 
venting 'the execution of the acts of Congress relative to 
enlistment which were deemed contrary to the Constitu- 
tion, the States themselves acting as judges, and executing 
their ow^n decisions. The resolutions were not pre- 
sented to Congress, peace having been announced. The 
Federalist party never recovered from the effects of this 
movement. 

The lives of 30,000 Americans were sacrificed during 
the war, and the national debt was increased over $100,- 
000,000. Large amounts of pubhc and private property 
were destroyed, and the general disarrangement of com< 
merce and business burdened the entire country. On 
the other hand, local prejudice and selfishness were in 
large measure displaced by a spirit of national unity, 
aroused by the achievements of American soldiers and 
sailors, under the leadership of Jackson, Scott, Har- 
rison, INIacdonough, Perry, and a few other leaders. 
In the succeeding chapters we shall see that problems 
connected with national development had ^*^come the 



The Second War for Independence 269 

absorbing themes In the place of European poUtics and 
entanglements, and that America had really achieved 
independence. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. The power of the Speaker over legislation. Government 
in State and Nation, 175-177. 

2. Influence of "Young Republicans" in bringing on the war. 
Clay, Am. St. Series, I, ch. V. Schouler, II, 334-356. McMaster, 
III, 427-440. Babcock, The Rise of American Nationality, 
50-63. 

3. Calhoun and the declaration of war; his spirit of national- 
ism. Calhoun, Am. St. Series, 15-26. 

4. Finances of the war of 1812. Gallatin, Am. St. Series, 
207-237. 

5. Define direct taxes. To what extent have they been used 
in the United States? Government in State and Nation, 167, 
168. 

6. How is the efficiency of the American navy accounted for? 
Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812, 27-37. 

7. Difficulties in creating a navy on the Great Lakes. Roose- 
velt, Naval War of 1812, 221, 222; 254-258; 354. 

8. In what way and for what reasons did the nations abandon 
privateering? Government in State and Nation, 200, 302. 

9. Comparative losses of the contestants and causes for 
American successes? Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812, 439-450. 

10. Scenes in Washington during the war. McMaster, IV, 
138-147. 

11. Under what conditions may the militia be called into ser- 
7ice? Was the attitude of some of the New England States 
justifiable ? Government in State and Nation, 202, 203. Walker, 
Making of the Nation, 243, 244. 

12. Opposition to the war. Walker, 240-243. Hart, Forma- 
tion of the Union, 216-218. 

13. The Battle of New Orleans. Roosevelt, Naval War of 
1812, 454-493. Hart, Contemporaries, III, No. 127. Jackson, 
Am. St. Series, 44-50 (new ed.); 38-44 (old ed.). Hosmer, A 
Short History of the Mississippi Valley, 147-153. 

14. Treaty of Ghent and effects of the war. Hart, Contem- 



27U American History 

poraries, III, No. 128. Walker, Making of the Nation, 247, 
24S. Hart, Formation, 218-222. McMaster, IV, 256-276. 
Schouler, II, 477-485. 

15. James and Mann. Readings in American History, 
Chapter 17. 

16. Historical jBction. James Fennimore Cooper, Miles Wal- 
lingford, and Two Admirals. George Cary Eggleston, The Big 
Brother. Irving Bacheller, D'ri and I. Joseph A. Altsheler^ 
A Herald of the West. Clark Russell, An Ocean Free Lance. 



1816. 



CHAPTER XVIII 

REORGANIZATION, WESTWARD MIGRATION, AND 
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, 1815-1S25 

Because of the embargo, the non-Intercourse act, and Tariff©^ 
the war, the shipping of the country was greatly reduced. 
Much of the capital w^ithdrawn from commerce found a 
profitable investment in manufactures. This tendency 
was strengthened somewhat by the slight protection given 
by the tariff measures enacted after 1789. That of 1812 
doubled the duties on imported goods. Iron factories and 
mills for the manufacture of cotton and woollen goods 
multiplied rapidly. British manufacturers, desiring to 
regain control of American markets and stille American 
manufactures, began, after the war, to pour their goods 
into the United States. During the fifteen months after 
peace was declared, the exports from Great Britain to 
this country amounted to $150,000,000. Prices were re- 
duced and the stability of American industries was en- 
dangered. Influenced by the memorials from the manu- 
facturing centres asking for relief, Congress passed the 
tariff act of 1816, which imposed a duty of about 25 per 
cent, on the importations of cotton and woollen goods, and 
specific duties on iron products. This was the first really 
protective tariff. Votes for the measure came chiefly from 
the INIiddle States and the West. It was favored also in 
sections of New England and the South, where it was 

271 



American History 



Second 

United 

States 

Bank 

chartered, 

1816. 



hoped manufactures would be established. Clay and 
Calhoun were earnest supporters of the bill. Jefferson 
declared at the time: "We must place the manufacturer 
by the side of the agriculturahst." Webster, who rep- 
resented the shipping interests of New England, opposed 
the bill. 

Efforts to secure the re-charter of the first United States 
Bank, failed in 1811. Banks chartered by the States 
began at once to increase rapidly in numbers. Many of 
them had little or no capital, and were unable to redeem 
the notes that they forced into circulation. In 1814, 
nearly all banks outside New England suspended specie 
payments, and business was in confusion. Finally, on the 
recommendation of Alexander Dallas, then Secretary of 
the Treasury, a bank bill was introduced into Congress, 
and, in spite of Federalist opposition, became a law. The 
new bank was chartered for twenty years. One-fifth of 
the capital of $35,000,000 was to be furnished by the 
National Government, and five of the twenty-five directors 
were to be appointed by the President, with the consent of 
the Senate. The main bank was located at Philadelphia, 
and branches were estabUshed in sixteen of the other 
leading cities. Normal financial conditions were not re- 
stored for a number of years. 



The Crisis 
et 1819. 



Confidence in the future prosperity of the couiitry was gen- 
eral. Much of the currency, especially in the West and the 
South, consisted of notes issued by State banks. As a result of 
the excessive issues of currency, prices began to rise and specula- 
tion was encouraged. Extravagant prices were paid for land 
and farms were mortgaged. Manufacturers increased the size 
of their plaixts unduly. The use of luxuries spread. When the 
National Bank took action to force the State banks to redeem 
their notes in specie, a large part of these notes were seen to be 
valueless. The amount of currency was contracted from SllO,- 
000,000 in 181 1 to $65,000,000 in 1819. Prices fell and thousands 
of business men were ruined. Laborers were out of employment 
and distress was general. This was the crisis of 1819. During 
the next few years the problems growing out of these condition* 
influenced the country profoundly. 



Reorganization and Internat Improvements 273 

WESTWARD MIGRATION AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, 

1812-1825 

Prior to the outbreak of the war, the movement of Western 
settlers across the mountains went on steadily. Cheap ^^^^^^"^^ 
government land was a constant lodestone. It could be is 12. 
purchased, after 1800, in lots of one hundred and sixty 
acres at a minimum price of two dollars an acre, of which 
one-fourth might be paid in cash and the rest in instal- 
ments extending over four years. The frontier was 
pushed steadily on by the force of backwoodsman, pioneer 
farmer, and town builder. 

The backwoodsman, with or without title to the land, 
advanced into the wilderness but when neighbors began 
to be too numerous, he sold his cabin and corn field for a 
small sum and ''broke for the high timber." In the hands 
of the pioneer farmer the land was better cultivated, 
houses of hewn logs were built having glass windows, 
roads were improved, and the scattered village took 
form. In most cases he, too, was ready to sell out to 
the man who came with more capital and gave him 
the means by which he was able to gain possession of 
more and cheaper land farther West. Men were known 
to sell and move to a new spot five and six times. By 
1810, Kentucky had a population of 406,000; Tennes- 
see, 262,000; Ohio, 230,000; Indiana, 25,000; Illinois, 
12,000. 

North of the Ohio, the settlers came, at first, chiefly Routes of 
from Kentucky and Tennessee. Migration continued ^■^^®^- 
along the Alleghany valleys and the other estabhshed 
routes (p. 172). From South Carolina and Georgia, 
settlers passed into Alabama and Mississippi, and took 
possession of the cotton lands. 

Two main roads VL from New England: (1) From Al- 
bany along the Mohawk valley to Lake Erie; and (2) 
from the Hudson to the head waters of the Alleghany 
River and thence to Pittsburg. 



274 



American History 



Land 
travel. 



Cumber- 
land or 
National 
Road. 



River 

travel. 



Freight and passengers, both at so much a pound, were 
carried in the great "Conestoga" wagons, which were 
drawn by from four to six horses.* Many settlers went 
on foot, placing their household goods on the backs of 
horses, or the men carried their own slender stock. Even 
the best roads were at times almost impassable. Private 
corporations, in a number of the States, had begun to con- 
struct '^turnpikes" by the end of the century. The proh 
lem of improving communication between the East and 
the West was constantly under discussion. Baltimore, 
Philadelphia, and New York were rivals for Western trade, 
and a road was demanded across the mountains which 
would be beyond the ability of private capital to construct. 

In 1806, Congress appropriated $30,000 for the con- 
struction of a road west from Cumberland, Maryland, to 
the Ohio. It was believed that better means of communi- 
cation would hasten the sales of public lands. Work on 
the road was not begun until 1811. By 1820, it was com- 
pleted to WheeHng, and was extended to Columbus, to In- 
dianapolis, and to Vandalia, at that time the capital ol 
Illinois. It made transportation easier, for it was built oi 
crushed stone (the AVestern part was macadamized), the 
grades were reduced, and good bridges were constructed. 
Between 1806 and 1838 sixty appropriations (amounting 
to nearly ^7,000,000) were made for this road. Opposition 
to giving Federal aid to such enterprises developed; its 
place was gradually taken by railroads; and by 1856 Con- 
gress had given it over to the States through which it ran. 

At Pittsburg or Wlieeling settlers took passage on one 
of the many sorts of water-craft. Barges and flat-boats 
were common. In 1811, there were four hundred keel- 
boats on the Ohio and its tributaries. These boats 
were from twelve to fifteen feet wide and fifty feet long, 
and were roofed over. They required from six to ten 

* In 1805, the cost was $4.50 a hundred from Baltimore to Pittsburg 
and $5 from Philadelphia. It required from twenty to twenty-four days 
to travel the 300 miles between Philadelphia and Pittsburg. 



Reorganization and Internal Improvements 275 

men to drive them against the current, but were used, 
because of their narrowness, in going up the tributary 
streams. Freight-boats were taken to New Orleans, 
where cargoes and boats were sold. The boatmen re- 
turned on foot or horseback, or went by sea to Philadel- 
phia or Baltimore. It was estimated that twelve hundred 





Flat-boat 



freight-boats passed the Falls of the Ohio * (Louisville) 
during seven months of the year 1811 with their loads of 
flour, bacon, and merchandise of various sorts. Stories 
were common of the wild, free, and at times riotous, lives 
of the river-men, and Hkewise of the dangers from Indians. 

A steam-boat was first used on the Ohio in 1811, and in steam. 
1816 two were launched on Lake Ontario. The steam- wes^em'^ 
boat soon became one of the most effective agencies in deveioi>. 
the development of the West. The markets of New ^^^ ' 

* Goods were landed and carried around the Falls except during high 
water. 



276 



American History 



iW^stward 
movement 
iiter IS 15. 



Motives in 

going 

West. 



Orleans were brought nearer, for it became possible, as 
early as 1817, to go from Louisville to New Orleans 
in seven days (1,502 miles).* On the return trip, which 
took twenty-five days, hardware, dry-goods, and sugar 
were brought back. These products had formerly been 
conveyed from Atlantic ports at a much greater cost for 
freight. 

After the war the Westward movement was greatly ac- 
celerated. "Old America seems to be breaking up and 
moving Westward," wrote a traveller who passed along 
the National Road in 1817. "W'e are seldom out 
of sight, as we travel on this grand track toward the 
Ohio, of family groups behind and before us." Fifteen 
thousand wagons, containing emigrants from New Eng- 
land, passed along the road between the Hudson and 
Pittsburg during the eighteen months previous to April, 
1816. 

Commercial prosperity in the East, as we have seen, 
had wellnigh disappeared. Laborers, unable to obtain 
work, crossed the mountains to points where labor was 
m great demand and wages high, at Pittsburg, Cin- 
cinnati, and other rapidly developing manufacturing and 
commercial centres. There w^as no longer continual fear 
of attacks by the Lidians. Besides, the extinction of 
Indian titles to land opened up extensive areas suitable to 
cultivation and grazing. The great forest tracts were 
valuable for lumber. By a law of 1820 settlers were able 
to buy from the Government, for cash, as small a tract as 
eighty acres at a minimum price of one dollar and twenty- 
five cents an acre. The iron and coal mines of western 
Pennsylvania and the lead mines of W^isconsin and Illinois 
also attracted settlers. Owing to the hard tmies in Europe, 
at the close of the Napoleonic wars, emigration to America 
became notable. During the year 1817, 7,634 immigrants 
came through the port of New York alone, and large 
numbers of these joined the rush Westward. 

* Keel-b0«»*s took about forty days down and ninety up 



Reorganization and Internal Improvements 277 

During the war there was great delay in transporting internal 
men and suppHes to the West, and this became a striking i^prove- 
illustration of the need of better means of communication* ™^''^^" 
The rapid growth of this section and the problem of reach- 
ing the markets served likewise to create discussion, among 
the men of the West, on the necessity for roads and canals. 
Under the leadership of Calhoun, then an ardent Nation- 
alist, Congress, in 1817, passed the ''Bonus Bill," appro- 
priating $1,500,000 for internal improvements. "Let it 
be forever kept in mind," he said, "that the extent of our 
republic exposes us to the greatest of all calamities— next to 



•3n 


! 1 


1 1 


1 


f 


1 


500; 




400|, 


" N 


'1 


^^^ 








2001- 








-'-,.i^ 


^s 


100,; 










■^*^ 


10 20 30 40 50 100 


200 




300 MILES 


Vn 



Plan of the Erie Canal 

loss of liberty, and even equal to that in its consequences- 
disunion. ... If we are restricted in the use of our money 
to the enumerated powers, on what principle can the pur- 
chase of Louisiana be justified ? " But President Madison 
deemed the measure unconstitutional and vetoed it. 

The first act of the General Government for the improve- 
ment^ of harbors was passed in 1823. This became an 
additional argument for the advocates of internal improve- 
ments. The solid vote of the West carried a measure in 
Congress, the following year, which permitted such under- 
takings at national expense. 

In the meantime, the State of New York, under the The Erie 
energetic leadership of Governor De Witt Clinton, ap- 
propriated money for the digging of a canal from Albany 



Canal. 



278 



American History 



up the jNIohawk valley and across the State, 363 miles, to 
Buffalo. Its completion, in 1825, after eight years of 
labor and the expenditure of about $7,000,000, was an 
event of great significance. Freight rates dropped from 



^1; 

^ E ^ I 



"^ 



I. lion 



A 4r,D 



?)^ 



) 






^f^RiroR-S 



( Jefferson 



USTe-E 






i'or^ 



I^MeIphi» 



"-^. 



..^/ 



^ ^ OF MEXICO 



^ LEADING ROADS 

feeorgeto-n-A AND 

arle«on WATERWAYS 
^ 1825 


V B»*>d »» H.S.T»iui6r-ii Map of 1825 an! 
6. Anniojd, Inttnal Navigation of the 
United States 

mmm Soadt 

...^Cumberland E^d 





Leading Roads and Waterways, 1825 



$32 a ton by wagon for one hundred miles to $1 a ton by 
canal. Within nine years the tolls collected were more 
than enough to pay for the original cost of construction. 
Syracuse, Rochester, Buffalo, and other towns on the 
canal developed rapidly into important commercial and 
manufacturing centers. The route was shortened for 



Reorganization and Internal Improvements 279 

products of the North-west to the sea, and New York City 
became the leading American port. The canal became also 
the favorite route for freight and passengers to the West. 

3hio was admitted into the Union in 1803; Louisiana, Growth of 
in 1812; Indiana, in 1816; Mississippi, in 1817; Illinois, the West. 




Distribution of Population in 1820 

in 1818; and Alabama, in 1819. The population of the 
New England States increased thirty-five per cent, in 
twenty years; that of Ohio, Kentucky,' and Tennessee in- 
creased three hundred and twenty-one per cent, in the 
same period. During the decade from 1810 to 1820 the 
population of Ohio was more than doubled; that of In- 
diana and Illinois more than quadrupled. Alabama and 
Mississippi showed similar grains 



280 



American History 



Character- 
istics of 
Western 
life. 



Religion. 



Schools. 



In the wide mixture of nationalities commonly spoken 
of by travellers, the people of the West resembled, strik- 
inijly, the United States as it is to-day. Immigrants 
came from all sections and various European states, and 
their interests were national rather than sectional. Step 
by step they possessed themselves of the wilderness. 
Their desire to push the bounds of the Nation still 
farther west was natural. As individuals, they es- 
teemed the qualities of self-help, courage, and loyalty, and 
there were no privileged orders among them. Each was 
as good as the other; for all had "shared in the same 
fatigues and privations, partaken of the same homely fare, 
and in many instances had fought side by side in defence 
of their homes against the inroads of the savages." * This 
spirit of democracy was notable in all activities. State 
constitutions of a democratic t}^e were formed; a prop- 
erty qualification for voting was not required as in the 
older States, and the judiciary was made elective instead 
of appointive. 

They were in earnest about their religion as about every- 
thing else, and stood ready, as occasion arose, to use their 
physical powers to protect their worship against all forms 
of lawlessness. Backwoods preachers and ''circuit riders'* 
wielded a notable influence among these pioneers. The 
Methodist, Baptist, and Presbyterian denominations were 
most in favor. 

They were aware that tht, refining influences of an older 
society were lacking; bti; they were optimistic for the 
future and were proud of their wonderful material develop- 
ment. Academies and colleges, some of them of good 
grade, were founded early by the aid of Government land 
grants and by private contributions. There were twentv. 
eight institutions of higher learning in the West by 1S30. 
private schools were plentiful, but the communities were 
too poor to establish common schools even with the aid 
of the one section of land in each to^\mship set asi<ie for 
*Peck. New Guide for Emigrants, 111. 



Reorganization and Internal Improvements 281 

that pui-pose by the National Government (1785). A law 
passed in Ohio, in 1824, for the support of these schools 
by taxation marked the real beginning of the pubhc 
school system in that State. About the same time, similar 
^StCtion was taken by other Western legislatures. 

THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE 



The invention of the cotton-gin made the cultivation of 
cotton profitable, and the increase of manufactures stimu- 
lated the demand for cotton. To meet this demand, the 
area of cotton-raising extended rapidly, carrying slavery 
with it to the southern part of the Mississippi valley.* 

By 1805, all of the States north of Mason and Dixon's line had 
either abolished slavery or had provided for gradual emancipa- 
tion. In 1807, the bill prohibiting the importation of slaves 
after January 1, 1808, was passed with large majorities by both 
Houses of Congress. This result showed the influence of the 
anti-slavery societies, which were numerous in Maryland, Vir- 
ginia, and North Carolina, as well as in the Northern States. 

By the Ordinance of 1787, slavery was prohibited north of the 
Ohio. The admission into the Union of free States north of 
that river and of slave States south of it made it a dividing line. 

While the Northern and the Southern States in 1790 had about 
the same population, by 1820 the free States contained 700,000 
more than the slave-holding States. In the House of Repre- 
sentatives the former had a majority of twenty-four members 
over the latter. But from the admission of Ohio, free and slave 
States had come alternately into the Union, and thus a balance 
of the sections was kept in the Senate. The South wished to 
keep this adjustment in order to prevent legislation to which it 
was opposed. 



Cotton a,n(i 
slavery. 



Slavery 
North and 
South. 

Article T. 
section 9. 
clause 1. 



Not until 1819, was there the first real contest between 
the two sections. In that year, the question of the ad- 
mission of Missouri as a State came up for discussion in 

* Good cotton lands sold for from $40 to $100 an acre in Alabama 
(1818). The sale of public lands in that territory during the same year 
amounted to $3,000,000. The population of Alabama when admitted 
"uto the Union (1819) was 48.310 whites and 21.384 slaves. 



282 



American History 



The ques- 
tion of 
slavery in 
Missouri. 



The 

Missouri 
Compro- 
aiise. 



Congress. Slave-holding had been allowed in the Lou- 
isiana territory when it belonged to Spain and to France, 
and was permitted to continue after its purchase by the 
United States. As a result, planters in increasingly large 
numbers, with their slaves, crossed the Mississippi to the 
Missouri valley. 

When the act for the admission of ^Missouri was before 
the House, an exciting debate took place over an amend- 
ment introduced by Tallmadge, of New York, an amend- 
ment which proposed that no more slaves should be ad- 
mitted, and that all children born within the State after its 
admission should be free at the age of twenty-five years. 
Clay led the opposition to restriction. He argued that if 
slavery were allowed to spread, its evils would be lessened. 
He denied the constitutional power of Congress to impose 
on newly organized States restrictions that limited their 
sovereign rights. Tallmadge held that such restriction 
was constitutional. He attacked the system of slavery, 
calhng it "this monstrous scourge of the human race 
which threatened the life of the Nation." The a,mend- 
ment passed the House by a close vjte, but was rejected 
in the Senate. No further action was taken during the 
session. 

Public meetings and legislatures in the various Northern 
States passed resolutions against the admission of j\Iis- 
souri as a slave State, and the South protested against re- 
striction. When Congress met (December, 1819), a bill 
was passed by the House admitting Maine, recently owned 
by Massachusetts, as a State. A compromise amendment 
was agreed upon in the Senate (1820), providing for the 
admission of iNlissouri as a slave State, but in the remainder 
of the Louisiana Purchase north of 36° 30' slavery was tc 
be prohibited. The compromise was accepted by the 
House of Representatives. President Monroe signed the 
bills, and Maine was admitted. 

But the constitution of Missouri contained a provision 
that forbade the entrance of free negroes into the State, 



Reorganization and Internal Improvements 283 



Results <rf 
the com- 
promise. 



and this gave rise to another difficult question.* Through 
the efforts of Clay, a compromise was accepted. Mis- 
souri was admitted, but it was stipulated that the rights of 
citizens of the United States going to Missouri should not 
be abridged. 

The passing of the ^lissouri Compromise was important ; 
for therein was accepted the principle that Congress has 
the power to prohibit slavery in the territories. But the 
controversy still further divided the two sections of the 
country already separated by a geographical boundary 
line.f Although slavery as an issue sank out of sight for 
a number of years, it was becoming more and more dom- 
inant in the economic and social life of the South. In the 
North, sentiment against the institution of slavery grew 
with the years. 

In 1819, Major S. J. Long set out on a scientific ex- 
pedition from St. Louis to the West. Long's Peak was 
discovered and much of eastern Colorado was explored, "^^^^^t, 
He described the region through which he passed as 
almost wholly unfit for agricultural purposes. After 
1822, traders from St. Louis began to cross this Great 
American Desert with their trains of wagons and mules 
loaded vnih goods for Santa Fe, bringing back furs 
and silver. 

Trappers and fur-traders were also penetrating the 
regions farther North. Agents of the Rocky Mountain 
Fur Company (1823-1824), after crossing the mountains 
from the Platte to the Green River returned by way of 
Great Salt Lake and the South Pass, the '^Cumberland 
Gap" of the Rocky Mountains. Within the next ten 
years, the chief routes to California and Oregon had been 
made known, and settlers were taking possession of the 
frontier in the new North-west. 



Explora- 
tion of 
the "far ' 



* In some States free negroes were citizens. According to the Con- 
stitution of the United States they were guaranteed the rights of othef 
citizens. See, Article IV, section 2, clause 1. 

t Mason and Dixon's line and the Ohio River. 



284 American History 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Influence of the War of 1812 on the development of man\i- 
factures. Coman, Industrial History, 180-190. Bogart, Eco- 
nomic History of the United States, 142-149. 

2. Compare the attitudes of Clay, Calhoun, and Webster tow- 
ard the tariff in 1816. Clay, Am. St. Series, 129-131. Calhoun, 
Am. St. Series, 33-35. Webster, Am. St. Series, 153-156 
(new ed.). 

3. Weakness of the State banks and the establishment of the 
second United States Bank. Influence on the doctrine of strict 
construction. Hart, Formation of the Union, 226-227. 

4. Calhoun the champion of internal improvements. Calhoun, 
Am. St. Series, 35-37. Hart, Contemporaries, III, No. 131. 

5. Era of canal construction and results. Schouler, III, 346- 
350. Sparks, The Expansion of the American People, 264-269. 
Coman, Industrial History, 202-211. Bogart, Economic History 
of the United States, 189-195. Turner, Rise of the New West, 
224-234. 

6. Emigration to the West after 1815. McMaster, History, 
IV, 381-394. Turner, Rise of the New West, 67-84. 

7. Characteristics of men of the West. Benton, Am. St. 
Series, 1-20. Roosevelt, Winning of the West, Vol. 4, 214-257. 
Hart, Contemporaries, III, Nos. 138, 140. Century Magazine, 
63, 102-107; 201-207. Hosmer, A Short History of the Missis- 
sippi valley, 154-158. 

8. Slavery in the States before 1820. Burgess, The Middle 
Period, 39-60. 

9. Contest over Missouri. Constitution, Art. IV, sect. 3. 
el. 2. Johnston, American Orations, II, 33-62; 63-101. Clay, 
Am. St. Series, I, Ch. VIII. Turner, Rise of the New West, 
149-171. 

10. James and Mann, Readings in American History, Chaptei 
18. 

11. Historical fiction. Edward Eggleston, The Circuit Rider. 
Cooper, The Prairie. 



CHAPTER XIX 



THE DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONALISM— 1815-4830 



Evidences of a growing spirit of nationalism which 
signified independence of other nations and pride in Amer- 
ican development became more manifest after the War of 
1812. We have noted this tendency in such legislation as 
the recharter of the United States Bank; the tariff of 
1816; Congressional appropriations for internal improve- 
ments; and in the growing power of the West, a region 
which looked to the Federal Government for aid in its 
development. 

It is significant that this legislation had been accom- 
plished with the Republican party in power. That this 
party was in favor with the people is showm by the fact 
that James Monroe received 183 electoral votes for Presi- 
dent, Rufus King, the Federalist candidate, receiving only 
34. 

For many years, Monroe had been prominent as a legis- 
lator and a diplomatist. Although not in the first rank 
among the great statesmen of his time, he rendered valua- 
ble service as Secretary of State under Madison. After 
the burning of Washington, he was also made Secretary of 
War, and in this capacity he improved the conduct of 
military affairs. 

Shortly after his inauguration, Monroe made a tour 
through the North and West for the purpose of examining 
the "National defences." Another object was to promote 
harmony between the political parties. Everywhere the 
President received an enthusiastic welcome. The fusion 

285 



National* 
ism. 



Monroe 

elected 

President, 

1816. 



" Era of 

good feel- 
ing." Mon< 
roe re- 
elected, 
1820. 



286 



American History 



National- 
izing 
power of 
the 

Supreme 
etourt. 



Article I, 
section 8, 
clause 18. 

Article T. 
section 10, 
clause 1. 



of parties became so complete that the period (1817-1825) 
has been called the "Era of good feeling." In the Presi- 
dential election of 1820, Monroe received all but one of 
the electoral votes, but there developed such a spirit of 
faction and jealousy among leading men, chiefly within 
the Cabinet, that the next Presi- 
dential contest (1824) was one 
of intense bitterness. 

No influence was more not- 
able in fostering nationalism 
than the Supreme Court deci- 
sions.* This tendency was es- 
pecially marked during the 
period when John jNIarshall 
was Chief Justice (1801-1835). 
Two decisions, among others, 
show this exaltation of national 
power. The case of McCulloch 
vs. Maryland (1819) grew cui 
of the attempt by that State to 
tax a branch of the United 
States Bank at Baltimore. The 
decision declared that the estabhshment of such a bank, 
with branches, was constitutional according to the doc- 
trine of implied powers, and such branches could not be 
taxed by a State. In the Dartmouth College case, of the 
same year, the decision asserted that a charter to a private 
cor{)oration is a contract which it is unconstitutional for a 
legislature to impair. 

Spain refused to recognize the title of the United States 
to even a portion of West Florida (see p. 247). The 
Spanish possessions, without efficient government, became 




a reproduction of the painting 
by Gilbert Stuart 



* Associate Justice Brewer declared that the "decisions of the Su- 
preme Court have always been in harmony with and sustaining the 
proposition that the republic is a Nation acting directly upon all its 
citizens with the attributes and authority of a nation and not a mere 
league or confederacy of States." Scribner's Magazine, Vol. 33, p. 273. 



The Development of Nationalism 287 

a refuge for fugitive Indians, negroes, and all sorts of 
criminals and adventurers from the United States. A Purchase 
body of Seminole Indians, after attacking ' some United 1819!°"^^ 
States troops, fled across the boundary into Florida. In 
1818, General Jackson was sent against them, and, as 
usual, did thorough work. He seized St. Marks and 
Pensacola, centres from which the Spaniards aided the 
Indiai7s, and he executed two British subjects who were 
suspected of assisting the Seminoles. Florida was brought 
under the mihtary control of the United States, and during 
the next year a treaty was concluded by which Spain ceded 
Florida to the United States. The United States was to 
pay the claims of American citizens against Spain to the 
amount of $5,000,000. 

Spain also abandoned her claims to territory north and our 
east of a Hue extending from the mouth of the Sabine Western 
River to the Red River. It ran thence along the Red River °"'^ ^^' 
to the one hundredth meridian; thence due north to the 
Arkansas, and along the south bank of that river to its 
source; thence due north to the forty-second parallel and 
along that parallel to the Pacific Ocean. This agreement 
fixed the western boundary of the Louisana purchase and 
signified that the United States gave up claims to Texas. 



The problem of the relation of the United States to the Span- Events 
ish colonies of South and Central America and Mexico was also leading to 
one of great moment. When Napoleon conquered Spain (1808), If^ 
the South American colonies revolted against the arbitrary rule Docarine, 
of Spanish officials. Only in Buenos Ayres was the revolution 
successful. Elsewhere, the colonies accepted the Bourbon King ^outh 
of Spain on his restoration in 1815. In 1817, General San ;tS,n'iS° 
Martin, with his picked regiments from the La Plata States 
(Argentine Confederation), marched across the Andes and con- 
quered the Spaniards in Chili. Peru was also aided in securing 
independence. Revolution again broke out in the North under 
the leadership of General Simon Bolivar. Aided by Irish and 
English troops, he achieved the liberation of Venezuela and 
Colombia. Mexico became independent in 1821, and Revolu- 
tionary governments were set up in all the Spanish American 
States. Brazil also proclaimed its independence from Portugal. 



288 



American History 



The Hoiv 
Alliance 
and South 
American 
indepen- 
dence 



After the downfall of Napoleon (1815), Alexander I, Czar of 
Russia formed a league of the chief rulers of Continental Europe, 
the so-called Holy Alliance. Their original resolution to govern 
according to the principles of the Christian religion, gave place 
within three years to an agreement to render mutual assistance 
in maintaining monarchical governments. In 1822, they agreed 
to lend assistance in the destruction of representative institu- 
tions in Europe. A French army, sent into Spain, suppressed 
an insurrection and restored the absolute monarch. He im- 
plored the allies to aid him in regaining" control of his American 
colonies. Great Britain became alarmed lest such a plan should 
be carried out, a measure which would again close South Amer- 
ican ports to her ships. Canning, English Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, proposed a joint declaration between Great Britain and 
the United States (1823) against any project by European 
Powers to subjugate the South American States. 



.Monroe 
recognized 
South 
American 
indepen- 
dence. 



The 

Monroe 

Doctrine. 



President Monroe had already recognized their inde- 
pendence. Sympathy for them, in their struggle for lib- 
erty, was general in this country and commercial relations 
developed rapidly. European interference in affairs on 
this side the Atlantic was objectionable. Besides, Russia, 
in 1821, had laid claim to the control of the Pacific coast 
north of the parallel 51°, and it was feared that Russian 
influence would be pushed farther south. 

Upon the advice of John Quincy Adams, Secretary of 
State, the proposition made by Canning was declined, and 
President Monroe, in his annual message (1823) defined 
the policy of the United States relative to European con- 
trol in America. Dealing with Russian claims, the prin- 
ciple was declared: *'The American continents, by the 
free and independent condition which they have assumed 
and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as 
subjects for future colonization by any European powers.'' 

The message was not less explicit on the question o! 
European intervention in the contest between Spain and 
her American colonies. After calling attention to the 
difference in the political systems of Europe and America, 
Monroe wrote: '*We should consider any attempt on 
their part to extend their system to any portion of this 



The Development of Nationalism 



289 



hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety." "In- 
terposition by any European power for the purpose of 
oppressing the independent American governments," he 
declared, "or controlhng in any other manner their destiny 
would be viewed as a manifestation of an unfriendly dis- 
position toward the United States." 

This warning was effective, and intervention by the 

European nations was abandoned. In 1825, a treaty 

between Russia and the United States was ratified. Russia 

acceptecJ 54° 40' as the southern boundary line of her 

American possessions. 

To John Quincy Adams is probably due the credit for wording 
this significant message, but Monroe assumed responsibility for 
it. Earlier American statesmen had proclaimed similar views. 
The later interpretation accepted by Americans has so extended 
the application of the Monroe Doctrine that the policy is now 
rightly called the "American Doctrine." 

As a result of the commercial crisis of 1819, a new tariff bill 
calling for a large increase in duties was proposed (1820). Sup- 
ported by the Middle States and the Ohio Valley States and 
opposed by the South and South-west, it passed the House, but 
failed in the Senate by one vote. The vote of New England was 
divided. The contest was renewed in 1824. Again, Clay was the 
leading advocate for his "American Policy." He urged an in- 
crease in duties because of the distress pervading the country and 
the necessity of creating a home market for labor, provisions, and 
materials through developing manufactures. Webster, repre- 
senting the shipping interests of New England, contended that 
the manufactures needed no protection and that intelligence and 
industry asked only for "fair play and an open field." Southern- 
ers argued against the constitutionality of protection, and de- 
clared that the burden would fall on the planters. Votes repre- 
senting the Eastern manufacturers and the Western farmers 
carried the measure by small majorities in both Houses of Con- 
gress. Duties were increased on woollen and cotton goods, 
fiemp, and iron manufactures. 

During Monroe's second administration there was really 
but one political party. Within the Republican ranks, 
however, there were a number of prominent men who 
aspired to the Presidency. The people were dissatis- 



Interp fe- 
tation of 
the 
message. 



The tarifi 
of 1824. 



290 



American History 



Presiden- 
tial elec- 
tion. 1824. 



Election 
by the 
H( use. 



fied with the method of nomination by a ''caucus * made 
up of members of Congress. The revoU then begun 
against this system led to the present national nominating 
conventions. Andrew Jackson was nominated by the 
Legislature of Tennessee and a State Convention in Penn- 
sylvania; John Quincy Adams by the legislatures of the 

New England States ; 
and Henry Clay by 
those of Kentucky, 
Missouri, and two other 
States. William Henry 
Crawford, of Georgia, 
Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, secured the Con- 
gressional nomination 
in a caucus composed 
of 66 out of 210 men> 
bers. Political intrigue 
and bitter personalities 
were striking features of 
the campaign. Adams 
and Clay favored a pro- 
tective tariff. Jackson 
was a moderate protec- 
tionist and Crawford 
was opposed to protec- 
All stood for a National system of internal improve- 




John Quincy Adams 

From the portrait by Jean Baptiste Adolphe Gilbert, in 



the State Department, V sliington 



tion. 



ments. When the electoral votes were counted, it was foun*^ 
that Jackson had received 99 votes; Adams, 84; Crawford 
41; and Clay, 37. Calhoun was chosen Vice-President. 
Since no Presidential candidate had a majority of 
the votes, the choice between the three highest candi- 
dates devolved on the House of Representatives (Amend- 
ment XH). Clay believed that Adams was best qualified 
for the position, and used his powerful influence in the 
House to bring about that result. The votes of thirteen 
States were given to Adams, seven to Jackson, and four to 



The Development of Nationalism 



291 



Crawford. The adherents of Jackson declared that the 
will of the people had been disregarded and that Clay, 
with the promise of the office of Secretary of State, had 
bargained to support Adams. There was no truth in the 
charge, but when Clay was appointed to that office the 

story lived on and be- 
came a leading cause 
for the strong opposi- 
tion to the policy of 
President Adams. 

From his youth, John John 
Quincy Adams had «S 
been schooled in public 
affairs. At the age of 
fourteen he became pri- 
vate secretary of the 
American Minister to 
Russia. He was ap- 
pointed Minister at 
The Hague when only 
twenty-seven, and con- 
tinued in the public ser- 
vice as Minister to Prus- 
sia; United States Sen- 
ator; and Minister to 
Russia; as one of the Peace Commissioners at Ghent; and 
Minister to England. During the administrations of Mon- 
roe he was Secretary of State. He was noted for his great 
talents, his untiring labor, and his uprightness in all rela- 
tions of life. Every problem was decided on its merits 
and never for political effect. But severe in his criticism 
of ethers, seeing the worst side of his associates, not ready 
to take advice, he could never become a great organizer of 
men. 

President Adams w^as fully aware, w-hen he assumed 
the duties of his office, that the opposition to him was 
powerful. This included a majority of the Senate. In 




Henry Clay 

wrom the roitrait by Edward Dalton Marchant, 
State Depaitnient, Washington 



Opposition 
to Presi- 
dent 
Adams. 



292 



American History 



National 
internal 
improve- 
ments. 



the House, the strong hostile minority was changed 
after the first election to a majority. But he refused to 
build up a political machine, and officers, though person- 
ally opposed to him, were retained in office at the expira- 
tion of their terms. Antagonism was increased also be- 
cause of the extreme views of the President on the power 
of the Government to carry on internal improvements. 

In his first annual message President Adams advocated 
national appropriations for the construction of roads and 
canals ; for the establishment of a university and an astro- 
nomical observatory; for the improvement of agriculture, 
commerce, and manufactures. This aroused hostility, es- 
pecially in the South, where it was feared that such loose 
construction views might lead to the abolition of the slaves. 
About $2,300,000 were expended on roads and harbors 
during this administration, an expenditure which greatly 
exceeded the amount appropriated for these purposes dur- 
ing all previous administrations. 



Georfria 

and 

"State 

So^>r- 

ei^nty," 

1825-1827. 



About 1820, there became manifest a steady reaction against 
the spirit of Nationalism which had been prevalent. Various 
States protested against the "consolidating tendencies of the 
Judiciary," as Jefferson expressed it. Georgia placed herself in 
an attitude of resistance toward the Federal Government over 
the question of the Indians. The United States Government 
had agreed, in 1802, to extinguish the Indian claims to any lands 
in Georgia. By a treaty (1826), the Creeks agreed to abandon 
their lands within that State, excepting a narrow strip along 
the western border, on January 1 of the following year. Gov- 
ernor Troup maintained that Georgia, by a former treaty, had 
become possessed of all this land, and asserting that Georgia 
"is sovereign on her own soil," directed his surveyors to include 
in their survey the lands west of the line agreed upon in 1826. 
President Adams ordered the United States officers to arrest 
any one surveying beyond that line. Governor Troup ordered 
the release of any surveyors who might be arrested, and prepared 
for calling out the militia. Congress failed to support the Presi- 
dent. The question w^as settled (1827) by a treaty in w^hich the 
Creeks surrendered the territory in dispute. In 1828, Georgia 
also extended her right of sovereignty over the Cherokees in the 
north-western part of the State. 



The Development of Nationalism 



293 



The tariff of 1824 was unsatisfactory to the manufact- 
urers of woollens, who were unable to compete with the 
English manufacturers. The woollen industry had grown 
rapidly in New England, and many petitions for relief 
came from that section. Greater protection was de- 
u.anded also for other industries. A Presidential election 
was at hand, and the South 
desired the election of An- 
drew Jackson, but was op- 
posed to protection. Both 
branches of Congress were in 
control of the Jackson forces. 
The House Committee 
brought in a bill providing 
increased protection for raw 
materials, such as the wool, 
hemp, and iron produced 
chiefly in Pennsylvania and 
the West. New England was 
denied the increase of ' duties 
demanded. It was believed 
that the Representatives of 
New England would join 
those from the South in defeating the measure, and thus 
the Adams supporters would become parties to its rejec- 
tion. But the plan was not successful, for enough New 
England votes were secured in the House to carry the 
act, objectionable as it was. This so-called "tariff of 
abominations'* was bitterly opposed in the South, and it 
was denounced, especially in South Carolina. 

The reasons for opposition in the South were : (1) The 
price of cotton had fallen as its production had increased 
in the South-west. The cost of producing the crop was 
greater because of the increased demand, for and cost of 
slaves. (2) The cost of food suppUes and manufactured 
articles for which they w^ere dependent respectively on the 
North-west and on England was enhanced by the tariff. 



Tho tariff 

act of 

1S28. 




John C. Calhoun 

From a portrait by Nix, in the South Carolina 
State Library 



Calhoua'i 
Protest. 



294 



American History 



The legislature of South Carolina (1828) adopted th? 
*' Exposition and Protest" drafted by Calhoun, which fol' 
lowed the principles of the Kentucky Resolutions (p. 235). 
In this document he argued that protection of manufact- 
ures was unconstitutional and urged, since the Constitution 
was a compact between sovereign States, that a State might 




The Hermitage — the residence of General Jackson 



forbid within its limits the operation of a law which it 
thought unconstitutional. This would compeP the aban- 
donment of the law unless three-fourths of the States, in 
convention, should sanction it. Thus Calhoun, the former 
Nationalist, had 'become the exponent of States'- Rights. 
Protests against the tariff of 1828 were also made by other 
Southern legislatures. 



The Development o^ ^ iionalism 



295 



The political campaign of 1828 which made Andrew 
Jackson President was really four years in length. During 
the period, the statements that the 'Svill of the people" had 
been thv/arted in the election of Adams, and that there had 
been a "corrupt bargain/' were shrewdly used by the Jack- 
son managers. President Adams, as we have seen, ad- 
vocated the liberal interpretation of the Constitution. The 
men who favored this policy had come to be known as 
'• National RepubUcans." The opposition had gradually 
come together as ''Jackson men" (soon called Democrats). 
But the most striking appeals to the voters in this cam- 
paign of bitter personahties were based on the character- 
istics of the candidates. Jackson was portrayed as the 
man who had come from the people. That he was the 
"hero of New Orleans" ser^:ed to arouse the enthusiasm 
of his supporters. A leading argument against Adams 
characterized him as an aristocrat and monarchist and 
lacking in sympathy for the plain people. The fact that 
Adams was a trained statesman was used as^ainst him. 





: ^f'lm^^-^^^ 



3 ^T-r-l ^.,_^,,ti/ , 





^^^ndreto Jackson 



Election of 1824* Election of 1828 

*The electoral votes were divided in New York, Delaware. Maryland, 
Louisiana, and Illinois. The marking indicates the candidate receiving: 
the highest number in each of these States^ 



President 
tial elec- 
tion of 
1828. 




296 American History 

To the adherents of Adams his opponent was an un- 
trained military leader and a duellist. Moreover, the 
West favored Jackson, for his personality appealed to the 
men of that section. The loose construction principles of 
Adams were obnoxious to Southerners. There was not a 
single electoral vote for Adams south of the Potomac oi 
west of the Alleghanies. Jackson received 178 electoral 
votes and Adams 83. Of the popular votes, Jackson had 
647,276 against 508,064 for Adams. Calhoun was reelected 
Vice-President. 

SUGGESTH^E ReFEKETTCES AND QUESTIONS 

1. The growth of national consciousness. Walker, Making 
of the Nation, 264-273. 

2. Social Conditions, 1820. McMaster, IV, 522-549. 

3. In what ways did the Supreme Court decisions strengthen 
Nationahsm? Marshall, Am. St. Series, Chapter 10. Webster, 
Am. St. Series, Ch. 3. Hart, Formation, 234-236. 

4. Did the "Holy Alliance" profess to maintain monarchical 
government? Hart, Contemporaries, III, No. 142. 

5. In what forms were the principles of the Monroe Doctrine 
stated earlier than 1823? American History Leaflets, No. 4. 
Monroe, Am. St. Series, 162-170. 

6. The leading points in the Monroe Doctrine. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, III, No. 147. MacDonald, Select Documents, 
No. 43. American History Leaflets, No. 4. 

7. Early career of John Quincy Adams. Adams, Am. St. 
Series, Chapter I. 

8. The election of 1824 and evidence of "corrupt bargain.'^ 
How would you have voted in this election, and why? John 
Quincy Adams, Am. St. Series, 162-188. Clay, Am. St. Series. 
Chapter X. Jackson, Am. St. Series, Chapter IV. 

9. The Panama Congress. Hart, Formation, 252, 253. 

10. The tariff of 1828. Hart, Formation, 257, 258. Bur- 
gess, The Middle Period, 159-162. Calhoun, Am. St. Series, 76- 
82. Webster, Am. St. Series, Chapter VI. 

11. Triumph of Jackson. Schouler, III, 409-420. Jackson, 
Am. St. Series, 145-150. J. Q. Adams, Am. St. Series, 208-218. 
MacDonald, Jacksonian Democracy, 28-42. 

12. James and Mann, Readings in American History, Ch. 19.. 




J^ Prairie i..Chien(«'i;^,0^ I :^ 

iJluffs V<V* 
't.Croghan yf> 









o 

o 



AVuungton 

s 




from 



5 Map of 1840 
Canals 
Railroads 

_J 



C.Sab/e .■*f^ 1 ^ 



BVH^N\^ 



GULF O^ ^^ ^ 

CANALS AND RAILROADS 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES - / i i. 

1840 CSablepfA^ |\''»S^^•^°^ 

Eased on H.S.Tanner's Map of 1840 °'''' A ^<^ A RriU^ 

Greenwich 



CHAPTER XX 

THE NEW DEMOCRACY AND THE INCREASE OF 
SECTIONAL FEELING— 1830-1845 

Senator Thomas H. Benton of Missouri declared that Jacksoniaa 
the election of Jackson was a *' triumph of Democratic racy. 
principles, and an assertion of the people's right to govern 
themselves/' What had given rise to this sentiment of 
democracy? Individual energy and enterprise on the 
part of Americans, under most favorable conditions, had 
produced notable results. The spirit of self-confidence 
was prevalent and asserted itself in society and politics. 
To this new society, titles, ceremonies, and social distinc- 
tions were distasteful. The democracy of Jefferson was 
likewise based on confidence in the people, but training 
and experience were regarded as essential qualities for the 
holders of public office. The democracy of 1830 asserted 
that the election of Jackson would mean the retirement of 
trained leaders from the control of the Government. 

At the commencement of this era of democracy the in- influence 
fluence of the West was conspicuous, for the principles of ^vest. 
Democratic government had progressed most rapidly in 
that section. It was not strange that the rough and ready, 
torceful qualities of "Old Hickory" appealed to the men 
of the West; for he had come from their ranks and best 
represented the principles for which they stood. 

Andrew Jackson is one of the most striking and in- 
teresting characters in American history. He was born 
in the backwoods of North Carolina. Left alone in the 
world at fifteen years of age, he gained a bare li^'elihood 

297 



2\)6 



American History 



Andrew 
/acKson. 



by work in the fields and in saddle-making. With little 
knowledge of the law, he was admitted to practise in 
17SS; and the next year he went to Tennessee. In 1796, 
he became the first Representative of that State in Con- 
gress; and the following year he was elected SenatOx, 
but he soon resig^ned. He made little impression in 

Congress. Gallatin de- 
scribed him as a '"tall, 
lank, uncouth - looking 
personage with long locks 
of hair hanging over his 
face and a cue down his 
back tied in an eel-skin, 
his dress singular, his 
manners and deportment 
that of a backwoodsman." 
The military life was 
more congenial to a man 
of his courage and 
strength of will. In the 
Indian wars and the War 
of 1812, he showed his 
great power as a leader 
of men. Headstrong, and 
insubordinate on occa- 
sions, he was likewise noted for graceful manners, gener- 
osity and elevation of mind, sympathy with suffering, and 
absolute honesty. His hatred of his enemies and devo- 
tion to his friends were alike intense. Blind to the faults 
of his friends, he became at times an unconscious agent 
through whom unprincipled men accomplished their 
designs. 

THE NATION DURING THE DECADE 1830-1840 

Jackson was elected President of a nation having an 
area of over two milHon square miles and a population of 
nearly thirteen million. Of the increase of nine million 




Andrew Jackson 

From the painting by Sully (1825), in the Corcoran 

Gallery, "Washington 



The Neto Democracy 



299 



KRITISH POSSESSIONS . '^ilf f('''^\^__ 



during the years since 1789, only about 400,000 were im- 
migrants. There were nearly two million .slaves. Over Growth of 
three million of people were west of the AUeghanles. Nation 
Because of the development of manufacturing and 
commercial interests, the growth of cities was be- 
coming more 
marked in the 
Northern States. 
In the thirty-two 
cities, with over 
eight thousand 
inhabitants each, 
there was not 
more than seven 
per cent, of the 
total population 
of the country. 
New York was 
the largest city 
with a popula- 
tion of 202,000. 
Arkansas was 
admitted into 
the Union i n 
1836 and INIich- 
igan in 1837. 

The period of tim«»,riaj 

and .^ciai 
develop- 
ment. 




From 2 to 18 inhab, 

18 to 90 " 
90 and over " " 
4j Center of Population 



Distribution of Population in 1830 



the "reign of Jackson" was one of the most significant 
in our history. It was remarkable, not alone for the 
I inauguration of political control by the new democracy, 
but for the industrial, commercial, and social progress 
that has been characteristic of later periods. 

The completion of the Erie Canal gave New York City canaia 
the advantage In the trade with the West. Accordingly, 
Pennsylvania, In 1826, began an extensive system of roads 
and canals, to connect Philadelphia with the Ohio Rivei 
and central New York, an undertaking which was com- 



300 American History 

pleted in 1834 at a cost of over $10,000,000. Canals were 
also constructed for the transportation of anthracite coal 
from the mihes to the manufacturing centers farther east. 
The Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company was char- 
tered (1825) for the purpose of connecting Washington 
with the Ohio region. INIaryland, Virginia, and the Gen- 
eral Government united in the enterprise, which was not 
completed until 1850. Ohio, in 1825, began the con- 
struction of a canal between the Ohio River and Lake 
Erie at Cleveland. By 1830, there were 1,343 miles of 




The First Steam Train Run on the Pennsylvania State Railroad, 1834 

canal open for use in the United States, and in 1840 there 
were ovei 4,000 miles completed. The mania for internal 
improvements became general, especially in the States of 
the North-west. In Illinois, for example, notwithstanding 
the poverty of the people, numbering in 1840, 489,000, 
the State debt for internal improvements amounted to 
$14,237,000. 
Railroads. As the canal surpassed the wagon road, the railroad, in 
turn, as a means for more rapid communication, super- 
seded the canal. Roads made of wooden rails, with cars 
drawn by horses, were built near Boston as early as 1807. 
Citizens of Baltimore, fearing that the Ohio trade would 
be absorbed by New York and Philadelphia, set in motion 
the plan for a railroad across the mountains. A charter 
was secured by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company, 
and work was commenced (July 4, 1828). Thirteen miles 
of the road were completed by 1830, and traffic was then 
begun, the cars being at first drawn by horses. 

By 1814, George Stephenson, an Englishman, had •in'» 



RAIL-ROAD ROUTE !i43. 

BETWEEW 




IJB lB--IffiiH 10 BilE M 18. lUl 

• m'm t 

Viose T»6o pay t&roiigh Tietween Albaiqr and JBaffalo, - $ 1 0. in the best cars, 

io. do. ■ do. 8. in accomodation cats, 

AWudi have Decitre-arranged, cushioned and lighted. 

Those -who pay throughlyeUvtea. Albany & Rochester, §8. in ihe lest cars. 

do. do. do. 6.50inaccomQdatioiV.carSL 



sso©i^5M iDZi^aas' asssii^a 
MmroDiiEglli fim S^ Hkbihii^c 





GOB^GWEST. 




GOING EAST. 






intnlti. M Train 3J Train. 




In Train ZdTnln. 


atrah. 


Le«ve 


Albtny. 6 A.M. UP- M. "JiP-M. 


JUav* 


BuTalo. 4 A.M. 9 A.M. 


4 P.M. 


P«x 


Schenectady, T. A. M. 3 P. M. 9 P. M. 


Pass 


Bocliester. Si A.M. 3 P.M. 


10 P. >L 




Utica. I; P. M. 9 p. M. 4 A. M. 


Pass 


Auburn. 3iP.M 9 P.M. 


4 A.M. 




Syracuse. 5; P. M. 2 A. M, 8 A. >I. 


Pass 


Syracuse, S;P. M. 11 P.M. 


6 A.M. 




Aubaro, 7 P. M. 4 A. M. 10 A. M. 


Pass 


Vtica, 9iP.M. 4! A.M. 


10 A. m: 


Pass 


Roclitster. 2 A.M. 10 A. M. 4 P.M. 


Pass 


Schcneclarfy. 1 A. M. 10 A. M. 


3 P. JL 


AirtveatBuffslo. 7 A.M. 3 P.M. 9 P.M. 


ArrWe at Albany, '5 A. M.I] A.M. 


4iP.M. 



Passengers -will procure tickets at the offices at Albany. Buffalo or Rochestei^ 
through, to bo entitled to seats at the redac'ed rates. 

Tare will be received at each of the above places to any other places 
named on the route. 



From an Old Time-table (furnished by the "ABC Pathfinder 
Railway Guide " ) . 



302 



American History 



Steam- 
boats cross 
the At- 
lantic. 



Manufact- 
ures and 
Inventions. 



Organiza- 
tion of 
labor. 



vented the locomotive. One was brought to America 
as a model. After a successful trial, in 1831, on the 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, of a locomotive built 
by Peter Cooper, steam quickly became the chief motive 
power and twenty miles an hour were easily attained. 
In 1835, there were twenty- two railroads in Operation 
in this country and by 1840, 3,000 miles had been con- 
structed. 

The number of steamboats increased on the rivers and 
the lakes. In 1838, the Gi'eat Western and the Sirius 
were the first vessels, using steam-power alone, to cross 
the Atlantic Ocean. Sixteen days were required to make 
the voyage. 

Another characteristic of the period was the multiplica- 
tion of labor-saving and time-saving machinery. Axes and 
other edged tools were not made in America until 1826. In 
1836, anthracite coal was successfully used in the smelt- 
ing of iron. Owing to this discovery and the more gen- 
eral use of water-power, manufacturing towns increased 
rapidly in numbers. Between 1831 and 1840, the number 
of cotton factories multiplied from 801 to 1,240. Cyrus 
McCormick, in 1834, was granted a patent for a reaper 
to be drawn by horses. One man, with this machine, 
could cut more grain than twenty men with tlie '^cradle." 
The threshing-machine also displaced the flail. Among 
the other important inventions of the time were the Fair- 
bank's platform scales, machinery for planing boards, 
and Colt's revolver. Friction matches also came into use, 
and the lighting of houses and streets with gas became 
more common. 

With the increase of factories and the growth of com- 
merce, people tended more to reside in the cities. Indi- 
vidual enterprise began to give place to production by 
corporations. Workingmen, in their Unions, demanded 
better conditions, and a Labor Party was organized in 
various States. Among their demands were a tenho'-ir^ 
day and free schools for their children. 



The New Democracy 303 

State universities, colleges, and academies had multi- r:ducation, 
plied, but public elementary eduv;_tion, the boast of the JJanm^ 
United States to-day, was then of poor quality. Common 
schools were in a deplorable condition. Free high schools 
were beginning to be introduced into a few Northern 
cities. Conditions in ^Massachusetts were better than in 
most of the States, but one-third of the children of that 
State were without school advantages. Under the influ- 
ence of the great educational leader, Horace Mann, Massa- 
chusetts organized the first State Board of Education (1837). 
As the first secretary of this board, through his own un- 
tiring efforts, he brought about the raising of more taxes 
for the support of pubHc schools, secured better text-books 
and established the first normal school (1839). 

Special academies and seminaries for girls had in- Girls' 
creased in numbers. Some of these schools were coedu- 
cational, although there was widespread opposition to grant- 
ing girls equal educational privileges with boys. In 1833, 
Oberlin College opened its doors to men and w^omen aUke, 
but twenty years elaDsed before another college followed 
this example. 

The period was notable as marking the beginning of the An 
creation of a new literature. Irving, Cooper, and Bryant literature. 
already had made enduring reputations as writers. Noah 
Webster's American Dictionary of the English Language 
was first published in 1828. A volume 6f poems by Ed- 
gar Allan Poe appeared in 1827. Whittier, Longfellow, 
Lowell, Hawthorne, Emerson and Holmes w^ere pubHsh- 
ing their writings. The first volumes of George Ban- 
croft's History of the United States appeared in 1834; 
and Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella in 1837. Audu- 
bon, Agassiz, and Asa Gray were making their contri- 
butions to scientific investigation. The Smithsonian In- 
stitution was endowed in 1838. During the decade, Web- 
ster, Edward Everett, and other orators of high rank were 
addressing large public audiences. The New York Sun^ 
the first one-cent paper, was founded in 1833. 



304 



American History 



Commu- 
nistic 

settlement, 
Robert 
Owen, 



Besides the efforts which laborers were making in their owe 
behalf, various reformers were projecting plans for their sociav 
betterment. Among the most notable of these experiments was 
that of Robert Owen. He had established a model factory- 
town in Scotland, and there had promoted the first successful 
attempt to limit the employment of child-labor in the cotton 
mills of Great Britain. On coming to America, he got together 
several hundred people and established a settlement at New 
Harmony, Indiana (1826). All property and labor here were to 
be in common. The undertaking was a failure, but Owen caused 
the rapid extension of such communities. Some two hundred 
were established in different parts of the country. 



Brook 

Farm. 



Mormon.^ 



Rein tc-^s 
and ) u- 
raan^ urian 
activi ues. 



A striking attempt at cooperation was made at Brook 
Farm, Massachusetts (1841), with such members as Charles 
A. Dana, Margaret Fuller, George Ripley, Nathaniel Haw- 
thorne, and other men and women of letters. 

The most successful of religious communal organiza- 
tions was founded in 1830 by Joseph Smith, who claimed 
to be an inspired leader and the discoverer and translator 
of the Book of Mormon. From Palmyra, New York, the 
INIormcns, Latter Day Saints as they called themselves, 
migrated to Ohio; thence to Missouri. Driven from that 
State, in 1840, they established the "Holy City" at Nauvoo, 
Illinois. It became a well-built city, with a population of 
15,000, in which Smith was ''prophet, mayor, general, and 
judge." He was killed by a mob (1844) and, driven from 
Illinois, his followers, under the leadership of Brigham 
Young, then moved to Utah. 

Religion was exerting a profound influence in all com- 
munities. New sects multiplied and the churches ex- 
tended rapidly their educational and missionary activities. 
There were a number of other evidences of the develop- 
ment of the social conscience. Sdme of the States had 
abolished the practice of imprisoning for debt, and the 
public elsewhere began to protest against the practice. 
In some of the cities special "Houses of Refuge" for 
juvenile delinquents were established. The system of 
uniting solitude and labor was introduced into a few 



The New Democracy 



305 



penitentiaries. A public hospital for the insane was 
erected by Massachusetts. 

The use of intoxicating liquors was general. In 1824, 
a movement for temperance was begun in Boston, and 




Washington, from a sketch made about 1830 ' 

within three years a hundred temperance societies were 
organized. Total abstinence was also beginning to be 
agitated. 

THE "reign" of ANDREW JACKSON 



On coming to Washington, Jackson found the city full TheSpods 

. System 

of office-seekers. It was understood that his supporters 

were to be rewarded and his opponents punished. Then, 
for the first time, was introduced into National affairs the 
corrupting influence known as the Spoils System. Ac- 
cording to this system, offices secured through appoint- 



306 



American History 



The 

Kitchen 
Cabinet. 



The Web- 

ster- 
Hayne 
debate, 
1830. 



ment are regarded as rewards for partisan services. The 
usage had become general in Pennsylvania and New York, 
where State politics was thoroughly organized. It was 
W. L. Marcy, of the latter State, who, in defending the 
usage before the United States Senate, first used the ex- 
pression, "to the victor belong the spoils of the enemy.'' 
Jackson lent his influence to fastening the system upon 
the National administration. No reasons were given foi 
removals; officers who had not been among the followers 
of Jackson were displaced; and long tenure in office was 
even regarded as an evidence of corruption. It has been 
estimated that two thousand removals were made during 
the first year of this administration. The President was 
desirous of appointing only able men, but he was fre- 
quently misled in his selection through the advice of 
others. 

The Cabinet, with the exception of Martin Van Buren, 
the Secretary of State, was made up of men of inferior 
abiUty. They were never regarded by Jackson as his ad- 
visers on public questions, and regular Cabinet meetings 
were discontinued. Real power, in the administration, 
was wielded by a number of intimate friends of the Presi- 
dent, called by his enemies the Kitchen Cabinet. 

The discussion of the rights of a State (see p. 294) 
was transferred to the United States Senate, and Senator 
Hayne, of South CaroHna, an orator of ability, presented 
the Calhoun theory of State rights. He declared, speak- 
ing on a resolution of inquiry into the disposal of the public 
lands: (1) That a State might decide in a given case tliat 
the Federal Government had exceeded its power; and (2) 
that a State government might ''by its own sovereign 
authority annul an act of the General Government." 
Webster, in a famous speech,^ classed among the greatest 
of world orations, defended the National view of the 
Constitution. He maintained that the Constitution was 
not a compact, but the ''supreme law made by the people 
and answ^erable to the people," and denied the right of a 



The New Democracy 



3o; 




tion in 
practice. 



State under the Constitution to annul a law of Congress 
He pointed out that in the Constitution were enumerated 
the powers granted the General Government, and that 
m cases of doubt over the. extent of such powers the final 
appeal was to the Federal Judiciary. 

This great debate aroused the people of the Nation. Nuiiifica 
But the doctrine of nullifi- Nullifies 

cation was not destroyed, 
and early took on practical 
form. Congress, in 1832, 
passed a new tariff act, an 
act which was more moder- 
ate than the ''tariff of abom- 
inations." But the principle 
of protection was still recog- 
nized, and South CaroHna, 
under the guidance of Cal- 
houn, prepared to resist its 
enforcement. In Novem- 
ber of that year a State- 
convention, called by the 
legislature, passed an ordi- 
nance of nulHfication. It declared the tariff acts of 1828 
and 1832 ''null, void, and no law," and not binding upon 
the State or its citizens; and that should force be em- 
ployed by the Federal Government to enforce these acts, 
South Carolina would regard itself as no longer a mem- 
ber of the Union. The ordinance was to go into effect 
after February 1, 1833. According to Calhoun anv State 
might decide for itself whether an act of Congress was 
unconstitutional; might declare it to be null and void and 
resist its execution within the State. Such an action 
would be a long step toward breaking up the Federal union. 

The attitude of the President was not long in doubt. Jackson 
He instructed the collector at Charleston to collect the flc"^.''"''* 
duties on imports, and ordered General Scott to protect ""^ '''''" 
him in that task. He issued his famous "nullification 



Daniei Webster 



308 



American History 



Oompro 
mise 
tariff, 
1833 



^ckson's 

Indian 

policy. 



The Anti . 

Masonic 

paxty. 



proclamation/' which contained a warning to South 
Carohna. The laws of the United States must he exe= 
cuted, he said; "my duty is emphatically pronounced in 
the Constitution. Those who told you that you might 
peaceably prevent their execution deceived you. . . . 
Their object is disunion, and disunion by armed force is 
treason. Are you ready to incur its guilt?" Upon his 
request, Congress passed the so-called Force Bill (March 
1, 1833), authorizing the President, if necessary, to use the 
land and naval forces in the execution of the revenue laws. 

Calhoun resigned the Vice-Presidency and was elected 
to the Senate, where he denounced the Force Bill. Defiant 
resolutions from Governor Hayne and the legislature of 
South Carolina were read in Congress. The crisis passed 
after March 2, 1833, when Clay's measure providing for 
a compromise tariff became a law. This provided for a 
gradual reduction of the rates for the succeeding nine 
years, when the uniform rate was to be twenty per cent. 
South Carolina repealed the nullification ordinance (March 
15, 1833). 

In his first annual message Jackson showed that his 
purpose was to support Georgia's attitude toward the 
Cherokee Indians (see p. 292). They were to submit to 
the laws of the States (Alabama and jNIississippi had similar 
problems), or migrate to lands west of the Mississippi. 
He refused to be bound by a decision of the Supreme 
Court favoring the claim of the Cherokees. ''John I\Iar- 
shall has made his decision; now let him enforce it!" he 
is said to have declared. Georgia also defied the Su- 
preme Court. Congress, finally (1834), set aside the 
Indian Territory, as a reservation, to w^hich most of the 
Indian tribes east of the INIississippi agreed to migrate. 
The Black Hawk War (1832) and the Seminole War (1835- 
1842) were serious episodes growing out of this transfer. 

A new element in the campaign of 1832 was the appear- 
ance of the Anti-Masonic party as a National organization. 
This party originated in Western New York (1826) 



The New Democracy 309 

through the excitement over the death of William Moigan, 
who, it was asserted, had been killed because of his dis- 
closure of the secrets of Masonry. The national nominat- 
ing convention originated in the convention in which the 
Anti-Masons nominated WiUiam Wirt for President 
(1831).* 

The National Republicans also met in National conven- Jackson 
\ tion and nominated Henry Clay and John Sargent. Jack- prisideat 
son and Van Burenwere nominated in the National conven- 1832. 
tion of the Democratic party (183.2). Jackson was tri- 
umphantly reelected, receiving 219 of the 286 electoral 
votes. Clay's followers b.ased their appeal on his efforts 
in favor of the protective tariff and internal improvements. 
More than any other, the United States Bank advocated 
in the platform of the anti-administration party was made 
an issue. 

Jackson's first annual message (1829) had contained an jackson 

attack on the bank. Notwithstandins^ a decision of the ^nd the 

* Bank. 

Supreme Court, he declared (1) its establishment un- 
constitutional; and (2) that it failed to provide a uni- 
form and sound currency although the currency of the 
country had never before been in as good condition. In his 
subsequent messages a similar attitude was manifested. 
Friends of the bank hastened the contest by applying for 
a new charter (1832) four years before the old one ex- 
pired. After a heated discussion a bill granting the re- 
newal of the charter passed both Houses of Congress. 
The veto message of the President aroused the whole 
country. Among others, the reasons given for the veto 
were: (1) That the bank was "a. great monopoly" with 
benefits for the few and in which the masses had no 
share; (2) that it was unconstitutional, mismanaged, and 
unsound. A vote in the Senate on the veto failed of the 

* The call for the convention provided for as many delegates from 
each State as there were Senators and Representatives from the State 
\n Congress. There were delegates appointed from ten States and the 
Territory of Michigan. An "address to the people" marks the use als<t 
Sf the first formal party platform. 



310 American History 

iiecessary two-thirds. The campaign issue, Jackson or 
the bank, then went before the people, with the result 
already shown.* 

His reelection convinced Jackson that the people sus- 
tained him in his attitude toward the bank, and he con- 
tinued the attack. He declared that it was unsound, 
that it had gone into politics, and that, consequently, the 
public funds deposited in it were unsafe and should be 
withdrawn. It is true that funds of the bank had been 
used in the election of 1832. The House of Representa- 
tives, however, upon the report of a special committee, 
voted (March 21, 1833) that the deposits might be safely 
continued in the bank. But Jackson had determined 
that the deposits must be withdrawn. According to the 
charter, the public funds were to be deposited in the 
bank or its branches unless otherwise ordered by the 
Secretary of the Treasury, who should at once lay before 
Congress his reasons for such an order. McLane, then 
Secretary of the Treasury, was opposed to the removal 
and was transferred to the State Department. William 
J. Duane was appointed as his successor, but he refused 
to take the required action and was removed. Roger B. 
Taney was named as his successor and gave the order for 
removal (September 26, 1832). This meant that the 
public money, about $10,000,000, then in the bank, was 
to be drawn upon in the payment of Government debts 
and that no more was to be deposited. Certain State 
banks called j)et hanks were selected as depositories.! 

* The argument that the bank was a monopoly and dangerous to the 
liberties of the people had especial influence over voters. Great oppo- 
sition to the bank was excited also by the State banks, particularly in 
the West and the South. 

t These banks were selected because of their political influence rather 
than for their soundness, and were situated, chiefly, in the Democratic 
South and West. 

All subsequent propositions for the renewal of the charter of the 
United States Bank failed. When the charter expired (1836), the bank 
was continued as a State bank by authority of the legislature of Penn- 
sylvania. 



The New Democracy 



311 



Senate 

censures 

Jackson, 



The Bank of the United States was forced to curtail its Results of 
loans in order to meet the demands for the deposits. State movTi'of 
banks which were debtors to the United States Bank were deposits. 
compelled to pursue a similar course. Equal amounts 
could not be borrowed from the pet banks, and money 
became scarce. Failures in business ensued, petitions, 
with thousands of signatures, asking for relief were poured 
into Congress. 

A heated discussion in the Senate, occupying much of The 
the time for three months, finally led to the adoption of a 
resolution censuring Jackson for his action on the bank 
(March 28, 1833). In his protest to the Senate against 
the charge of usurpation, Jackson declared that he was 
not bound by the decisions of the Supreme Court, and was 
independent of both Congress and the Supreme Court. 
The persistent demands of Senator Benton caused the 
expunging of the resolution of censure (January 16, 
1837). 

During this period of excitement, in which the President was Origin of 
accused of ''tyrannical and dictatorial conduct" and disregard the Whi/ 
for the Constitution and the laws, the National Republican 
party took the name Whig. ''Whig was the name by which 
the patriots of the Revolution were known and was synonymous 
with a friend of liberty and an opponent of arbitrary govern- 
ment."* 

The hope of securing a share of the deposits induced a Specula^ 
mania for the formation of banks. Between 1829-1837, ^^^^' 
the number of State banks increased from 329 to 788. 
These banks, many of them with little or no capital, 
flooded the country with their notes. There was a general 
rise in prices; the rage for speculation became wide- 
spread and extended, especially, to city property and 
western lands. Everybody seemed to be getting rich. 
Many of the States became heavy borrowers at home and 
abroad to aid in building canals and railroads which were 
already projected beyond the needs of the country. 



party. 



* Sargent. Public Men and Events, I, 262o 



312 



American History 



Distribu- 
tion of the 
surplus 
Tevenue. 



The 

specie 

circular. 



Election of 
Martin 
Van Buren, 
1833- 



The National debt was extinguished by January 1, 
1835. Thereafter, the Government began to accumulate 
a large surplus, chiefly from the customs duties and the 
sale of pubHc lands. Receipts from the laiter source in^ 
creased from $4,800,000 in 1834 to $24,800,000 in 1836 
What should be done with this surplus ? Finally an ac. 
was passed, pro\dding that the surplus money in the 
Treasury, after January 1, 1837, should be distributed in 
four quarterly instalments, as loans, among the States, in 
proportion to their representaion in Congress. Three 
payments, amounting in all to $28,000,000, were made 
and the distribution ceased. The surplus was exhausted. 
As was anticipated, the money has never been recalled. 
It was sunk, chiefly, in the construction of public w^orks. 

During the years 1836 and 1837 over 36,000,000 acres cf 
public lands were sold. Payment had been permitted, 
contrary to the law,* in the notes of irresponsible State 
banks. The Treasury was soon flooded with this ir- 
redeemable currency. A resolution in the Senate provid- 
ing that such payments should be made in gold and silver 
failed to pass (1836). After the adjournment of Con- 
gress, the famous "specie circular" was issued by the 
Secretary of the Treasury upon the order of the President 
(July 11, 1836). It directed that only gold and silver 
should be received in payment for public lands. This 
order, as we shall see, hastened the inevitable financial 
crisis. But the period of inflation had almost run its 
course. The crash came during the administration of 
Martin Van Buren. 

Jackson declared Van Buren to be his candidate for 
President, and that was law in the perfectly organized 
Democratic party. The opposition was not united. '^I he 
Anti-Masons nominated William Henry Harrison of 
Tippecanoe fame. He was indorsed by the Whigs of 
Pennsylvania, but the Whigs of Massachusetts nominated 
Webster. O^her nominees were put forward by State 

* T^otes of specie-paying banks were stipulated. 



TJpe New Democracy 313 

• 
legislatures. Van Buren was opposed to a United States 
Bank, to National internal improvements, and to the 
distribution of public funds. Harrison favored these 
measures. Van Buren received 170 electoral votes; 
Harrison 73. The majority of Van Buren over all other 
candidates was 46. 

The title, ''Little Magician" had been appUed to 
the President-elect because of his ability as a political 
manager. Even in his relations with opponents, he 
was noted for great social tact and geniality. He stood 
pledged to ''tread in the footsteps of his illustrious pre- 
decessor." 

High prices and high rents had produced strikes and The panl« 
riots before the election took place. Van Buren was °^ ^^^^' 
scarcely inaugurated before the country was in the midst 
of the worst financial panic it has ever passed through 
Some features of Jackson's financial poHcy were harmful 
liio doubt, but the reckless gambling spirit prevalent 
among the people made a crisis inevitable. Among the 
'immediate causes for this calamity may be mentioned: 
(1) Many banks, deposit banks among others, especially 
in the West, were unable to meet the demands made on 
them to redeem their notes after the issue of the specie 
circular. (2) Business depression had also become general 
in England (1836), and English creditors attempting to 
collect from American buyers seriously embarrassed the 
banks of Eastern cities. English factories reduced their 
output, and the demand for cotton becoming less, the 
price fell.* (3) Two failures of crops in the Middle and 
Western States (1835 and 1837) made it impossible for 
farmers to meet their obligations. 

Banks throughout the country suspended specie pay- 
ments (May 11, 1837). Specie disappeared and bank notes 
rapidly depreciated in value. Failures among mercantile 
houses were widespread; trade relations were almost sus- 

* Cotton was sixteen cents a pound in 1835, and fell to ten cents in 
1837. 



314 



American History 



Establish- 
ment of 
the Inde- 
pendent 
Treasury. 



Anti- 
slavery 
move- 
ment 



^bolition- 
*;sts,LundJ^ 
Garrison. 



pended; factories were closed, throwing thousands out 
of employment, and distress ensued. Specie payments 
were resumed by the banks in 1838. The relief was but 
temporary; for the next year witnessed an immense 
number of bank failures. Normal business conditions 
were not restored before 1842. 

At this critical time, President Van Buren showed real 
strength. In his message to Congress, called in special 
session (September 4, 1837), he insisted, in spite of the 
clamor, that relief should not come from the Government 
but that the people must themselves right the conditions 
by natural methods. Sales of public lands had fallen off 
greatly, and revenue from imports had shrunk one-half. 
Congress voted to postpone payment of the fourth in- 
stalment of the surplus to the States. 

The leading measure recommended by the President 
looked to the establishment of the Independent Treasury 
or the Sub-treasury system. According to this plan, not 
adopted until 1840, the Government was to be '^ divorced" 
from all banks, and the public funds were to be deposited 
in the Treasury at Washington, and in sub-treasuries 
under the control of Government officials. 

During the first part of the century there had been 
a gradual extinction of slavery in the Northern States, 
for the system of slavery was not adapted "o North- 
ern industries. After the Missouri Compiomise, in- 
terest in the antislavery movement seemed to wane. 
At the South there were then but few persons who 
really justified the system of slaveryc Sentiment be- 
came more favorable towards its continuance as the 
area of cotton cultivation extended to the southwest, and 
as a consequence the demand for laborers was greatly 
increased. 

Benjamin Lundy was the first American to dedi- 
cate his life to the cause of the slave. In his pub- 
lic addresses he advocated the gradual though to- 
tal abolition of slavery in the United States and 



'he New Democracy 



315 



the extinction of slavery in the District of Columbia.* 
The same views were set forth in his journal, Genius of 
Universal Emancipation, which he established in Ohio 
(1821). Antislavery societies, in large numbers, weiv 



Mjl^ 7^ 







organized by Lundy in a number of the States. One 
of his converts in Boston was William Lloyd Garrison, 
who, for a short time, became a partner with Lundy, 
then (1829) pubhshing his paper in Baltimore. Half-way 
measures were not acceptable to Garrison, and he began 
to demand "immediate and unconditional emancipation." 
Returning to Boston, he determined to found a paper of 

* Lundy was in favor of colonizing emancipated slaves in Hayti. He 
never sympathized with the efforts of the American Colonization Society, 
which did not make emancipation a primary object. This Society, 
supported by reformers and slaveholders, had for its aim the trans- 
porting of free negroes to Africa. Several thousand were sent to Liberia^ 
None of the colonization schemes were really successful. 



316 



American Hwtory 



Abolition 
Societies. 



Other 

abolition 

leaders. 



his own, and January 1, 1831, the Liberator appeared. 
He declared in the first number: "I shall strenuously 
contend for the enfranchisement of our slave popula- 
tion. ... I am in earnest. ... I will not retreat a 
single inch, and I will be heard." 

In 1832, the New England Antislavery Society was 
formed by Garrison. A step farther was taken the 
next year when the American Antislavery Society was 
organized at Philadelphia. Local and State societies 
were also founded and slavery was denounced as an 
"execrable system." They proposed to use moral means 
to bring about its destruction, and conceded that Con- 
gress had no right to interfere with slavery in the States. 
This doctrine was not acceptable in the North. Abolitionist 
meetings were broken up by mobs, and the leaders 
suffered personal violence. Garrison was captured and 
dragged through the streets of Boston, and his life was 
threatened. In Alton, lUinois, Elijah P. Lovejoy was 
shot down (1837) because he persisted in publishing an 
abolition paper Such actions aroused many who heretofore 
had not sympathized with the movement, but who believed 
in freedom of speech and of the press. In 1840, there 
were 2,000 abolition societies with some 175,000 members. 

John Greenleaf Whittier, Wendell Phillips, and Theo- 
dore Parker exerted a notable influence in behalf of 
abolition. There were many men who were not in sym- 
pathy with the extreme views of Garrison and who con- 
demned his harsh language; in fact, he was not acknowl- 
edged as a leader in the Middle States and the West, 
Among others who were unwilling to accept his dictation 
were William Ellery Channing, a leading clergyman of 
Boston, James G. Birney, an Ohio editor, and Salmon P 
Chase of the same State. 

While women were admitted to the local abol^ion 
societies, separate societies for them were also founded. 
Lucretia Mott and Lydia Maria Child were prominent in 
the movement. 



The Neiv Democracy 



31 r 



Sentiment 
toward 
abolition 
in the 
South 



In 1831, there was general alarm in the slave States be- 
cause of an insurrection in Southampton County, Virginia, 
led by a negro, Nat Turner. The lives of sixty-one whites 
were sacrificed. In the attack upon them which followed, 
more than one hundred negroes met a like fate. In both 
South and North the words of Garrison were cited as the 

real cause of the re- 
volt. . The legislature of 
Georgia offered a re- 
ward of $5,000 for the 
arrest and conviction of 
i\\^ editor or pubhsher 
of the Liberator or of 
any person who should 
circulate copies of that 
paper within the State. 
Postmasters refused to 
transmit abolition pub- 
lications through the 
mails. 

Sectional feeling Congress 




Wendell Phillips 



grew apace after the 
discussions in Con- 
gress, during the ses- 
sion 1835-1836, over 
the abolition of slavery 
in the District of Columbia. Petitions from Quakers, 
asking such action, had for many years been regularly 
sent to Congress, where they were read, sent to the 
Committee on the District, and were not heard from 
again. Other petitioners took up the cause, and in 1836 
a controversy arose which w^as to arouse the country for 
years. John Quincy Adams, then a Representative from 
Massachusetts, presented the usual petition on slavery in 
the District of Columbia. Representatives from the South, 
believing their affairs interfered with and their peace and 
safety invaded, finally succeeded in bringing about the 
passage of the so-called 'gag resolution." It provided 
that all petitions and resolutions relating to slavery should 
be laid upon the table and that there should be no further 



and the 
riKht of 
peiitioo. 



318 



American History 



Candidates 
for 

President, 
1840. 



action on them. On many occasions, for eight years, 
Adams renewed his attack on this resolution as a violation 
of the Constitution. During that time, he presented 
thousands of similar petitions, those of the year 1838 
having 300,000 signatures. In 1844, the rule was 
abandoned. 

Van Buren was the candidate of the Democratic part}^ 
for reelection in 1840. By a political trick, the Whigs, in 
National convention, set aside Clay, who was their acknowl- 
edged leader, and nominated William Henry Harrison. 
He had taken no part in public life for years, but the 
"odor of gunpowder" was still about him. John Tyler 
of Virginia, who had unjtil recently been an extreme 
Democrat of the Calhoun school, was selected by the 
Whigs for second place on the ticket. The Whig partv 
had many adherents in the South because of the oppo- 
sition in that section to Jackson's views on nullification. 
They objected likewise to any of his disciples. Many of 
the largest slaveholders were Whigs because of their op- 
position to democracy. Certain sections of Virginia and 
some other Southern States were in favor of protection. 
The various elements in the party could not agree upon 
principles, so had no platform; they were united solely in 
opposition to Jackson and his party. 



The 

Liberty 

Party. 



Garrison and his adherents had always insisted that slavery- 
was a moral question and that it should not be brought into 
politics. Other Abolitionists proceeded to organize a political 
movement which further emphasized the feet that the leader- 
ship of Garrison was local. The Liberty Party nominated James 
G. Birney for President. While the number of votes he re- 
ceived (7,000) was insignificant, the party became a force to 
be reckoned with in the two succeeding Presidential elections. 



Election of Never before had there been so exciting a campaign 

^V-em^' ' ^^^ several months the people gave themselves up to the 

Public Men wildest freaks of fun and frolic, caring nothing for busi- 

Events, T^^^^, singing, dancing, and carousing night and day." 

II. los' The fitness of Harrison for President was httle considered 



The New Democracy 



319 




Were not the Democrats, called Loco-focos by the Whigs, 
responsible for the business depression ? * Therefore, 
"Down with Van Burenism," was their cry. The sup- 
porters of Harrison led in making the most striking ap- 
peals to the eye. They utilized a contemptuous expres- 
sion of a Democrat who declared the Whig candidate 

would be content with a log- 
cabin, a barrel of hard cider, 
and a small pension. Log- 
cabins, with accompanying 
live '* coons" and barrels of 
cider, were everywhere in 
evidence. "Tippecanoe and 
Tyler too" was a striking 
watchword, t 

Great processions, mons- 
ter meetings, and barbecues, 
with stump-speeches by 
noted orators, wers. general. Of the 294 electoral votes, 
Harrison received 264. Both Houses of the next Con- 
gress were also Whig. 

President Harrison assumed the duties of office under inau^ur^ 
trying conditions. The Treasury was empty and the ^^g^th^o? 
revenue was not adequate to cover the expenses of Govern- President 
ment. Congress was called to meet in special session H*^*^®®*- 

* In a meeting in Tammany Hall, New York City (1835), a "scene of 
contest and confusion" took place between the two factions of the 
Democratic party. The lights were extinguished, but the men of ex- 
treme views had provided for such an emergency by each bringing with 
him a candle and a box of loco-foco matches. An account of the dis- 
turbance and the lighting of the candles called this faction " Loco-focos." 
The Whig.s applied the name to the entire party. Sargent, Public Mea 
and Events, II, 16, 17. 

t What has caused this great commotion, motion, motion. 

Our country through? 

It is the ball a rolling on 

For Tippecanoe and Tyler too. 

For Tippecanoe and Tyler too. 

— From a campaign song. 



320 American History 

(May 31). Clay refused to be appointed Secretary oi 
State and Webster was given that honor. The Whigs 
having superseded the Democrats, the rush for office be- 
came fiercer than ever, although the Whig party had con- 
demned the spoils system of their opponents. President 
Harrison, then sixty-nine years of age, died one month 
after the inauguration. 
John Tyler For the first time in our history a Vice-President be- 
dent. came President upon the death of the chief magistrate. 

Would Tyler carry out the views of the party which had 
elected him, was the question with which the Whigs were 
concerned. At ^he opening of the special session. Clay 
prescribed the programme ivhich they were to follow. He 
demanded the repeal of the Independent Treasury law, 
the creation of a National Bank, and a new protective 
tariff law. The first was quickly accompHshed. 

Two bank bills in succession passed both Houses of 
Congress, but Tyler promptly vetoed the measures on 
"•-onstitutional grounds. Whig leaders were furious and 
every member of the Cabinet, except Webster, resigned. 
In the next regular session of Congress, a new tariff 
measure was passed considerably increasing the duties 
beyond the twenty per cent, basis which had just been 
reached under the compromise tariff of 1833. The Presi- 
dent vetoed two bills before one was presented which he 
could approve (1842). The breach between the W^higs 
and Tyler was complete. All efforts to carry out the chief 
features of the party programme were futile, and Clay re- 
signed from the Senate. 
f^e Webster remained in the Cabinet in order that he might 

Ash burton bring about some adjustment of a long-standing dispute 
rreatj^ over the boundary between the North-eastern States and 

1842. . 

Canada. The line had not been definitely fixed by the 
treaty of 1783 and numerous efforts at negotiation had 
failed. Other questions entered into the controversy, one 
of the most serious growing out of attempts by certain 
American citizens to aid the Canadian rebellion (1837). 



The New Democraci/ 



321 



The boundary situation became more critical when Maine 
sent troops into the disputed territory. This was known 
as the Aroostook War (1839). Peace was restored, but 
there was still danger of war. In 1842, a treaty providing 
for the establishment of a compromise boundary Une was 
agreed upon by Webster and Lord Ashburton who came 
as a special British Minister to Washington. The north- 
ern boundary line as far west as the Lake of the Woods 
was likewise defined. Two other provisions of the treaty 
were important. (1) In order to suppress the slave-trade, 
each nation was to keep an armed squadron cruising off 
the African coast. (2) Terms were agreed upon for the 
extradition of any one charged with murder or certain 
other crimes. 

The Dorr Reb^lion and Antirent troubles are two more illustra- The Don 
tions o: the reform spirit then prevalent (see pp. 304, 305). In Rebellioa, 
Rhode Island, the old colonial charter was in force (1842), No 
man was allowed to vote unless he held real estate worth $134 
or property renting for $7 a year, or was the eldest son of such 
a "freeman." A more liberal State constitution was adopted 
by the "People's Party." Thomas W. Dorr, who was elected 
governor by this party attempted to seize the State property by 
force and set up a government. President Tyler declared he 
would support the regular Government. Deserted by his ad- 
herents, Dorr was tried and imprisoned on the charge of treason. 
A new constitution was adopted (1842) which contained more 
liberal suffrage provisions. Dorr was later pardoned. 

Large areas of land in the State of New York were held Antirent 
by a few persons under grants, some of them going back to io^Qg^^fli^ 
the old patroon days. Tenants on certain of these lands were 
required to pay a rent in produce or money annually and, 
besides, submit to exactions of a feudal kind.* Rensselaerwyck, 
formerly a patroonship, included the greater part of Albany 
County and aU of two other counties. Some of the tenants on 
this manor refused to pay overdue rents and drove off the 
sheriff. The mil'tia was sent to his aid, and this brought on the 
Antirent troubles (1839-1846). The uprising spread to other 

* Some of the leases called for a payment of ten bushels of wheat 
for 2very 100 acres and "four fat hens and one day's service with horse 
and wagon for each 160 acres," a money payment being allowed for the 
last two items. There were other obnoxious provisions in the contract. 



322 



American History 



Texas 
indepeu- 
dent. 1S36. 



The ques- 
tion of an- 
nexation. 



The can- 
didates Tor 
President, 
1844. 



estates, and lawlessness became widespread. The antirentersL 
disguised as Indians, committed acts of violence and som* 
murders. The courts, legislature, and Constitutional Conven- 
tion (1846) took up the problem. Many prominent men and 
public opinion generally were opposed to the leasehold system, 
and finally the landlords agreed to sell the lands to the 
farmers. 

By the treaty of 1819, the United States gave up claims 
to Texas (see p. 287). Within two years (1821), Mexico 
had succeeded in becoming independent of Spain and 
offered liberal grants of land to settlers who should come 
from the United States. The frontier line of settlement 
had now advanced to the Texas border, and large numbers 
of colonists, chiefly from the slaveholding States, had 
crossed into Texas. Too late, Mexican authorities strove 
+o check this immigration of a people whose ideals differed 
so widely from their own. In 1836 the Texans seceded 
from Mexico, and their aniiy under General Sam Houston 
defeated the Mexicans at San Jacinto (April 21, 1836). 

Texan independence w^as acknowledged by the United 
States the following year and application was made to 
become annexed to this country. President Van Buren 
did not favor the proposal but when Tyler became Presi- 
dent action was hastened. Calhoun accepted the office 
of Secretary of State expressly to carry out this proj- 
ect. To that end, a secret treaty was negotiated (1844), 
but this the Senate rejected. The question then be- 
came a leading issue in the Presidential campaign of 
that year. 

Clay was given the Whig nomination by acclamation. 
While Van Buren was favored by a majority of the Dem- 
ocratic convention, his opposition to the immediate an* 
nexation of Texas, which he feared would mean a war 
with Mexico, cost him the nomination. The rule requiring 
a two 'thirds vote for nominating was adopted, and on the 
ninth ballot James K. Polk of Tennessee was named.* 
Birney was again the nominee of the Liberty party. 

* Polk was the first Presidential "dark horse." 



The New Democracy 



323 



The real issue was announced in the Democratic plat- poik 
form as *'the reoccupation of Oregon and the reannexation prgsTdlat. 
of Texas at the earhest practicable period." * Owing to 1844. 
its composite character, the Whig party made no statement 
on the annexation ques- 
tion. Clay had declared 
against immediate an- 
nexation, but in his Ala- 
bama letter, -f written dur- 
ing the caznpaign, he said : 
*'Far from having any 
personal objection to the 
annexation of Texas, I 
should be glad to see it 
annexed without dis- 
honor, without war, with 
the common consent of 
the Union and upon just 
and fair terms/' Be- 
cause of this letter, such 
large numbers of Whig 
votes were alienated in 
New York that the State 
went against Clay,t and 

its thirty-six electoral votes decided the election. Polk 
received 170 electoral votes and Clay 105. 

To President Tyler, there was no doubt about the J^^^^ 
meaning of the election. In his annual message, he de- 
clared it to be manifest that a controlling majority of the 

* Since the treaty with Spain (1819) the Oregon country had been 
held jointly by Great Britain and the United States. The Democratic 
party declared our title to all the territory as far as 54° 40' clear and 
Indisputable. 

t Written to a friend in Alabama, presumably to influence Southern - 

votes. 

t The majority of Polk over Clay in New York was 5,080. The Liberty 
party polled 15.812 votes in that State, three-fourths of them being 
drawn from the Whijrs 




Samuel F. B. Morse 



324 



American History 



Morse and 
the 

electric 
telegraph. 



people favored the Immediate annexation of Texas. A 
joint resolution passed both Houses of Congress (Febi uary 
28, 1845) providing for the admission of Texas or the 
renewal of negotiations as the President might determine. 

Four additional 
States, it declared, 
might be formed 
with the consent of 
Texas, from the ter- 
ritory. There was 
to be no slavery in 
such States north of 
36° 30'. Tyler did 
not desire further 
negotiation nor did 
he wish to leave 
final action for Polii. 
A special messenger was at once dispatched to Texas 
with the offer of annexation which was wilHngly accepted. 
Reports of Polk's nomination in Baltimore were received 
at Washington by telegraph. The line had just been com- 
pleted, as an experiment, through a Congressional ap- 
propriation of $30,000. This wonderful invention had 
been perfected after years of labor and sacrifice by Samuel 
F. B. Morse, assisted by Alfred Vail. Further aid was 
denied and a proposal to sell the patent to the Govern- 
ment was rejected. Telegraph lines were thenceforth 
constructed rapidly by private companies. 




Calhoun's Office and Home, Fort Hill, 
South Carolina 



Suggestive References and Questions 



1. Social and Economic conditions, 1830. McMaster, His- 
tory, III, 69-113. Schouler, History, III, 509-531. Wilson, 
Division and Reunion, 2-8. Robert Owen, Larned, History for 
Ready Reference, IV, 2935, 2937. Brook Farm, Larned, IV, 
2943, 2944. 

2. Comparison of Jacksonian and Jeffersonian democracy. 



The New Bemocracy 325 

Wilson, Division and Reunion, 12-21, Benton, Am. St. Series, 
64r-68 (new ed.), 70-75 (old ed.). 

3. Horace Mann on the Foundation of the Free School 
System. Old South Leaflets, No. 109. 

4. E. E. Hale, Memories of a Hundred Years, H. American 
orators of the time, 342. American historians, 43-88. 

5. The "spoils system" becomes a feature in politics; effects. 
Wilson, Division and Reunion, 26-33. Schouler, III, 451-462. 
Jackson, Am. St. Series, 187-193 (new ed.). Hart, Contem., 
Ill, Nos. 158, 160, 162. Government in State and Nation, 237, 
238. MacDonald, Jacksonian Democracy, 43-66. 

6. Was there any justification for nullification by South Caro- 
lina? The "Great Debate" and its significance. Wilson, 
Division and Reunion, 39-62. Webster, Am. St. Series, 169-199. 
Calhoun, Am. St. Series, 74-84. Hayne's speech, 228-282. 
Johnston, American Orations, I. Webster's speech, 213-228, 
Calhoun, American History Leaflets, No. 30. 

7. Compare the Nullification ordinance with the Kentucky 
Resolutions, p. 235; with the proceedings of the Hartford Con- 
vention, p. 268. 

8. Social conditions during Jackson's second administration. 
Jackson, Am. St. Series, 136-139. 

9. Was Jackson justified in his attack on the Bank? Benton, 
Am. St. Series, lia-130. Jackson, Am. St. Series 297-316; 339- 
363 (new ed.), 258-272, (old ed.). 

10. Compare the "panic" of 1837 with the crisis of 1819; 
(1) causes, (2) effects. Wilson, Division and Reunion, 86-93. 
Mc:Master, VI, 39S-405. Benton, Am. St. Series, Ch. IX. Van 
Buren, Am. St. Series, Ch. VIII. 

11. Construction of railroads. Sparks, Expansion of the 
American people, 275-289. 

12. Establishment of the Independent Treasury system. Was 
it» constitutional? Constitution, Art. I, Sec. 8, CI. 18. Wilson, 
Division and Reunion, 97, 137, 139, 140, 154. 

13. Leaders in the abolition movement and their principles. 
Burgess, Middle Period, 242-277. Wilson, Division and Re- 
union, 117-123. Hart, Contem., Ill, x\os. 174, 176, 180, 181. 
Johnston, Am. Orations, II, 102-114. Earned, History for 
Ready Reference, V, 3369, 3370. American Colonization Society. 
Earned, IV, 2925, 2926. Extracts from the Liberator. Old South 
Leaflets, Noo 7&, 



326 



American History 



14. Contest over the right of petition. J. Q. Adams, Am. St 
Series, 243-307 (new ed.). Johnston, Am. Orations, II, 115-122. 
Burgess, Middle Period, 252-277. Hart, Contem., Ill, No. 184, 
Larned, History for Ready Reference, V, 3375, 3376. 

15. James and Mann, Readings in American History, Ch. XX 

16. Hawthorne, BHthedale Romance (Brook Farm). E. E. 
Hale, New England Boyhood. T. B. Aldrich, Story of a Bad 
Boy (New England). Edward Eggleston, Hoosier Schoolmaster, 
Whittier, Anti-Slavery Poems. 




THE 

OREGON 
COUNTRY 

eCALC OF 

e~ 100 800 1 



CHAPTER XXI 

TERRITORIAL EXPANSION AND GROWTH OF THE 
SLAVERY ISSUE 

President Polk was a man who could be counted on james K. 
to carry out a party policy at whatever hazard. His reso- president, 
lute spirit was not unlike that of Jackson, who had been 1845-1849, 
his intimate friend. In private life, his standards of honor 
were high, but his public career was marred by question- 
able actions, especially in his dealings with Mexico. For 
seven terms he had been a member of the House of Repre- 
sentatives (twice elected Speaker), and was Governor of 
Tennessee one term. To a friend he announced his 
determination to bring about: (1) A reduction of tariff 
duties ; (2) the estabhshment of the Independent Treasury; 
(3) the settlement of the Oregon question; and (4) the 
acquisition of California. Supported by a Democratic 
majority in both Houses of Congress, he succeeded in 
carrying out the entire programme. 

The Oregon question first demanded attention. By Tiie 
the treaty of 1819 Spain surrendered its claims to terri- question 
tory north of the forty-second parallel. Russia and the ^1"'^*^' 
United States agreed to 54° 40' as a boundary line be- 
tween their possessions (1825). It was agreed (1818 and 
1828) that the country between these lines, known as 
Oregon, might be occupied jointly by Great Britain and 
the LTnited States. The claim of the United States to 
exclusive control of the territory was based on: (1) The 
discovery by Captain Gray; (2) the expedition of Lems 
and Clark; (3) the founding of Astoria, a fiju--trading 

327 



328 



American History 



Tariff and 
Inde- 
pendent 
Treasury. 



post on the Columbia (1811). Great Britain advanced 
claims based on: (1) The explorations of Francis Drake 
and other English seamen; (2) the complete control of 
the fur-trade by the Hudson Bay Company; and (3) the 
construction of Fort Vancouver (1825). 

After 1825 there came to be foundation for more sub- 
stantial claims on the part of the United States. American 
fur-traders began to compete with the great English 
monopoly; the first purely agricultural settlement in the 
Willamette valley was made by Americans (1832), and 
missions were estabhshed by Marcus Whitman and other 
leaders. In 1843, large companies of pioneers began to 
migrate to this land of promise.* The Democratic cam- 
paign cry (1844) was 54° 40' or fight. But it could scarcely 
be expected that Great Britain would submit tamely to 
the decree that the Rocky Mountains were to constitute 
the Western limit of her possessions, and for a time there 
was grave prospect of war. 

More than once our Government had offered to accept 
the forty-ninth parallel to the ocean as a boundary."]" In 
1846, the British Government proposed a treaty based on 
the use of the same parallel as a boundary. This proved 
acceptable, and within a short time the treaty was signed 
by the President and ratified by the Senate. J 

In his first annual message, Polk, a believer in tariff foi 
revenue only, recommended a modification of the act of 
1842 and an administration measure became a law (1S4C). 
Luxuries were to be taxed from 40 to 100 per cent., and 
iron, wool, and ordinary manufactures 30 per cent. There 
was an extended free list. This act remained in effect 
during the succeeding ten years. An act was passed re- 
storing the Independent Treasury (August 6, 1846). 



* In 1843, these immigrants numbered 1,000 persons with 140 wagons; 
in 1844, 1,400 persons; and in 1845, 3,000 persons in several companies. 

t The 49th parallel had been agreed upon (1818) as a boundary from 
ths Lake of the Woods to the mountains. 

i The area of this Oregon territory was 285.000 square miiea 



Territorial Expansion 



329 



Mexico recalled her minister from Washington (March Eventa 
28, 1845). The resolution to admit Texas as a State was war witfc 
adopted by Congress and signed by President Polk (De- Mexio© 
cember 29, 1846). General Zachary Taylor had already 
been sent with 4,000 men to the Nueces River in order to 




Monterey , 






Texas at the time of Annexation 



prevent any interference by Mexico, that nation having 
announced that the annexation of Texas meant a decla-. 
ration of war. Among other causes for friction two are 
noccworthy: (1) Mexico had met only in part the claims 
of American citizens for property which had been bought 
or seized, the amount having been settled by arbitration 
(1839). (2) The Mexicans were aroused over the aid 
given by Americans to Texas in her revolution. 

Acceptance on the part of the United States of the 



330 American History 

Polk'8 claim made by Texas to territory north and east of 

c-olic:^ the Rio Grande finally brought on the crisis. That 

Texas had any right to the territory beyond the Nueces 
and to a part of New Mexico is very doubtful. But 
Polk had resolved to secure the Rio Grande boundary, 
also the INIexican provinces of New Mexico and Cali- 
fornia, the latter by purchase. John Slidell was sent 
as a special agent to accomplish these designs by 
treaty, but the Mexican Government refused to receive 
him. Learning that the mission would probably prove 
a failure and that Mexican troops were being collected at 
INIatamoras on the Rio Grande, the President ordered 
General Taylor to advance to that river (January 13, 
1846). Taylor disregarded the demand of General Am- 
pudia that he should withdraw within twenty-four hours, 
and continued to fortify his position commanding the 
river. On April 24, a reconnbitering party of United 
States dragoons was attacked by a large body of 
Mexicans which had crossed the river, and sixteen men 
were killed. 
OMiarar The President had previously decided on a message to 

w ^846 Congress recommending a declaration of war because of 
the rejection of Slidell. Fortunately, for his purpose, news 
of this attack was received in time to constitute part of a 
special message (May 11, 1846), in which he declared: 
"War exists, and notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid 
it, exists by the act of Mexico herself." Congress and 
the people generally were inflamed by the words in the 
message: "Mexico has invaded our territory and shed 
American blood upon American soil." Congress, by 
an almost unanimous vote, provided for prosecuting the 
war. 

As in Oregon, American pioneers had already gained a 
foothold in California. The whole Western region was des- 
tined, no doubt, to come under the control of the United 
States. But it must be believed that this result could have 
been accompUshed by other means than "goading on to 



Territorial Expansion 331 

war"* a nation already weak because of internal dissension. 
Antislaveiy people bitterly opposed the war. They re- 
garded it as a means for gettLig more slave territory, f 

General Taylor continued to advance, and in two Taylor 
severe battles, Palo Alto (May 8) and Resaca de la Palma i[ro'''' '^^ 
(May 9) defeated the Mexicans under General La Vega, tirande. 
Crossing the Rio Grande, the Americans attacked JMon- 
terey, a strongly fortified city (September 21). After 
three days the Mexicans were forced to capitulate. 

A large part of Taylor's army was then transferred to 
the command of General Winfield Scott, who had been 
made chief in command, with orders to capture Vera Cruz 
and then advance to the City of Mex-jco. With his small 
force, Taylor repulsed five times as many Mexicans under 
Santa Anna at Buena Vista (February 22, 23, 1847). 

In the meantime, General Stephen Kearny led his army Ttie war in 
of about 2,000 from Missouri, a distance of 900 miles, ^^^^ 
and captured Santa Fe without firing a gun (August 18, and Caii- 
1846). He estabhshed a civil government and declared ^''''^^' 
New Mexico annexed to the United States. He then set 
out to take possession of California. Before his arrival, 
some 300 American settlers in California, although not 
aware of the outbreak of war, had revolted and set up 
their standard of independence, the "bear flag" (June 1^ 
1846). They were assisted by John C. Fremont, who wl 
on an exploring expedition. Aided by a fleet under Com- 
modore Sloat and later under Commodore Stockton, the 
conquest of Cahfornia was completed. 

Early in the year 1847, General Scott captured Vera City of 
Cruz, and then marched toward the capital city. Cerro clpTured 
Gordo, Contreras, and other desperate battles added to 

* Rhodes, History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850, 
I, 87. 

t Their views were expressed by Lowell in the Biglow Papers as fel- 
lows: 

"They just want this Cahforny 
So's to lug new slave States in; 
To abuse ye, an' to scorn ye, 
An' to olunder ve like sin." 



332 



Ameriran History 



The 

Wilmot 

Proviso. 



Treaty of 
Guada- 
lupe- 
Hidalgo, 
1848. 



the list of American victories over a valiant foe under flie 
leadership of inferior officers. American soldiers showed 
splendid ability as fighters. General Scott was pro- 
nounced "the most consummate commander of the age." 
Among his subordinate officers were Ulysses S. Grant, 
Robert E. Lee, and other young men who then won their 
first laurels. 

Scarcely ii^ i the war begun when the President applieoi 
to Congress for $2,000,000 in order to negotiate a peace 
with Mexico (August 4, 1846). Santa Anna was to be the 
agent for bringing this about.* The slavery question 
came at once into the discussion; for Northern anti- 
slavery men were opposed to adding any more slave 
territory. David Wilmot offered an amendment to the 
appropriation bill, the so-called "Wilmot Proviso," which 
provided that "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude 
shall ever exist in any territory acquired from Mexico." 
The bill was lost in the Senate. During the next session 
an appropriation of $3,000,000 was made for the same 
purpose. Supporters of the principle of the Wilmot Proviso 
strove, without success, to have it included in the act. 
Questions involving slavery were thereafter to be the 
leading issues in politics, and the spirit of sectionalism 
grew apace. 

N. P. Trist, sent by Polk, accompanied Scott's army to 
make terms as soon as the submission of Mexico was 
accomplished. Attempts to negotiate prior to the capt- 
ure of jNIexico City failed. Although Trist had been 
notified of his recall, he entered into negotiations with the 
Mexican Commissioners which resulted in the treaty ot 
Guadalupe-Hidalgo. Mexico relinquished all claim tc 
territory north of the Rio Grande to the border of Ne\^ 
jNlexico. The boundary line was then to extend to the 



* "They wanted a small war, just large enough to require a treaty of 
peace, and not large enough to make military reputations, dangerous for 
the Presidency," Benton. Thirty Years in the United States Senate IL 
6S0 



Territorial Expansion 333 

Gila River, thence to the Coiv^rado, and west to the Pacific 
Ocean. For this area the United States was to pay 
Mexico $15,000,000 and assume the claims of American 
citizens against Mexico amounting to about $3,000,000.* 
The treaty was ratified by the Senate, INIarch 10, 1848. 

The extension of slavery into thase areas was made an Was 
iss.ue in Congress when the question of organizing terri- e^g^inthe 
torial governments for Oregon, New Mexico, and Califor- territories'^ 
nia was under consideration. While under Mexican con- 
trol, the territory acquired from that nation had been 
free.f Numerous solutions were offered: (1) It was pro- 
posed to extend the Hue 36° 30', north of which slavery 
was to be excluded, to the Pacific. (2) The Wilmot 
Proviso was advocated. (3) Calhoun declared that Con- 
gress had no right to pass a law which should "deprive 
the citizens of any of the States of this Union from emigrat- 
ing with their property into any of the territories of the 
United States." (4) Senator Lewis Cass, of Michigan, 
advocated the doctrine of "popular sovereignty," then 
recently announced, which proposed that slavery or no 
slavery should be determined by the people of the terri- 
tories. The question of slavery in the Mexican cession 
became the principal issue in the campaign of 1848. A 
bill finally passed both Houses establishing a territorial 
government for Oregon under which slavery was pro- 
hibited. 

Henry Clay was again the natural leader of his party, Presideri^ 
but he was opposed by the antislavery Whigs of the i nation?, 
North. General Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, was a ^^l^s. rh^ 
3la\eholder, but had made no declaration of his principles 
and was deemed "safe." He was nominated for President 
and Millard Fillmore, of New York, for Vice-President. 
The hope for Whig success rested chiefly on the mihtary 
reputation of their candidate. 

* The area of Texas was 376,000 square miles. The area of the Mex- 
ican cession amounted to 546,000 square miles. 
+ Mexico abolished slavery in 1829. 



334 American History 

The Dem The Democratic National Convention was called on to 
ocrats. decide between two factions in New York, the "Hunkers" 
and ''Barnburners" each having sent delegations.* Both 
finally withdrew from the convention. The Democratp 
placed in nomination General Lewis Cass, a conservative, 
popular leader who advocated the doctrine of popular 
sovereignty. The convention refused to state definit' 
views on slavery; for the Democrats feared, as did th<^ 
Whigs, that their forces might be divided over such an 
issue. 
The Free- The Barnburners were willing to help defeat Cass, a 
soil party personal enemy of Van Buren, by seceding from the 
1 )emocratic party; and in a convention in which delegates 
from four other States besides New York were present, 
they placed Van Buren in nomination for the Presidency. 
Many antislavery Whigs and Democrats were dis- 
pleased with the non-commital attitude of their parties on 
slavery extension, and so these united with the Barn- 
burners to form the Free-soil party. Delegates from 
eighteen States assembled at Buffalo, and also nominated 
Van Buren for President. 

The Liberty party abandoned abolition for the more 
practical policy exclusion of slavery, and also united with 
the Free-Soilers. ''Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, 
and Free Men" were the watchwords of the party. The 
large vote received by Van Buren in New York was suf- 
ficient to turn the thirty-six electoral votes of that State 
to the Whig candidates. Of the electoral votes, 163 were 
for Taylor and Fillmore and 127 for Cass and Butler. t 

* The name "Hunker" was applied to the non-committal wing of the 
party because the members were said to "hunker" for office. 

"Barnburners" was a name given to the more radical section because 
they were so determined to carry out their views that they resembled the 
man, as one of their leaders said, "who burned his barn in order to 
destroy the rats which infested it.'* They now opposed slavery in the 
territories. Stanwood, A History of the Presidency, 229. 

t The Free-Soilers cast 120,510 votes in New York. Their total vote 
was 291,263. 



Territorial Expansion 336 

When Taylor became President he found a number of Presideei 
problems demanding prompt attention. Discord and ^^^iJP'" 
sectional feeling were increasing Northerners were 
growing steadily less tolerant of Southern \dews on slav- 
ery. They were aroused over the continuance of slavery 
and the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. The 
Fugitive Slave Act (1793) had not been effective and 
the South was demanding a new law. Texas claimed 
that part of New Mexico which lay east of the Rio 
Grande. But the most immediate need was a definite 
policy relative to the government of territory acquired 
from Mexico. 

Gold was discovered in the valley of the Sacramento Organix*- 
River (January 24, 1848). Soon, all other occupations ^'^^^^^ 
in California were nearly deserted, and thousands of ment in 
people from all parts of the civiHzed world flocked to the ^^^^^®™** 
gold fields. The "Forty-niners" (1849) numbered over 
80,000. Some crossed the plains by wagon to South 
Pass, and then proceeded along the California trail 
(see p. 296). Their sufferings were extreme, many dying 
of starvation. Others rounded Cape Horn in all sorts of 
vessels, while still others crossed the Isthmus of Panama 
and then took ship for San Francisco. 

Their only laws were those framed by the miners them- 
selves. Delegates in a convention (September, 1849) 
drew up a constitution in which slavery was prohibited, 
and appUcation was made for admission into the Union, 
as the State of California. 

The rush of population to Cahfornia revived the considera- Claytotr- 
;ion of the question of an Isthmian canal. Complications arose Bulwer 
between Great Britain and the United States over the control ^85q^^ 
of the Nicaragua route. Finally, a treaty was concluded be- 
tween Secretary of State, Clayton, and the British Minister, 
Bulwer, known as the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty (April 19, 1850). 
It was agreed that neither nation should obtain exclusive con- 
trol over the Nicaraugua route and that they should not "oc- 
cupy, colonize, or exercise dominion over" Nicaraugua, Costa 
Rica or any part of Central America. A general principle was 



336 



American History/ 



The ad- 
mission of 
California 
before 
Congress. 



Equal 

oambers 
of free and 
liave 
States. 



aay's 
fesolu- 
iions. 185&. 



also asserted whereby these nations agreed also to "extend their 
protection, by treaty stipulations to other practicable communi- 
cations" across the isthmus. 

In the meantime, scenes of intense excitement had 
occurred in the organization of the Thirty-First Congress. 
Threats of disunion were frequently uttered by Southern 
Representatives. *'I do not then hesitate," said Robert 
Toombs, of Georgia, '*to avow before this House and the 
country and in the presence of the Uving God, that if by 
your legislation you seek to drive us from the territories of 
California and New Mexico . . . and to abolish slavery 
in the District of Columbia ... I am for disunion." 
Northern Representatives asserted that dissolution of the 
Union would be steadfastly resisted. 

Florida (1845) and Texas in the same year; Iowa 
(1846) and Wisconsin (1848) had come into the Union, 
thus making fifteen free and fifteen slave States. Should 
Cahfornia be admitted as a free State the balance in the 
Senate would be in favor of the North. This the South 
was determined to resist; for there was no other slave 
territory which might then be admitted. 

The Senate became the center of the contest. Clay, after 
eight years of retirement, was again a member of that body, 
and he undertook, through compromise, to stop the agitation 
that endangered the Union. He was well suited to play 
the role of '* Great Pacificator," for, while he was himself 
a slaveholder, he advocated gradual emancipation. His 
symp athies were National, and he was at tht.t time closely 
bound by no party ties. He still showed great mental 
powers, although seventy-three years of age and physically 
weak. In a conciliatory speech he proposed the following 
resolutions: (1) To admit California with her free constitu- 
tion; (2) to organize New Mexico and Utah as territories 
without provision as to slavery; (3) to pay Texas to give 
up her claims on New Mexico; (4) to enact a more effec- 
tive fugitive slave law; and (5) to abolish the slave-trade, 
but still permit slavery, in the District of Columbia. 



Territorial Expansion 667 

These resolutions, combmed in a single measure, the Discussion 
so-called ** Omnibus Bill," became the absorbing topics r^soiu- 
tor debate in Congress and for discussion in the press and tions. 
by the people of the entire country during a period of 
seven months. 

The last speech of Calhoun constituted a dramatic 
incident in the debate (March 4). For some time his 
health had been faihng. Assisted in reaching his seat in 
the Senate, he was too feeble to deliver the speech he had 
prepared, and it was read by a friend. He called atten- 
tion to the general discontent in the South due to Northern 
agitation on the slavery question, and declared that dis 
union was certain to follow unless the North should con 
cede to the South "an equal right in the acquired terri- 
tory; " should '*do her duty by causing the stipulations 
v-elative to fugitive slaves to be fulfilled; and cease the 
agitation of the slave question." 

Webster, in his '* Seven th-of-March speech," regarded 
by himself as the most important of his life, ahenated 
large numbers of his former supporters. He maintained 
that 't was not necessary to exclude slavery from this 
territory through legislation, since by the **law of nature " 
it was already excluded. He opposed the appUcation of 
th^ Wilmot Proviso because it offended the South, and 
criticised the North for not returning escaped slaves. 
That his motive was to win favor with the South has not 
been established. Webster, while an opponent of slavery, 
beheved that the cause of union would be best promoted 
by supporting Clay's compromise scheme.* 

WiUiam H. Seward, of New York, and Salmon P. Chase, 
of Ohio, were two notable leaders of the "Conscience 
Whigs." Both opposed any compromise on a question of 
i-ight. Seward declared that the Constitution devoted the 
domain "to union, to justice ... to liberty. But there 

* Webster never regained his political prestige. The speech was com- 
mended by Southerners, but they declined to support him for the Presi- 
dency twd years later. 



338 



American History 



is a 'higher law' than the Constitution which regulates 
our authority over the domain and devotes it to the same 
noble purpose." * 




Western Part of the United States, in 1850 



The Con>- 
promise 
■of 1850. 



The "Omnibus Bill" was defeated, but separate meas- 
ures were passed which really embodied Clay's plan. (1) 
The Texas boundary was settled and that State received 
$10,000,000 to surrender its claim on New Mexico. (2"* 
California was admitted as a free State. (3) New Mexico 
and Utah were organized as territories, the question oi 
slavery or no slavery to be determined by their constitu- 



* Seward was called "traitor to the Constitution" for his higher law 
dort~ine, which was interpreted by some of his opponents as signifying 
tbo unification of the Constitution. 



Territorial Expansion 339 

tions when they should apply for admission as States. 
(4) A fugitive slave law was passed. (5) Slave-trade in 
the District of Columbia was abolished. 

In the midst of the debate occurred the death of Presi- 
dent Taylor. He had been under the influence of Seward 
and had opposed the Compromise. Vice-President Fill- 
more succeeded him, and signed the last of the bills 
(September 20, 1850). 

After the months of strife the passage of the Compromise Effects o, 
of 1850 brought a feeling of relief. Webster, Stephen A. p^omfslS" 
Douglas, and other leaders urged its acceptance. Men The Fugi- 
from all parties, in pubhc meetings, endorsed it and de- ^^^ ^^® 
nounced further agitation. But this spirit of acquiescence 
was marred by the hostility manifest in the North toward 
the Fugitive Slave Law. Radical antislavery people de- 
nounced it as "unconstitutional, immoral, and unchristian." 
Among other harsh features of this act were the following: 
The testimony of a fugitive was denied and he was forbid- 
den to have trial by jury; any citizen might be called upon 
to assist in arresting runaway slaves. The execution of the 
law was forcibly resisted in a number of States. A case 
that produced intense excitement throughout the country 
grew out of the rescue of a fugitive, named Shadrach, in 
Boston (1851). During the trial before the United States 
Commissioner, a crowd of negroes rushed through the court- 
room bearing the prisoner with them.* He made good 
his escape to Canada. 

Opposition to the Fugitive Slave Law became manifest "Personal 
in the increased number of "personal liberty laws" passed J^^^J 
by Northern State legislatures. Their main purpose, 
prior to 1850, was to prevent the removal of free negroes 
to the South on the plea that they were fugitives. A num- 

* Resistance in Boston and other cities was fostered by groups of 
influential white men organized as "Vigilance Committees." One of the 
leaders in the Boston committee, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, in 
"Cheerful Yesterdays," 132-166, relates numerous incidents connected 
with their work. 



340 



Amerwan History 



■' Under- 
ground 
raiiroad. 



ITncle 
Tom's 
Cabin. 



Presiden- 
tial elec- 
aon, 1852 



ber of legislatures now extended their application. They 
forbade keeping runaways in State prisons; imposed 
heavy penalties on State officers who should aid in their 
arrest; provided counsel for the defence of fugitives; and 
were really attempts to nullify the Fugitive Slave Law. 

Fugitives were aided in making their escape to Canada 
by the "underground railroad." The name was apphed 
to the system by which run- 
aways were concealed from 
their pursuers, and, in due 
time, were sent on to the next 
station. Buffalo, Cleveland, 
and Detroit were the leading 
terminals. There were over 
1,500 conductors in Ohio alone. 
According to the census of 
1850, 1,011 fugitives escaped 
in that year, but the number 
was probably greater. 

In the spring of 1852 Uncle 
Tom's Cabin was published, 
and, within a year, 300,000 
copies were sold in tliis country 

alone. This novel, by Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, was 
a powerful protest against the whole system of slavery, 
and it influenced public opinion at the North profoundly. 
Rufus Choate is reported to have said: "That book wili 
make two millions of Abolitionists.'' 

What attitude would the political parties assume toward 
these questions in the campaign of 1852? The Demo- 
cratic Convention, after a prolonged contest, nominated 
FrankUn Pierce, of New Hampshire, for President, thus 
passing by such leaders as Cass, Douglas, and Buchanan. 
The selection was a surprise, for the nominee was little 
known. He had been two terms in the House of Repre- 
sentatives and one in the Senate, and had served as Briga- 
dier- General during the Mexican War. In the Whig 




Harriet Beecher Stowe 

Drawn from a photograph by Saruuy 



Territorial Expansion S4l 

Convention, General Winfield Scotl, on the fifty-third bal- 
lot was victor over Fillmore and Webster. Both parties 
asserted their satisfaction with the Compromise of 1850 and 
deprecated ''further agitation of the question thus settled." 

The **Free Democratic party" (Free-vSoil party) was 
outspoken in its demands for **no more slave States, no 
slave territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national 
legislation for the extradition of slaves." They nominated 
John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, for President. 

Of the 296 electoral votes. Pierce and William R. King 
of Alabama received 254; Scott and Graham receiving 
only 42.* The Whig party never recovered from this 
defeat. The outcome shows the desire on the part of men 
at the North to maintain party integrity and to preserve the 
Union, and a comparative indifference of the great majority 
to questions of slavery. 

Travellers of the time wrote of the charm of Southern Southern 
ijociety to be found within the circle of tlie great planters, ^^^^^ 
but called attention to the incubus of slavery upon the slavery 
industrial development of the South. In 1850, the slaves 
numbered 3,200,000, the property of 347,000 persons. 
About 175,000 of these slaveholders owned fewer than 
five slaves each, and the great mass of the slaves belonged 
to some 7,500 men, each holding more than 50 slaves.f 
The "poor whites" of the South, about 2,500,000, in 
number, were forced to eke out an existence by culti- 
vating the worn-out and waste lands. 

Cotton had become, hy 1850, the leading export of the 
country. It was maintained at the South that without 
slavery the demand for this product could not be met, and 
that their prosperity would be sacrificed. But each year the 

* Of the popular votes, the Democrats had 1,601,474; the Whigs 
1,386,580, and the Free Democrats 156,667. <• 

t There were nine men who owned between 500 and 1,000 slaves each, 
and two 1,000 and over. It was upon the large plantations that the 
worst abuses of the system were to be found, where the slaves were 
frequently under the direction of hired overseers whose salaries depended 
oa the size of the crops Droduced 



342 



American History 



Immigrar 
tioa. 



Education 
in the 
So'Jtfcu 



South was becoming less able to keep pace with the 
progress of the age. With slave labor there could be little 
of that diversification of industry so characteristic of the 
North, and even agriculture was carried on at a disad- 
vantage. A careful observer declared that a day laborei 
at the North was able to perform as much work as two 
slaves, and that his food, clothing, and lodging were 
vastly better.* The South was dependent on the North- 
west for large amounts of its food supplies; and the great 
natural resources of the South, the iron and coal-fields, 
forests, and water-power had been Uttle exploited. t About 
one-fifth as much money was invested in manufactures in 
the South as at the North. The value of Northern ex- 
ports exceeded that of Southern exports by $60,000 000 
(1855), and the imports of the North were ten times as 
great as were those of the South. Of the 24,500 miles of 
railroad in the United States in 1857, the South had only 
6,800 miles. 

Slavery degraded labor, and the thousands of immigrants com- 
ing from European countries unable to compete with it, found 
homes in the North. Prior to 1842, the largest number of im- 
migrants entering the United States in a single year had not ex- 
ceeded 100,000. After 1848, the numbers coming each year were 
greatly increased, due chiefly to the terrible famine in Ireland 
(1846 and 1847) and to the pohtical upheavals in Germany and 
some of the other European countries. Besides, it was easier 
"to get on in the world " in America, and the influx of European 
immigrants continued until 1861. The largest number that came 
in a single year was 428,000 (1854), and the total number enter- 
ing during the nine years after 1851 was 2,579,000; 1,713,2^1 
had come between 1841 and 1850. 

There was a general lack of intellectual progress at the 
South; for while there were many private schools, acad 
emies, and girls' seminaries of good rank for the familie.- 

* Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, I, 134; II, 239. 

t In 1907, about one-seventh of the mineral production of the country 
came from the Southern States, and the forests yielded an income of 
$300,000,000, an income exceeded by that from cotton alone. See 
The World's Work. Vol. 14, S941-8943- 



Territorial Expansion 84ti 

of the large planters, the public school system was little 
developed. According to fae census of 1850, there were 
52,400^ schools of this grade with 2,800,000 pupils at the 
North, and in the South 18,500 schools, attended by 
582,000 pupils. 

The attitude of the South toward the problems incident Demaoc^ 
to the system of slavery has been well defined by a recent ^ 'Jjf 
Southern writer. ''Economically, it demanded," he naid, 
"that the fewest possible restrictions be placed upon the 
exchange of its two or three staple products for the prod- 
ucts of other countries, and that it be pemaitted to extend 
itself constantly to fresh lands. PoHtically, it demanded 
protection from criticism and from social and humani- 
tarian reforms and changes." * With the low tariff of 
those times, commercial restriction had ceased to be a 
grievance (as it had been tw^enty years earlier). But the 
demand for fresh lands through the extension of slave 
territory w^as being met by growing opposition at the North 
The spirit of humanitarian reform w^as growing fast in 
the North and the slaveholders were being held up to the 
world as supporters of a "barbarous" institution. It was 
merely a question of time when these two points of con- 
test between the North and South w^ould largely remove 
the indifference to slavery questions in the North; would 
break down Northern allegiance to the Democratic and 
Whig parties, and so sectionalize the country. 

Suggestive References and Questions 

1. Other problems in the controversy between Great Britain 
-and the United States. Webster, Am. St. Series, 241-253. 

2. Which nation had the better claim to Oregon in 1846? 
Why was the settlement so peaceable? Schouler, History, ly 
504-514. Burgess, The Middle Period, 311-318. Wilson, Divi- 
sion and Reunion, 147, 148. Garrison, Westward ExtensioUn 
157-173. 

* BrowQ The Lower Scuth in American Hist<-«?> ^7 SS 



344 A uierican H istory 

3. The annexation of Texas and influence on politics. Clav^ 
Am. St. Series, II, 23&-268. Schouler, History, IV, 440-461; 
465-486. Garrison, Westward Extension, 1 147-155. 

4. Do you believe adequate cause existed for war against 
Mexico? If Mexico had been Great Britain would war have 
been declared? Wilson, Division and Reunion, 149. Burgess, 
327-331. Rhodes, History of the United States, I, 87-93. 
Garrison, Westward Extension, 188-208. 

5. Were the Democratic and Whig parties justified in their 
non-commital attitude toward slavery in 1848? For what party 
would you have used your influence? Why? Cass, Am. St. 
Series, 241-261. Garrison, Westward Extension, 294-314. 

6. Discovery of gold and formation of government in California. 
Rhodes, History of the United States, I, 111-116. Schouler, V, 
130-146. 

7. Henry Clay and the Compromise of 1850. Clay, Am. St 
Series, II, 323-325; 329-337. Garrison, Westward Extension, 
320-332. 

8. Characteristics of Webster as a man and as an orator. 
Rhodes, I, 137-161. McMaster, Life of Webster, 313-324. 
Scribner's Magazine, 15. 118-127; 25, 450-464, 26, 74-84; 213- 
220. 

9. Webster and Calhoun in debate, 1850. Scribner's Maga- 
zine, 37, 57&-586. 

10. Why did Webster's Seventh-of-March speech arouse so 
much antagonism against him in the North? Johnston, Amer- 
ican Orations, II, 161-201. Garrison, Westward Extension, 
324-327. 

11. Seward and "The Higher Law Doctrine." Seward, Am. 
St. Series, Chap. V. 

12. Contrast between Webster and Clay as statesrtien. Blaine, 
Twenty Years in Congress, I, 106-108. 

13. Constitutional bases for the Fugitive Slave Law and the 
abolition of the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. Effects 
of the Fugitive Slave Act. Constitution, Art. IV, sec. 2, cl. 3'- 
Art. I, sec. 8, cl. 17. Rhodes, History, I, 208-213; 222-226; 
499-506. Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays, 132-166. Burgess, 
Middle Period, 365-375- Wilson, Division and Reunion, 174- 
\78. 

14. Uncle T om's Cabin. The author; Century Magazine, 52, 



Territ&rial Expansion 345 

699-704. The story; Atlantic Monthly, 78, 311-321. Old South 
Leaflets, No. 82. Conditions which gave rise to it and influence 
of the work. Rhodes, History, I, 278^-285. 

15. Slavery and its effects. ?7ilson. Division and Reunion, 
.117-132. Rhodes, History, I, Chap. IV. 

16. James and Mann, Readings, Chapter 21. 

17. Bret Harte, Tales of the Argonauts and Luck of Roaring 
Camp (California). Eva Emery Dye, McLoughUn and Old 
Oregon (life at Fort Vancouver). Whittier, Anti-slavery Poems. 
Lowell, Biglow Papers (first series). 



CHAPTER XXn 
SLAVERY EXTENSION AND SECTIONAL FEELING 



The Ne- 
braska 
Bill. 1854. 



Kansas- 
Nebraska 
Act. 



President Pierce, in his inaugural address, pledged 
himself to carr}^ out the provisions of the Compromise of 
1850. It seemed that the Democratic party, with a 
majority in both Houses of Congress, would be able to 
carry out its policy, and that the general tranquillity 
would be undisturbed. 

But a \dolent agitation was begun when Senator Douglas, 
chairman of the committee on territories, reported a 
bill for the organization of the territory of Nebraska out 
of that part of the Louisiana Purchase west of the States 
of Missouri and Iowa (January 4, 1854). According to 
the Compromise of 1820, slavery was excluded from this 
territory north of 36° 30'. It was now proposed that a 
State or States formed from the Nebraska territory should 
be admitted into the Union "with or without slavery, as 
their Constitution may prescribe at the time." With an 
ambition to be President and the desire, therelore, to 
secure the support of the South, Douglas had proposed tl.is 
measure. It must be said, however, that as a radical 
Democrat from the West, he, with others of that region 
beheved in the entire doctrine of local self-government. 

On January 23, he introduced a substitute bill by 
which two territories, Kansas and Nebraska, were to be 
organized. The Missouri Compromise w^as declared ''in- 
operative and void," as it had been "superseded by the 
principle-s of the legislation of 1850." A provision was 
added, the "popular sovereignty" clause, affirming it to 
346 



Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling S47 



be the " true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate 
slavery into any territory or State, nor to exclude it there- 
from; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to 
form and regulate their own domestic institutions in their 
own way, subject only to the 
Constitution of the United 
States." For nearly five 
months the measure was dis- 
cussed in Congress.* 

In the Senate, Seward and 
Chase, able opponents of 
slavery extension, were 
greatly aided in their attacks 
on the bill by Charles Sum- 
ner, Benjamin Wade, and 
Edward Everett. Chase, in 
a notable speech, urged the 
'^ejection of the measure, 
which he asserted was "a 
violation of the plighted faith and solemn compact which 
our fathers made, and which we, their sons, are bound by 
every sacred tie of obligatic'' sacredly to maintain." Doug- 
las was the "Little Giant" in its support, and never did 
his skill as a debater appear to better advantage. Having 
passed the Senate with a vote of 37 to 14 and the House 
by a small majority, the bill became a law (May- 30). 

During the progress of the discussion in Congress, the 
excitement among the people increased, and the crisis was 
brought much nearer. The act was acceptable to the 
South, for it contained a favor which had not been asked. 




Stephen A. Douglas 



* On January 24, an appeal of the Independent Democrats in Con- 
gress was published. It pertained to the original Nebraska Bill. " We 
arraign this bill," they said, "as a gross violation of a sacred pledge (the 
Missouri Compromise); as a criminal betrayal of precious rights; as 
part and parcel of an atrocious plot to exclude from a vast unoccupied 
region immigrants from the Old World and free laborers from our owa 
States, and to convert it into a dreary region of despotism iuhabited by 
masters aod slaves/' 



348 



American History 



Ten Northern legislatures protested against the passing 
of the measure; that of Illinois alone favored it. Forty- 
two Democrats in the House from the North refused to 
follow the dictation of Douglas and voted against his bill. 
Of the forty-four Northern Democrats who voted for it 
only seven were returned to the House. Thenceforth 
pohtical parties were to become more sectional 



Emiffra- 
tion to 
Kansas. 



The act did not state definitely when the question of slavery 
in a territory was to be decided by a vote of the people. Pro- 
slavery settlers from Missouri began at once to enter Kansas and 
take possession of the best lands.* Large numbers of Northern 
emigrants were sent to Kansas, and were assisted in making 
homes by the New England Emigrant Aid Company and other 
similar organizations. Tickets on the railroads were furnished 
by these companies at reduced rates, and an agent was sent to 
take charge of these parties. Assistance was also given these 
pioneers in constructing mills and carrying on other improve- 
ments. By the end of the year 1855, the New England Company 
had sent 4,000 persons to Kansas. Pro-slavery men were alarmed 
at this movement, and made active preparation to elect members 
to the territorial legislature (March 30, 1855). On the day of 
the election, 5,000 armed Missourians, "border ruffians ""as they 
were called, marched into Kansas, drove off election officers who 
opposed them, and carried the election by casting three-fourths 
of the votes. When the legislature, entirely under the control 
of pro-slavery men, met, it adopted a code of laws for the es- 
tablishing of slavery in the territory. A denial of the right to 
hold slaves in Kansas was made a crime punishable by not Tess 
than two years' imprisonment. 

At that time there were probably not more than 200 slaves in 
the territory. The emigration of slaveholders into Kansas was 
slow because they could not immediately dispose of their planta- 
tions. Besides, there was the chance of losing the right to hold 
slaves under the laws of the territory. 



¥tee State 
govern- 
ment 
formed. 



The Free State party paid no attention to the govern ■ 
ment, which they declared had been established through 
fraud, and called a convention at Topeka (October 23, 
1855). A State constitution was formed which pro- 
hibited slavery. INI embers of the legislature and State 
ofHcers were elected, and application was made to 



350 



American History 



Congress to be admitted into the Union with this Con- 
stitution. Thus two governments claimed authority in 
Kansas. 

Both parties armed for the struggle. In May, 1856, the 
antislavery town of Lawrence was entered and sacked by pro- 
slavery forces. Months of robbery, devastation, and deeds of 
violence ensued, in which men of both factions took part. Na- 
tional troops under requisition from the acting governor dis- 
persed the Free State legislature when it assembled at Topeka 
(July 4, 1856). Order was finally restored by the aid of United 
States soldiers. Two hundred lives were sacrificed in this demon- 
stration that "popular sovereignty" was a failure. 

In the meantime, the House of Representatives voted 
to admit Kansas with the Topeka constitution, but the 
Senate refused to concur. Senator Sumner, in a startling 
speech on the "Crime against Kansas," arraigned the 
whole system of slavery. He referred to Senator Butler, 
of South CaroHna, in insulting language. Two days after, 
Representative Brooks, of that State, kinsman of Butler, 
approached Sumner, seated at his desk, and beat him 
about the head with a cane. Sumner did not recover 
fully from the assault for over three years. Brooks re- 
signed his seat in the House, but was returned by an almost 
unanimous vote. Although scarcely condemned at the 
South, the attack was regarded at the North as brutal and 
cowardly, and the bitterness between the sections was 
greatly enhanced. 

The Gadsden Purchase, negotiated by James Gadsden 
(1853), consisted of 47,000 square miles of land directly 
south of the Gila River. It was acquired from Mexico by 
the payment of $10,000,000. 

American expansionists, exponents of the doctrine of 
"manifest destiny," looked toward Cuba and Central 
America. At the South, the accjuisition of Cuba with its 
large slave population, was especially in favor. President 
Polk found Spain unwilling to enter into any negotiation 
for the sale of the island (1848). 



Slavery Extension and Sectional- Feeling 351 

Lopez, a South American adventurer, led by the report that 
Cuba was on the eve of revolt, planned for an invasion of the 
island at the head of a company of adventurers. In spite of 
President Taylor's proclamation against such "filibustering" 
expeditions, Lopez, with about 500 followers, escaped in a ship 
from New Orleans, and landed in Cuba (August 12, 1851). The 
expedition was a failure, m.any of the men were killed in battle, 
and the remainder were captured. Lopez was executed and 
fifty others were shot. Excitement in New Orleans grew in- 
tense when the outcome became known. Rioters broke into 
the office of the Spanish Consul. Congress voted $25,000 as an 
indemnity to Spain for the property destroyed. Prompt apology 
was made, and the President asked for leniency in the treatment 
of the other prisoners. 

Cuban annexation was revived when Pierce became 
President. The Black Warrior, an American merchant- 
man, was seized at Havana for violation of port regula- 
tions (February, 1854). Notwithstanding the efforts of 
extremists who urged war, chiefly with the hope of gaining 
Cuba, the President accepted the settlement offered by 
Spair . 

During the controversy, Buchanan, Mason, and Soule, The 
American Ministers to Great Britain, France, and Spain, Manifest^ 
respectively, were instructed to confer on the acquisition i854. 
of Cuba. In their meeting at Ostend, Belgium, they 
drew up a paper since called the Ostend Manifesto. In 
this agreement, they declared that upon the refusal of 
Spain to sell Cuba at a fair price, since her continued con- 
trol would '^ seriously endanger our internal peace" * . . . 
" then by every law human and di\dne, w^e shall be justified 
in wresting it from Spain if we possess the power." Marcy, 
Secretary of State, disavowed this scheme, a scheme which 
proposed a policy suited to a band of highwaymen. 

After the passing of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, the call Repub- 
for the organization of a new party opposed to slavery organized? 
extension became stronger. Such a movement was set on 
foot in the North-west, where party ties were less binding 

* Danger of slave insurrection and dominance in Cuba would, it was 
feared, set an example that might be followed by slaves in the South. 



352 



American History 



Know- 

Nothing 
party. 



Presiden- 
tial elec- 
tion, 1856. 



than in the East, and July 6, 1854, a State mass-meetings 
made up of Whigs, Free-Soilers, and Anti-Nebraska Dem- 
ocrats met at Jackson, Michigan.* They denounced the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and demanded the re- 
peal of the Kansas-Nebraska Act and the Fugitive Slave 
Law. The name '* Republican" was adopted for the 
"fusion" ticket which was nominated. In eight other 
States, four of them in the North-west, fusion candidates 
were also nominated on tickets called '^ Republican" and 
"Anti-Nebraska." In the elections of 1854 and 1855, 
the new party was markedly successful. 

During these years of poUtical revolution, the 'American 
party" also showed great strength. Its adherents, fear- 
ful of the political influence of the increasing number of 
immigrants, determined that no foreign-born citizen, es- 
pecially a Roman Catholic, should be elected to office. 
All features of the organization were secret. Members 
questioned relative to the purposes of the party always 
replied: "I don't know," and thus the party came to be 
called the "Know-Nothings." This new issue proved 
particularly attractive to men who desired to escape the 
slavery question, and more than one-half the members of 
the House of Representatives in the Congress organized 
in 1855 were elected by this party. 

In the Know-Nothing National Convention (1856) 
Millard Fillmore was nominated' for President. The 
Democratic Convention nominated James Buchanan, of 
Pennsylvania for the Presidency and John C. Breckin- 
ridge of Kentucky for Vice-President. The party plat- 
form promised allegiance to the principles of the Com- 
promise of 1850 and the Kansas-Nebraska Act. Seward 
having declined to be considered a candidate for Presi- 
dent, the Republican Convention nominated John C. 
Fremont of California. One of their resolutions declared 



* A meeting of men from tiie various parties met at Ripon, Wisconsin 
March 20, and recommended that a new party should be for«ed. The 
name Republican was suggested. 



Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 353 



that Congress had both the "right and duty to prohibit 
in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy 
and slavery." The immediate admission of Kansas as a 
free State was demanded. Not since 1840 had there been 
a campaign so full of excitement. Buchanan and Breck- 
inridge received 174 electoral votes, and Fremont 114. 
1.^ Fremont carried 



irv- 




Distribution of Population in 1860 



eleven of the six- 
teen Northern 
States. The pop- 
ular vote for 
Buchanan was 
1,838,169; for 
Fremont, 1,341,- 
264; and for Fill- 
more, 874,534. 

The decade 
preceding the 
year 1857 was one 
of general pros- 
perity. Among 
the striking feat- 
ures of these good 
times were the 
rapid settlement 
of the West; im- 
proved means 
of transportation; 



Pi«sper- 
ity, 1847< 
1857. 



multiplication of inventions; development of domestic and 
foreign commerce; growth of manufactures, and the yield 
of the mines of gold, lead, iron, and coal. 

While the increase in the population of the country as Growth oj 
a whole was marked, the rapid growth of the West, due ^''® ^^^^• 
in part to foreign immigration, was particularly notable. 
Michigan increased in numbers between 1850 and 1860 
from 395,000 to 742,000; Iowa from 192,000 to 674,000, 
and California from 92,000 to 361.000. The population 



354 



American History 



Railroad 
transpor- 
tation. 



^ater 
irans- 
oortation. 



foreiga 

srado. 



of other Western States was doubled, and in some cases 
quadrupled. 

To meet the demand for greater transportation facilities 
incident to the rapid development of the country, the 
nimaber of miles of railroad was increased from 9,021 in 
1850 to 24,503 in 1857. Before 1850, seven independent 
but connecting short lines constituted the single-track 
railroad betsveen New York and Albany, but that year 
one management obtained control, an event which marks 
the beginning of the trrnik system. Three years after- 
ward it was possible to travel from the Atlantic coast to 
Chicago by railroad. St. Joseph, Missouri, was the 
Western terminus of the railroad in 1859, but routes had 
been surveyed to the Pacific Ocean. From Boston to 
New York, the average rate of speed was twenty-three 
miles an hour. Accidents were frequent, due, in the 
main, to poor road beds, iron rails, and wooden bridges. 

The National Government stimulated the building of 
railroads by making large grants of public lands to the 
States. The first of these grants was to Illinois as an 
aid in the construction of the IlUnois Central from Chicago 
to New Orleans. Alternate sections of land on each side 
of the right of way to the amount of four million acres were 
transferred to the Company, and in return the State was 
to receive a certain percentage of the gross receipts of the 
road. 

Between 1851 and 1860, 2,500 vessels were construcied 
in the United States, the largest having a tonnage of about 
4,000. During the year 1851, 800 hmnan lives were 
sacrificed because of steam-boat collisions and explosions 
The following year Congress pro^dded for an inspection of, 
steam-boats, and danger from this source was materially 
lessened. 

The American merchant marine, made up chiefly oi 
fast saiHng-vessels, was the equal of that of any other 
nation. Seventy-five per cent, of our exports and im- 
ports were carried in American l)ottoms. Numerou5» 



356 



American History 



Inven- 
tions and 
discov- 
eries. 



Manu- 
factures. 



ocean-steamer lines were aided by subsidies from the 
Government, but this custom was generally discontinued 
after 1858. The famine in Ireland increased the demand 
for American wheat and corn. In 1846 Great Britain 
reduced her import tax on foodstuffs, and thereatter 
rapidly extended the free list. Cereals valued at $22,- 
500,000 were sent from the United States in 1849, and oi 
the 4,669,000 bales of cotton produced in 1860, two- 
thirds were o-ported, Great Britain furnishing the lead- 
ing market. 

American inventive genius had never before been so 
active. The number of patents issued In any one year 
before 1849 had not exceeded 660, but during the ensuing 
ten years there was an average of about 2,000 a year. 
Among the most important of these inventions were the 
first usable electric fire-alarm (1852) ; the first successful 
steam fire-engine (1853); and the breech-loading rifle. 
About this time, Cyrus McCormick invented the har- 
vester. 

The manufacture of waterproof goods was extensive 
after the discovery by Charles Goodyear (1844) of a proc* 
ess of vulcanizing rubber. The sewing-machine invented 
by Elias Howe (1846) was a success from the first. Then 
began the transfer of the manufacture of clothing and 
boots and shoes from small shops to factories, a transfer 
which was to constitute them great industries. That year, 
Dr. W. T. Morton and also Dr. Charles T. Jackson 
demonstrated that a person might, by breathing sulphuric 
ether, become insensible to pain and afterward recover 
consciousness with no ill effects. Printing was facilitated 
through the invention of the revolving cylinder press by 
Richard M. Hoe (1847). 

Manufacturing developed rapidly, notwithstanding the 
low duties on imports. The value of American manu- 
factures, in 1860, was nearly two bilKons of dollars. This 
expansion may be Illustrated by reference to two or three 
typical industries. The amount of iron products doublec^ 



Slavery Extervsion and Sectional Feeling 357 

in five years (1852-1857), a result due largely to the im- 
proved means of communication between the factories 
and the mines of iron and coal. Pittsburg was becoming 
a leading centre of the iron industry, and the iron mines 
of Michigan were being exploited. The number of 
spindles in the cotton-mills was 1,246,000 in 1831 and by 
1860 there were five times as many. Woollen manufact- 
ures increased over fifty per cent, between 1850 and 1860. 

From the duties on imports (1854r-1856) revenue was Tariff ot 
poured into the Treasury beyond the amount necessary ^^^^* 
to cover the ordinary expenses of Government. Sales of 
public lands also brought in large sums, and the pubHc 
debt was being decreased. Congress, early in the year 
1857, passed a tariff act which reduced the average rate of 
duties to a little less than 20 per cent. No political pai-ty 
opposed the measure, and real opposition came only from 
Representatives of the Middle States and the North-west. 

Scarcely was this act passed before the country was in Panic of 
the midst of a financial crisis, the cause of which cannot ^^^^' 
be attributed to the lowering of import duties. Some 
features of the industrial ex'pansion which we have been 
considering foretold a collapse. The output of gold from 
the California mines amounted in ten years to over $500,- 
000,000, and because of the greater amount of money put 
into circulation prices rose and investment increased. 
Beiween 1849 and 1858, $700,000,000 were invested in 
the construction of railroads alone, which were frequently 
extended beyond the real needs of the country. The 
issue of bank-notes grew from $58,000,000 in 1843 to 
$214,000,000 in 1857 and loans by banks also increased 
enormously. Business on a credit basis expanded ab- 
normally and speculation became general. In August, 
1857, the Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Company- 
failed, and this caused a panic in New York City which 
spread to other cities. Banks everj-where suspended 
specie payments. The Illinois Central, the Michigan 
Central, and a number of other railroads became bank- 



358 



American History 



N'ormal 

conditions 

restored. 



Americans 
pnysically 
and 
morally. 



/^meriean 
Uterature. 



rupt. . During the years 1857 and 1858 business failures 
numbered over 9,000, with losses amounting to nearly 
$400,000,000, the blow falling heaviest on bankers and 
investors. 

Within two years, the country had recovered fiem the 
panic. Products of fields and forests, factories and mines 
were enriching the Nation 
when the shock of civil war 
came. At the close of the 
period, gold was discovered 
near Pike's Peak and silver 
in Nevada, and in 1859 oil 
was found to exist in 
north-western Pennsylvania 
in quantities sufficient to 
make it a marketable com- 
modity. 

At this time there was little 
appreciation among Ameri- 
cans of the need for physical 
exercise and hygienic food. 
Rowing was practically the 
only out-ot-doors sport then 
in vogue. Omng to the agi- 
tation for temperance, drunk- 
enness was decreasing, and 

the Christian religion had a marked influence over the 
daily Hves of men. 

This has been called the " golden age " of Ameri- 
can literature. Among the great i)rose writers were 
Emerson, Holmes, Hawthorne, Lowell, and the leading 
poets were Longfellow, Whittier, Lowell, and Bryant. To 
the list of American historians of the time, a list which 
included William Hickling Prescott and George Ban- 
croft, were added the names of John Lothrop Motley and 
Francis Parkman. Wide political influence was wielded 
by Horace Greeley through the New York Tribune. 




James Russell Lowell 
a photograph, copyright by Elliott and 
Fry 



Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 359 

which he founded. Harper's Magazine was begun in 
1850, and the "Easy Chair" became notable through the 
brilhant essays of George WiUiam Curtis. The illustra- 
tions were also a leading feature of the magazine. The 
Atlantic Monthly was founded in 1857, with James Rus- 
sell Lowell as editor. 

Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry Ward Beecher, Wendeh Public leci 
Phillips, and John B. Gough were conspicuous among the Education, 
men who instructed their countrymen through *'lyceum** 
lectures on literary subjects and reform movements. 

Public and school libraries were multiplied. District 
schools were improved through the influence of State and 
county superintendents. The numbers of city superin- 
tendents of schools were increased from 17 to 53 (1850- 
1859), and gradation in the schools was carried forw^ard 
rapidly. Sixty-four pubHc high schools had been organized 
in the years before 1850. By 1859, there were 108, and 
thereafter the increase was remarkable. Opportunity for 
securing a secondary education was given in 6,000 acad- 
emies, the pupils in these schools numbering over 250,000. 

This was a period also of most rapid increase in the num- 
bers of institutions of higher learning. Between 1800 and 
1850, 82 colleges and universities had been founded. One 
hundred and five institutions of this rank were established 
in the succeeding ten years. Coeducation obtained in a 
few of the colleges, but Iowa University was the first State 
university to admit women on terms of equality with 
men (1856). 

Early in the year 1857 agitation over slavery increased The Dred 
'because of a decision rendered by the Supreme Court of decision. 
the United States. Several years before, a negro, Dred i857. 
Scott, had been taken by his master to Illinois and to 
Fort Snelling in the northern part of the Louisiana Pur- 
chase. After his return to Missouri, he sued for his liberty 
on the ground that residenjce in a free territory had made 
him free. The case finally came before the Supreme 
Court. The decision delivered for the Court by Chief- 



360 



American History 



Kansas 
and the 
Lecomp- 
ton con- 
sUtut^ion. 



Justice Taney declared : (1) That Scott had not become free; 
and (2) that a slave or the descendant of a slave could not 
be considered a citizen of the United States with the right 
of suing in a Federal court. More important was the 
further declaration that the right of property in a slave 
was "affirmed in the Constitution"; that Congress had 
no right to legislate 
against this particular 
kind of property; and 
therefore, the Missouri 
Compromise was void, 
since it forbade the 
holding and owning of 
slaves in National ter- 
ritory. Five of the 
eight other judges sanc- 
tioned this opinion of 
the Chief -Justice. Jus- 
tice Curtis held that the 
Court had transcended 
its powers in the case 
by deciding upon the 
constitutionality of the 
Missouri Compromise. 
"The Supreme Court 
of the country ranged 
itself squarely on the side of the South; but a mightier 
force than Congress, or courts, or armies was against it — 
the force of public opinion." * 

The controversy over slavery in Kansas was still un- 
settled. Emigration from North and South continued, 
the number of Free State men increasing most rapidly. 
In the election of members to the territorial legislature, 
the Free State party, having abandoned the Topeka gov- 
ernment, secured a majority in both Houses (October, 
1857). Five months previously, this party had refused to 
* Bro^n, The Lower South in American History. 104^ 




Roger B. Taney 



Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 361 

vote for delegates to a constitutional convention^ and 
consequently the convention that met at Lecompton was 
proslavery. A constitution was drawn up which sanc- 
tioned slavery (November, 1857). By an unfair device it 
was decreed that the people were to vote for this constitu- 
tion "with slavery" or for it **with no slavery." No op- 
portunity was given to vote against the constitution as a 
whole, and even if **no slavery" carried, the constitution 
provided that the ''right of property in slaves" then in 
the territory should not be interfered with. Free State 
men refused to take part in the election, and the vote 
stood overwhelmingly in favor of the "constitution with 
slavery." 

The legislature then voted to submit the constitution 
itself to the people, and the popular vote showed a majority 
of over 10,000 against it. But President Buchanan had 
determined to force the admission of Kansas under the 
Lecompton constitution and recommended this action to 
Congress. Douglas, standing true to his doctrine of pop- 
ular sovereignty, in spite of threats from the administra- 
tion and from Southern Democrats, attacked the Lecomp- 
ton scheme as "a fraud upon the rights of the people." 
The bill passed the Senate, but failed in the House. Both 
Houses finally agreed to a measure resubmitting the ques- 
tion to Kansas voters. Should they accept the Lecompton 
constitution, the State was to receive a large grant of 
public lands. This attempted bribe was rejected by a 
decisive vote, and Kansas remained a territory until 186 1. 

The election, in Illinois, of a successor to Senator The liu. 
Douglas resulted in bringing Abraham Lincoln, who was Douiias 
the candidate of the Republicans, prominently before the debates, 
country. With confidence in his cause, Lincoln chal- 
lenged Douglas to meet him in a series of joint debates, 
and seven places for such meetings were selected. 

Lincoln was then the most eminent jury lawyer of 
Illinois, but was little known outside the bounds of the 
State. He had served in the Illinois Legislature four 



362 American History 

terms. Elected a member of the House of Representa 
tives in 1847, he showed his opposition to slavery b\ 
voting, as he himself said, ''in favor of the Wilmot Proviso 
in one way and another about forty times." His powers 
of analysis, his ability to state problems clearly, and his 
ready wit made him an effective speaker with the people 
Douglas was the best known pubHc man in the country, 
and the ablest debater in the Senate at the time. 

^ In accepting the nomination, Lincoln had stated his convic- 

tions in the famous words: "In my opinion, it [agitation against 
slavery] will not cease until a crisis has been reached and passed 
*A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this 
Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half 
free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not 
expect the House to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. 
It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the oppo- 
nents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, . . . or its 
advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful 
in all the States, old as well as new — North as well as South." * 

Douglas's Thousands of people attended the joint debates. The 
docU'u? climax was reached at Freeport when Lincoln adroitly in- 
quired whether the people of a territory, "in any lawful 
way," could exclude slavery from its limits before ad- 
mission. In reply, Douglas reasserted the doctrine of 
popular sovereignty and declarec' that the legislature of 
a territory might by "unfriendly legislation" prevent the 
introduction of slavery. This so-called Freeport doctrine 
meant the repudiation of the Dn^d Scott decision; for, as 
Lincoln said, "the territorial legislature can do no more 
than Congress can do." f Douglas was elected to the Sen 
ate, but he had lost the prize he sought, the Presidencv , 
for his influence over the Southern democracy was gone. 

* Urged by his friends to omit this statement, he replied: "The time 
has coiT>e when these sentiments should be uttered; and if it is decreed 
that I should go down because of this speech then let me go down linked 
to the truth — let me die in the advocacy of what is just and right." — 
Herndon. Life of Lincoln, pp. 398, 40C. 

+ Statement made in the debate at Jonesboro- 



Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 363 

The defeat of Buchanan's Kansas policy in the fall Election 
elections of 1858 was decisive. Douglas was the only °^ ^^^** 
Northern Democrat returned to the Senate, and a Repub- 
lican was chosen Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
In a speech made at Rochester, Seward also took a stand 
which was to make him a leader of public opinion. After 

contrasting slaveiy with free- 
dom he declared: "it is an 
irrepressible conflict between 
opposing and enduring forces, J 
and it means that the United / r 
States must and will, sooner 
or later, become either en- 
tirely a slaveholding Nation 
or entirely a free-labor 
Nation." 

The report that John john 
Brown, with his twenty-two 
followers, had seized the 
United States arsenal at Har- 
per's Ferry (October IG, 1859^ 
aroused the entire country. 
As a leader in Kansas, Brown 
had freed a number of slaves 
by force, and now he proposed to bring about the total 
destruction of slavery. His plan was to advance from a 
spot in the Virginia mountains with a small company of 
men, liberate slaves and arm them or send them to Can- 
ada. In this way, with an enlarged force he thought to 
make slaveholding insecure, and thus the owners would 
be ready to give up all their slaves. 




Brown 
and Ha*w 
per's 
Ferry 
1859 



John Brown 



Prominent antislavery leaders assisted him with money. The 
scheme to attack Harper's I erry was unknown to them, and was 
disapproved by his two sons and all of his other men. In de- 
fending themselves against the militia which had been hastily 
eimimoned, a number of men on both sides were killed. Four 
of Brown '8 followers escaped, and the survivors were riiade 



364 



American History 



prisoners by United States troops. In a fair trial, Brown waa 
found guilty and was ordered to be executed on the charge of 
treason and conspiracy "with slaves and others to rebel and 
murder." The act was that of a man who had brooded so long 
over freeing the slaves that his mind had become unbalanced on 
that one question. At the South, it was believed that the deed 
was the outcome of the teachings of the "Black" Republican 
party. That party in its National Convention condemned the 
deed as "among the gravest of crimes." Emerson expressed the 
thought of the men of more extreme views when he declared; 
"I wish we might have health enough to know virtue when we 
see it and not cry with the fools, ' madman ' when a hero passes " 




\ZI3.S.A.Douglaa 
GIZ3 John Bell 
^S J.CBreckinrldge 
Abraham Lincoln 



Election map of ISGO 



rhe 

Election 
of 1860. 



Thirty-three States took part in the Presidential election 
of ISCO, Minnesota having been admitted to the Union 
(1858) and Oregon (1S59). No National Convention ever 
excited greater interest than that of the Democratic party 
which assembled at Charleston (April 23, 1860), with a 
majority of the delegates in favor of Douglas for President. 
Southern men demanded the platform wliich declared that 
citizens might take their property into a territory without 
the right to such property being Impaired by any legisla- 
tion: a;.(l that it is the duty of the Federal Government to 



Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 365 




protect, when necessary, the "rights oi persons and prop- 
erty in the territories." Northern Democrats refused to 
go farther than to pledge support to the Dred Scott deci- 
sion or any other decision of the Supreme Court, an indef- 
inite statement which left them free to advocate squatter 
sovereignty. Unable to carry their point, most of the 

Southern delegates withdrew. 
After fifty-seven indecisive 
ballots, the Convention adjourn- 
ed to meet at Baltimore, June IS. 
In the Baltimore Convention 
another secession of Southern 
Democrats took place, and the 
split in the party was complete. 
Douglas was then nominated. 
John C. Breckinridge, of Ken- 
tucky, was made the candidate 
of Southern Democrats for President. 

The '* Constitutional Union party," made up chieHy of 
men who were drawn from the remnants of the "Know- 
Nothings" in the South and Whigs in the North, in their 
convention nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, for the 
Presidency. " No political principle was to be recognized," 
they declared, "other than the Constitution of the country, 
the Union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws." 
There was great enthusiasm in the RepubUcan Con- 
vention which met at Chicago (IMay 16, 1860). The plat- 
form adopted declared against the Dred Scott decision 
and the principle of popular sovereignty embodied in the 
Kansas-Nebraska Act. While there was to be no inter- 
ference with the domestic institutions of any State, the 
right to give legal existence to slavery in a territory was 
denied. Of the candidates, Seward was at first most in 
favor. For Republican success, it was necessary to name 
a man who could carry Pennsylvania and one of the other 
doubtful States, Indiana, Illinois, or New Jersey, and it 
was seen that Seward, who was regarded as a "reckless*' 



Split in 
the Dem^ 
cratic 
party. 



The Coa- 

stitutional 

Union 

party. 



Republi- 
can plat- 
form anc? 
nomina- 
tions 



S66 American History 

radical, could not do this. On the third ballot, Abraham 
Lincoln was nominated. Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, was 
nominated for Vice-President. 
Abraham The campaign, with its torchlight parades and mass- 

Lincoln ^. £ ^ • ^ v x rni. -o 

elected. meetmgs, was one oi most mtense excitement. Ihe Re- 
publicans carried every Northern State except New 
Jersey, which gave 4 electoral votes to Lincoln and 3 
to Douglas. Of the electoral votes ISO were for Lincoln, 
72 for Breckinridge, 39 for Bell, and 12 for Douglas. 
Lincoln and Hamlin received 1,866,452 votes; Douglas, 
1,376,957; Breckinridge, 849,781, and Bell, 588,879. 

Suggestive References and Questions 

1. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Wilson, Division 
and Reunion, 182-185. Burgess, Middle Period, Chap. 19. 

2. Kansas Emigration. Hart, Contem., IV, Nos. 36, 38. 

3. Civil war in Kansas. Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays, 196- 
234. Rhodes, History, II, 98-107; 150-168. 

4. Perry's treaty with Japan and its significance ? Schouler, 
History, V, 255, 314, 418; Old South Leaflets, No. 151. 

5. The Presidential campaign of 1856. How would you have 
voted? Seward, Am. St. Series, 133-150 (new ed.).' Wilson, 
Division and Reunion, 190-193. Rhodes, History of the United 
States, II, 210-214; 220-236. Smith, Parties and Slavery, 161- 
173. 

6. Growth of the factory system, 1850-1860. Bogart, Eco- 
nomic History of the United States, 160-167. Wright, Industrial 
Evolution, 133-142. 

7. Railroad extension, 1830-1866. Coman, Industrial His- 
tory, 23^241. 

8. The Dred Scott decision. Wilson, Division and Reunion, 
197, 198. Burgess, The Middle Period, 449-459. Hill, Liberty 
Documents, Chap. 21. Macdonald, Select Documents, No. 91, 
Am. History Leaflets, No. 23. Smith, Parties and Slavery, 
140-208. 

9. Lincoln-Douglas debates. Lincoln, Am. St. Series, I, 
Chap. 5. Wilson, Division and Reunion, 201, 202. Rhodes, 
History, II, 326-338. Old South Leaflets, No. 85. Tarbell, 
Abraham Lincoln. 307-323. Smith. Parties and Slavery, 230-233. 



Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 367 

• 

10. Personality of Lincoln and of Douglas. Burgess, Civil 
War and the Constitution, 1-27. Schouler, History, VI, 20-23; 
624-633. Rhodes, History of the United States, H, 305-313. 

11. John Brown and Harper's Ferry. Higginson, Cheerful 
Yesterdays, 199-234; 258-262. F. B. Sanborn, Life and Letters 
of John Brown, 620-632 (Higginson and Sanborn were con- 
fidential friends of Brown). Emerson, Miscellanies, 267-280. 
Whittier, Brown of Osawatomie. Blaine, Twenty Years in 
Congress, I, 154-157. Lamed, History for Ready Reference, V, 
3403, 3404. Rhodes, History, II, 401-416. 

12. The election of 1860 and its significance. Scribner's 
Magazine, XIV, 645-656 (nomination of Lincoln). Lincoln, 
Am. St. Series, I, Chap. 6. Seward, Am. St. Series, Chap. IL 
Chase, Am. St. Series, Chap. 7. Wilson, Division and Reunion, 
204-209. Blaine, Twenty Years in Congress, I, 157-171. Chad- 
wick, Causes of the Civil War, 109-122. 

13. James and Mann, Readings, Chap. 22. 

14. G. C. Eggleston, Dorothy South (Virginia just before the 
Civil War). A. W. Tourgee, Hot Plowshares (antislavery), 
Winston Churchill, The Crisis. 



CHAPTER XXIII 



SECESSION AND CIVIL WAR 



The atti- 
tude of 
Ruchanan 
toward 
threatened 
eecession. 



The seces- 
sion of 
South 
Carolina 
and six 
other 
States. 



Threats of secession in the event of Lincoln's election 
had been freely made, but they were not taken seriously 
in the North. Much significance attached to the attitude 
and poHcy of President Buchanan during the four re- 
maining months of his term. He was at first under the 
in'.uence of certain advisers in his Cabinet who sym- 
pathized with the secession movement. His position was 
now extremely w^eak and vacillating. In his message to 
Congress (December 3, J 860) the President denied the 
constitutional right of secession; but he also denied that 
the National Government had a right to coerce a State. 
He said that as yet the Southern States had no just cause 
for seceding; but, if the Northern States did not repeal 
their personal liberty laws, then revolutionary resistance 
to the Government would be justifiable. 

In Congress efforts were made to compromise the dis- 
puted slavery questions, but no general agreement was 
reached. *'The difficulty was that the Republican leaders 
were themselves opposed to any compromise and the 
Southern leaders really desired none." * On December 
20, a convention called by the Legislature of South Caro- 
lina repealed the ordinance by which that State had ratified 
the United States Constitution, in 1788, and declared that 
the State was again a "free and independent nation." 
This action was followed by the adoption of similar seces« 

* Chadwick, Causes of the Civil War, 176. Senator Crittenden, of 
Kentucky, was prominent in proposing compromise measures, 

36S 




Abraham Lincoln 
Itinax a photograph by Brady, taken at the time of his speech at Coojiar Institute, New York, in Februar 
Ur, lincoin said that this speech and the portrait here reproduced made him President 



370 



American History 



The argu- 
ment for 
State sov- 
ereignty 
and the 
right of 
secession. 



The argu- 
ment for 
National 
sov- 
ereignty. 



sion ordinances by conventions in Mississippi (January 9, 
1861), Florida (January 10), Alabama (January 11), 
Georgia (January 19), Louisiana (January 26), and 
Texas (February 1). 

The arguments and causes stated in justification of the 
legal right of secession were drawn from Calhoun's teach- 
ings. They were well set forth in South Carohna's 
ordinance,* and were answered by Lincoln in his in- 
augural address of March 4, 1861.t From these two 
documents, then, we may draw a fair summary of the 
points in dispute. 

1. As to the origin and nature of the State and Na- 
tional governments, it was argued that (a) by the 
Declaration of Independence each colony became a free 
and independent State, and that each exercised its sepa- 
rate sovereignty; (b) under the Articles of Confederation 
each State retained its "sovereignty, freedom, and inde- 
pendence"; (c) by the treaty of 1783 the freedom and 
sovereignty of the separate States were acknowledged; 
(d) the adoption of the Constitution was merely the form- 
ing of a compact, the General Government being th-j 
common agent of the sovereign States, ha\dng powers that 
were limited to the express terms of the grant; (e) in 
every compact "the failure of one of the contracting par- 
ties to perform a material part of the agreement, entirely 
releases the obligation of the other." • 

To this argument Lincoln repHed that (a) the Union is 
older thaji the Constitution. Originating in 1774, it was 
strengthened by the Declaration of Independence and by 
the adoption of the Articles of Confederation.. It was 
made "more perfect" by the Constitution, (b) "Per- 
petuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental 
law of all national governments. It is safe to say that no 
government proper ever had a provision in its organic law 
for its own termination." (c) If the Constitution were a 

* American History Leaflets, No. 12. 

t American History Leaflets, No. 18 and Old South Leaflets, No. H. 



Secession and CivU War 371 

mere compact, it could not be legally broken by less than 
all the parties who made it. (d) Therefore, no State, 
upon its own mere motion, can lawfully mthdraw from 
the Union. 

2. As to the causes leading to secession, the ordi- Grievancaj 
nance of South CaroUna stated that (a) fourteen of the south. 
Northern States had deliberately refused to fulfill their 
Constitutional obligations with reference to fugitive 
slaves by obstructing Federal laws and passing laws cal- 
culated to nulhfy them, (b) The North had \iolated the 
spirit of the Constitution by denouncing slavery as sinful; 
by permitting abolition societies to flourish; by denying 
the right of slave property in territories; by admitting 
negroes to citizenship; and, finally, by fonning a sec- 
tional party and electing to the Presidency a man who 
beheved that slavery could not permanently endure in 
America, (c) In consequence, the equal rights of the 
Southern States would be lost. "The slaveholding 
States will no longer have, the power of self-government, 
or self-protection, and the Federal Government will have 
become their enemy." 

Answering these statements, Lincoln declared that (a) The 
the slavery questions upon which Northerners and South- ^^^^ ®™ 
erners differed must be decided by majorities. If the 
minority were not satisfied with the decisions, their only 
alternative was revolution, (b) The Repubhcans had no 
feitention to interfere with slavery in any State; on the 
contrary, they had recommended a Constitutional amend- 
ment providing that the Federal Government should never 
interfere with it there. 

During the months when se( esslon was contemplated and Active 
accomplished, the authorities of the seceding States seized [lo^ns^f^ 
nineteen forts and seven arsenals situated within their bor- war mad« 
ders, together with vast amounts of arms and ammunition seceding 
belonging to the United States Government. Only four states, 
forts remained in the hands of Federal troops : Sumter, in 
Charleston harbor; Taylor, at Key West; Jefferson, at 



372 



American History 



The for- 
mation of 
the Con- 
led eracy. 



n e Con- 
federate 
Constitu- 

tiOQ. 



Fortugas; and Pickens, at Pensacola. At the same time 
Southern State legislatures organized armies and ap- 
propriated large sums of money for military purposes. In 
Charleston harbor, Major Robert Anderson removed his 
small command from Fort INIoultrie to Fort Sumter, the 
latter being easier of defence. Work was carried on in 

preparation for resisting an 
attack; but the Grovernmenl 
at Washington took no ac- 
tive measures to make Fort 
Sumter secure. President 
Buchanan even permitted 
himself to reply to com- 
missioners from South Caro- 
lina who demanded its 
surrender. In January a 
weak attempt was made to 
reenforce Sumter; instead 
of sending a man-of-war 
the Government dispatched 
the Star of the West, a mer- 
chant vessel, with provisions 
and recruits from New York. 
This was fired upon from Fort Moultrie and turned back. 
On February 4, 1861, delegates from the seven seced- 
ing States met at Montgomery, Alabama, and drew up a 
provisional constitution for the ''Confederate States of 
America." They elected Jefferson Davis President, and 
Alexander H. Stephens Vice-President. A permanent con 
stitution was later adopted, and this went into effect in 1862. 

The Confederate Constitution was modelled upon that of the 
United States. But it provided expressly for the sovereignty 
of the States; forbade protective tariffs; expressly confirmed 
the right of property in slaves; provided for the protection of 
slave property in any territory acquired; and made the Presi- 
dent ineligible for a second election, after a term of six years. 
Cabinet members might debate, but not vote, in Congress, and 
the President might veto individual items of appropriation bills. 




Jefferson Davis 
From a painting in the Westmoreland Club, 
Richmond. Va., by permission 



Secession and Civil War 373 

President Davis, previously a Senator from Mississippi, was a Davte aw^ 
radical State sovereignty man; he was well qualified by political Steplwafe 
experience for his position. Alexander H. Stephens was physically 
almost an invalid, but by the power of a strong will he had 
become active and influential in the politics of Georgia. He 
had opposed secession, but, like many other Southerners of 
prominence, he considered himself bound to follow the fortunes 
of his State. His election was a recognition of the old Southern 
Whii; element and of the importance of Georgia in the Con- 
federacy. 

From February 4 to 27, a Peace Conference held its An effort 
sessiojis in Washington, twenty-one States (fourteen non- Sn*^atew 
slaveholding and seven slaveholding) being represented. 
The delegates were men prominent in public life, and ex- 
President John Tyler was the chairman. Recommenda- 
tions were adopted for Constitutional amendments strength- 
ening the position of slavery. But these were not ac- 
cepted by Congress. The latter passed a resolution pro- 
posing an amendment to the effect that the Constitution 
should never authorize Congress to interfere with slavery 
in any State. The Republican leaders showed their con- 
servatism in supporting this amendment, and they voted 
for a law organizing the territories of Colorado, Nevada, 
and Dakota without any restriction as to slavery. The 
Southern leaders, on the other hand, desired no such 
concessions. They were either convinced that a separate 
slaveholding confederacy was desirable, or that the 
Southern States could make still better terms for slavery 
when out of the Union. Few believed that the North 
would fight to preserve the Union; as few Northerners be- 
lieved that secession would be maintained by force of arms. 

In his first inaugural address, President Lincoln skil- Lincoln's 
fully turned aside the thoughts of the people from per- [j[aueurat 
plexing slavery questions * and centered them upon the March 4. 
momentous issue involved in the preservation or the dissolu- 

* He stated the policy of the Republican party as his own in saying, 
" I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institu- 
tion of slavery where it exists. I believe I have no lawfuJ. right to do 
60. and I have uo inclination to do so." 



1861. 



374 



Arrierican History 



rhe 
Cabinet. 



Attempt 
to relieve 
Fort 
Sumter. 



Effects of 
tne firing 
on Fort 
Sumter. 



^K i,*«5 



tion of the Union. From his standpoini the Union was 

still unbroken; "acts of violence against the authority o! 

the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary." 

It was his sworn duty to execute the laws of the Nation 

and ''to hold, occupy, and possess the property belonging 

to the Government." He stated in clearest terms the argu 

ment against the constitutionality 

of secession, and closed with an 

appear to the better natures of his 

dissatisfied countrymen of the 

South The inaugural tended to 

unify Northern sentiment, and the 

same effect followed the selection 

of the Cabinet, with Seward, 

formerly an antislavery Whig, 

as Secretary of State, and 

Chase, formerly an antislavery 

Democrat, as Secretary of the 

Treasury. Simon Cameron 

was made Secretary of War, 

and Gideon Welles became Secretary of the Navy. 

For several weeks Lincoln made no attempt to recapt- 
ure the forts that had been seized by Southern States, for 
fear of seeming to become the aggressor. In the mean- 
time, provisions were running low at Fort Sumter, Lin- 
coln finally determined that an expedition should go from 
New York to its relief. Thereupon the Confederate 
authorities decided to reduce the fort before this succor 
could arrive. Consequently, the early morning of April 
12 saw Fort Sumter the center of fire from batteries ten 
times its strength in Charleston harbor. For thirty-four 
hours the brave garrison held out, and then made an 
honorable surrender. 

The effect of this event was tremendous. The firing 
upon the flag went far toward unifying Northern senti- 
ment. In the South, too, there was great enthusiasm. 
On April 15, President Lincoln issued a proclamation 



Salmon P. Chase 



Secession and Civil War 



375 




Light BouK' 
Inlet Ci 





SCALE OF STATUTE MILES. 



calling out 75,000 militia to suppress the insurrection. 
To adherents of State sovereignty doctrines, it was now 
certain that the sacred limits of their States were to be 
"invaded" by Federal troops. Consequently, Virginia, 
Tennessee, Arkan- 
sas, and North Car- 
olina soon withdrew 
from the Union. 

The secession 
of Virginia was of the 
greatest importance, 
on account of her rank 
in population and 
weahh and her geo- 
graphical position. 
She carried out of the 
Union two of her most 
brilliant sons — Robert 
E. Lee and Thomas J.' 
Jackson, both West 
Point graduates. The 
Confederate Govern- 
ment seized Harper's Ferry, the navy yard near Norfolk, and 
ships, cannon, powder, etc., worth $10,000,000. 

Events now moved rapidly. President Davis issued a The block- 
proclamation inviting the owners of vessels to accept let- f^J^^ggg^*-^ 
ters of marque, and thus, as privateers, to prey upon 
Northern commerce. President Lincoln responded with 
a proclamation declaring a blockade of all Southern terri 
tory. It was made a crime for any person to trade with 
the people of the States in insurrection either by land or 
by water. As soon as possible vessels were stationed out- 
side the harbors of all Southern ports to stop foreign com- 
merce. In the course of a year or two this blockade 
became very effective, for, with the exception of an occa- 
sional "blockade-runner," no vessel could enter or leave 
a Southern port. The main source of income at the 
South — the sals of cotton — ^was now cut off, and the pro 



Charleston Harbor 



376 



American History 



rhe ac- 
knowledg- 
ment of 
belliger- 
ency by 
foreign 
nations. 



curing of arms and ammunition was rendeied very diffi- 
cult. The cotton crop, was also the basis for Confederate 
credit abroad, and the blockade indirectly injured the 
sale of Confederate bonds. 

On May third a second call for troops was issued by 
Lincoln; this time for volunteers to enlarge the regular 
army. Similar calls were made by the Confederate Gov- 
ernment. Eager responses came from both sections. The 
capital of the Confederacy was now moved to Richmond, 
and it was evident that each side would strive to capture 
the other's capital city. 

The English Government first, and later, other Euro- 
pean nations, announced that they recognized the Con- 
federate States as belligerents. From their standpoint 
the Southern Government was not in insurrection, but 
was on an equal footing with the Federal Government 
as a party to the war. These nations would now be sup- 
posed to observe the rules governing neutrals in their 
relations with both sections. This action was extremely 
favorable to the Confederacy, and its officers hoped next 
to secure the recognition of its independence. 

The recognition of the Confederacy as a belligerent by Euro- 
pean powers is regarded as justifiable by the best authorities, 
inasmuch as Lincoln's blockade proclamation virtually ac- 
knowledged that a state of war existed.* If the Confederate 
t people were belligerents, then, from the standpoint of inter- 

national law, they were not rebels and had not committed trea- 
son; consequently, if captured or conquered, they must be 
treated as prisoners of war and not as traitors. Such treatment 
was, in fact, accorded to them. In the ports of the European 
powers acknowledging belligerency, Confederate vessels were en- 
titled to the same privileges as vessels of the United States navy. 

The battle There now arose throughout the North the cry, "On 
Bull Run, *^ Richmond." This could not be resisted indefinitely, 
July 21, though the army protecting Washington was yet in a raw 
and undiscipHned state. Accordingly, on July 2], 1S61, 

* See Foster. A Century of American Diplomacy, 336-327. Rhodes. 
History of United States, J II, 420, note. 



1861. 



Secession and Civil War 



377 



a force of 30,000 troops under General McDowell moved 
against the Confederate army stationed at Manassas 
Junction, under General Beauregard. At first, the battle 
was favorable to the Federal troops, but in the afternoon 
reenf orcements were brought to their opponents by rail 
from the Shenandoah valley. The result v/as defeat and 
a disgraceful panic 
that carried the 
Union troops back 
to Washington badly 
demoralized. The 
effect of this battle 
upon the North w^as 
salutary; it aroused 
their determination, 
and showed that dis- 
ciphne and thorough 
prepara'ion were es- 
sential. In the South 

there was undue elation; the opinion that all "Yankees** 
were cowards was strengthened, and the general effect 
was anything but good. 

It was now evident that a great war was to follow. Let 
us glance at the resources and advantages upon which 
each side could count in the struggle. 1. The North 
greatly exceeaed the South in both population and wealth.* 
This advantage was to a considerable extent offset by the Popnia 
fact that the North must assume the offensive, while the 
South was to act on the defensive. f The South also had 
the moral advantage accruing to the army that stands in 
defence of its homes, as against the troops who attempt to 
invade and conquer a strange country. Besides, there is 







The Vicinity of Washington 



Com 

parison :?1 
North ace 
South. 



tion ai 

wealth 



* In the eleven seceding States there lived 9,000,000 people, 3,500,000 
of whom were slaves. The population of the twenty-three loyal States 
was 22.000,000. 

t The proportion of 5:2 in population is regarded by authorities as not 
too laige to match ^.^^^eniy the sections in view of this fact. 



378 



American History 



indus- 
tries. 



the fact in military science that the former army may 
operate on "interior lines," thus covering a smaller terri- 
tory in their movements. The various detachments of 
this army may thus be in closer contact with each other 
than are the wings of the attacking army, and the trans- 
portation of troops and supplies becomes a simple^ 
problem. 

2. In the number and extent of its industries, the North 
greatly surpassed the South. Since the latter was par 



"^i 












<^\m£':'-'B--/---' ■----'>.-. 





^ '^— -r-'V^HSr GROUP c^-^ 



WA DnimStatu 

t\V) Firtt Group qf Sece<Hng'^ 



I GULF - ~ 



.F OF JiEXlCO 




The United States in 1861 



Character 
or people. 



tially dependent upon other sections for its food supply, 
it must to some extent change its crops; further, new in- 
dustries must rise in the form of foundries, mills, and 
factories. 

3. The North was a land of business men, many of 
them accustomed to the prompt and efficient management 
of large undertakings. In the South, on the other hand, 
we find a people showing greater aptitude for army life 
than were the shopkeepers, clerks, and mechanics of the 
North ; this is accounted for by their agricultural life, their 
constant use of fire-arms, and their skill in horsemanship. 



Secession and Civil War 379 

4. The commerce of the North was one of its chief ad- comweroe 
vantages. Its great merchant marine was at first un- ^^^ '^*^- 
protected, and, as a consequence, many vessels were capt- 
ured by Confederate cruisers ; the owners of many others 
transferred them to the flags of neutral nations. Yet 
facilities for converting merchantmen into war-ships and 

for building new ones were abundant, and a large navy 
was rapidly acquired. In the South, on the other hand, 
few vessels were owned and there were inadequate facili- 
ties for ship-building. 

5. The North had the traditions and the machinery of Govern- 
a well-established government. On the other hand, the ^^^ ' 
Confederacy had a President who was a West Point gradu- 
ate, and a group of talented generals, similarly trained. 

6. The importance of physical geography in determin- physical 
ing the course of the war can hardly be overestimated. fn°h?^^^ 
Speaking broadly, we may say that in the East geo- East. 
graphical conditions favored the Confederacy, while in the 

West the advantage was with the Union forces. The 
Federal army in Virginia found a succession of broad 
rivers lying across their line of progress toward Richmond. 
Bridges were few, and rains frequently rendered their 
fords impassable. The Virginia swamps and forests con- 
stituted another barrier. The Shenandoah valley gave 
the Confederate army a great advantage. Besides its 
food-producing capacity, this valley formed a sheltered 
highway for incursions into Northern territory. These 
raids brought the Confederate troops dangerously near to 
Washington; while a counter attack by the Union troops 
was rendered less effective by the westward trend of the 
valley, which carried them farther away from Riclimond 
as it proceeded southward. Counterbalancing to some 
extent the advantage of the Shenandoah valley, the North 
used Chesapeake Bay as a highway for moving troops and 
supplies toward Richmond. 

West of the mountains, broad water-ways led from Union in the 
soil into* the heart of the Confederacy. By way of the ^^s** 



380 



American History 



The border 
States. 



efforts to 

obtain 

foreign 

recogni' 

Uoa. 



Tennessee and Cumberland rivers the first great ad- 
vance was made, while the Mississippi River furnished the 
opportunity for cutting the Confederacy in two. These 
water-ways were much more effective for the movement 
and supply of an army than were either wagon roads or 
railways. The lack of river steamers, and the means of 
building them, in the South, gave these advantages to her 
opponents. 

In determining the lines along which the armies were to 
contend, as well as their relative strength, much depended upon 
the attitude of the border States. The people in Maryland, in 
general Southern sympathizers and at first defiant of National 
authority, were soon controlled by the presence of Federal 
troops. Physical geography determined the opposition of the 
western counties of Virginia to the secession of that State. 
Here a convention acted upon the legal theory that the State 
government of Virginia remained in the hands of its loyal citi- 
zens. Subsequently, a new State government was formed and 
admitted into the Union as West Virginia (1862). 

In Missouri, the issue between the two forces was for some 
time doubtful. Much credit is due to Francis Blair and General 
Lyon for organizing the loyal citizens and finally securing con- 
trol of the State government. But many battles were yet to 
be fought before the Confederate army was driven from Mis- 
souri. In Kentucky, a strong faction, including the Governor, 
■wished to keep that State in a condition of "armed neutrality." 
But this movement was overcome by a loyal Legislature, while 
through the tact of President Lincoln, acts of aggression on 
Kentucky soil, which would have alienated many of wavering 
allegiance, were carefully avoided. 

In all the border States, the people furnished reenforcements 
to both armies. The eastern sections of Kentuclcy and Ten- 
nessee, where slavery could not flourish on account of physical 
conditions, were strongly loyal to the Union. From this region 
thousands of troops went into the Union army. 

The Confederacy strove from the beginning to gain 
the friendly influence of European governments, hoping 
to be recognized by them as an independent nation. This 
would result very favorably in the financial centers of 
Europe. It was also hoped that foreign governments would 
take the more radical step of intervention by. force, for 



Secession and Civil War 381 

the purpose of compelling the North to abandon the 
blockade. James M. Mason, of Virginia, and John Sli- 
dell, of Louisiana, were accredited by the Confederacy as 
Ministers to England and France respectively. In October, The Trenf 
1861, they passed through the blockade, landed at Havana, ^^^^^• 
and soon after sailed for England in the British merchant 
vessel Trent. Captain Wilkes commanding a United States 
war-ship, overtook the Trent near the Bahama Islands, 
and forcibly removed Mason and Slidell. He then allowed 
the Trent to proceed on its voyage. 

The excitement following the news of this incident was in- its fortu- 
tense. In the United States Wilkes was hailed as a hero, se^ttiement 
recei\ing the thanks of the Secretary of the Navy and Con- 
gress. In England, both official and popular hostility were 
displayed, and active preparations for war were begun. 
The British Government demanded the release of the pris- 
oners and an apology. Careful consideration of the case 
by Lincoln and Seward led them to the conclusion that 
Wilkes's act could not be justified. It was apparent that 
Mason and Slidell with their oflicial papers might be re- 
garded as contraband and so subject to seizure on the 
vessel of a neutral power. But the vessel should have 
been conveyed to a port of the United States, where a 
court of admiralty might determine the facts before 
seizure should be made. Wilkes had err(,il *^ not follow- 
ing this procedure. Sino the United States Government 
had not authorized his ac , it was now in a position to dis- 
avow it without suffering loss of dignity. The Confeder- 
ate agents were therefore released. Thus a possible war 
that would have been disastrous to the Nation was avoided. 

As the result of Union successes in all of the border Operatiou^ 
States, the Northern limit of the Confederacy was pushed wesu 
considerably South of Mason and Dixon's line. In the 
W^est, Confederate troops held Columbus, New Madrid, 
and Island No. 10 on the Mississippi; also Forts Henry 
and Donelson, on the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers, 
and Bowling Green, a railway junction in central Ken- 



382 



American History 



Onion 

advance 

1862. 



tucky. Union forces were stationed at St. Louis, Cairo 
(Illinois), and Paducah (at the mouth of the Tennessee 
River). From the last point, General Halleck, command- 
ing the army in the West, ordered General Grant to pro- 
ceed against the cen- 
ter of the Confeder- 
ate line of defence. 
Accordingly, Grant's 
army was transport- 
ed up the Tennessee 
River and, supported 
by a flotilla of gun- 
boats under Comn o- 
dore Foote, secured 
at once the surren- 
der of Fort Henry 
(February 6, 1862). 
Fort Donelson made 
brave resistance, but 
fell soon after. The 
Confederate prison- 
ers numbered 
15,000. 

This advance in 
the center ren- 
dered Columbus 
and Bowling Green 
untenable, and 
they were aban- 
doned by the Confederates. New Madrid and Island 
No. 10 fell after a vigorous attack by the Union fleet. 
At the same time a Union army under Buell ad- 
vanced to Nashville, from which the Confederates with- 
drew toward Chattanooga. Between Memphis and Chat- 
tanooga ran an important line of railway, and its 
center was held by an army under General Albert 
Sidney Johnston, at Corinth, where this line connected 




The Seat of War in the West 



Secession and Civil War 



383 



with a north and south railway running through ]MIss- 
isslppi. 

The next advance of Grant's forces took his army to 
Pittsburg Landing on the Tennessee River. Here John- 
ston's army attacked him, and one of the most bloody and 
decisive battles of the war was fought — the battle of Shiloh, 
April 6-7, 1862. After a partial defeat on the first day, 
the Union forces,, reenforced by Buell, drove the Con- 
federates from the field on the second. General John- 



Battle of 
Shiloh. 







tm 



The Cairo — A Mississippi River Gunboat 

From a photograph 



I 



ston was killed during the battle and General Beauregard 
succeeded to the command. To say that the losses in 
killed and wounded on each side were not far from 10,000 
men, conveys but a slight idea of the horrors attending 
this important victory. Corinth soon fell into Federal 
hands. This compelled the abandonment of INIemphis, 
and the Mississippi River was open as far as Vicksburg. 
Vigorous advance movements might now have resulted 
in the capture of Vicksburg and Chattanooga; but this 
was not to be. The first attempts against Vicksburg 
were unsuccessful; while much more fighting was nee- 



384 



American History 



The capt- 
ure of 
New 0> 

leans, 
1832. 



The Mon- 
iter and 
'iKirimac. 



essary* before the Confederate army under Bragg was 
finally compelled to withdraw to Chattanooga. 

In April, 1862, Admiral Farragut captured New Orleans. 
With his fleet of gun-boats he silenced the forts (Jackson 
and St. Philip) which 
guarded this city, and at 
the same time destroyed 
the Confederate river 
fleet. The loss of New 
Orleans was a heavy 
blow to the Confederacy. 

At the same time prog- 
ress was being made 
along the Atlantic sea- 
board, where the Fed- 
eral navy seized many 
important points. f But 
disaster to the navy and 
danger to Washington 
were threatened when the 
Confederates constructed at Norfolk navy yard a new kind 
of war-vessel protected by an iron armor.J: On March 8, 
1862, this war-ship, known as the Merrimac, attacked and 
sunk in Hampton Roads two of the best vessels of the 
Union fleet, and on the day following returned to destroy 
two more steam frigates, each carrying forty guns, but ut- 
terly powerless against the Merrimac. By one of the most 
fortunate and dramatic coincidences in our histcty, there 
had arrived during the night from New York another type 

* Bragg's army made a raid northward, drawing the Union army 
under Buell into a race back through Tennessee and Kentucky as far a? 
Louisville. Then Rosecrans succeeded Buell, and, in turn, the Con- 
federates withdrew southward. Later, Bragg was defeated at Murfrees- 
boro (December 30, 1862- January 2, 1863). 

t Forts were taken at Hatteras Inlet, North Carolina; and at Port 
Royal, South Carolina, causing the evacuation of Beaufort. Tybee Island, 
near Savannah, and Roanoke Island, North Carolina, were captured. 

t England and France had previously built a few iron-clad vessels. 




John Ericsson 



Secession and Civil War 



385 



of iron-clad — the Monitor, designed by John Ericsson. 
Upon the low deck of a vessel an armored turret had been 
erected, carrying two guns and revolved by machinery 
placed in the hold beneath. The battle that ensued de- 
termined the superiority of this vessel over the Merrimac. 
As the result of this test of iron-clads against wooden ves- 
sels, the navies of the world had to be rebuilt. 

After the defeat at Bull Run, the Government called to 
the command of its army at Washington a young and 
brilliant officer who had been winning ^success for the 
Union in western Virginia, General George B. McClellan. 




McClel- 

lan's 

Peninsular 

campaign, 

1862. 



Transverse Section of the Monitor through the Center of the Turret 



During the remainder of 1861 and the winter that fol- 
lowed, McClellan accomplished a great service in organ- 
izing and training the army under his charge. He pro- 
posed to attack Richmond by way of the peninsula 
between the York and James rivers. His plan was finally 
agreed upon, though it involved great risks; (1) because 
it necessitated the withdrawal of the largest part of the 
army from the defence of Washington, and (2) because 
the Merrimac, then at Norfolk, might threaten his com- 
munications.* Landing his arm.y of 53,000 at Fort 
Monroe April, 1862, McClellan laid siege to Yorktown, 
where he was opposed by 11,000 Confederates under 
General Joseph E. Johnston. In this part of the cam- 

* In May, 1862, Norfolk was captured and the Merrimac was sunk by 
the Confederates. 



386 



American History 



Financial 
measures 
m support 
of the war. 




paign McClellan displayed his great weakness as a com 
mander — irresolution, slowness, and continual over 
estimation of difficulties and of the enemy's forces. 
When his army, after several weeks, finally reached the 
vicinity of Richmond, the reenforcements that McClellan 
had expected to receive from Washington were denied him, 
for the reason that the Confed- 
erates were making a counter- 
demonstration down the Shenan- 
doah valley, and all available 
troops were needed for the de- 
fence of Washington. McClellan 
regarded himself as seriously ham- 
pered. His army was now vigor- 
ously attacked by the enemy in 
a series of battles lasting for seven 
days. McClellan stubbornly re- 
sisted these attacks and skilfully 
conducted a retreat, at the same 
time changing his base from the 
York to the James River. Gradually the army of the 
Potomac, upon which the Union had fixed its hopes, was 
withdrawn and the Peninsular campaign ended in failure. 

Among the important battles of this campaign were those of 
Mechanicsville, Seven Pines or Fair Oaks, and Malvern Hill. 
General Jolmston, who was wounded, was succeeded by General 
Robert E. Lee. The latter had been an officer in the regiilar 
army of the United States and was offered the command of the 
Union troops before the firing on Fort Sumter. When Virginia 
(his native State) seceded, he reluctantly r Jgned his commis- 
sion and entered the Confederate service. 

During the closing months of Buchanan's administra-! 
lion, the Treasury was "practically empty, the adminis- 
trative departments disorganized, customs receipts almost 
at a standstill, the debt increasing, and the Government's 
credit ebbing away." Bonds were sold as low as $85 on 
the $100. When Congress met in special session, July, 



George B. McClellan 

Major-General, 1S61-1862 



Secession and C^^'nl War 



387 



f^^ L.. 



2861, it promptly enacted measures to meet the financial 
needs of the nation: (1) The Secretary of the Treasury, 
Salmon P. Chase, was authorized to borrow $250,000,000 
on bonds. (2) Tariff rates were somewhat increased. 
(3) A direct tax of $20,000,000 was levied and appor- 
tioned among the States (Constitution, Article I, sect'oiii 
2, clauses). (4) A 
tax on incomes 
(three per cent, on 
the excess over $800) 
was levied. The 
machinery for the 
collection of the new 
taxes had to be cre- 
ated, and this re- 
quired time. Mean- 
while there was great 
uncertainty as to the 
outcome of the war 
and the attitude of 
foreign nations. 
Consequently the debt increased and the Nation's credit 
declined. 

At the outbreak of the war the money in use iii the country 
was (1) United States coin, which, with the exception of the 
iractional currency, was gold; and (2) paper money issued by 
some fifteen hundred State banks. Several thousand varieties 
of these bank-notes were in circulation, a great many of which 
were spurious. The value of any particular kind depended 
upon the reputation of the issuing bank, was subject to fluctua- 
tions, and varied in different locahties. The best banks, situ- 
ated in the financial centres, regularly redeemed their notes in 
gold. The situation was complicated when, in 1861, Congress 
authorized - the issuance of a paper currency in the form of 
"demand notes," which the Government undertook to redeem 
in gold on demand. 

The unstable conditions during the last months of 1861 
f*aused the pubhc to lose confidence in the ability or wilhng- 
ness of the banks and the Government to redeem theii 




V Norfolki 

\ 'V o 



McClellan's Campaign in Virginia, 1862 



Paper 
money of 
tue timea 



The sus- 
pension of 
specie 
payments. 



388 



American History 



paper currency in specie. Such quantities were presented 
for redemption that the stocks of gold in reser\'e were 
exhausted, and there followed the '* suspension of specie 
payments" by both the banks and the Government. 
Henceforth, until 1879, the Government refused to redeem 
its note: ^n gold. 

At the bediming of 1862 the Government was still in 
rnired^ ° need of revenue. Congress now determined upon a rad- 
ical measure — the issuance of "United States Notes," 
which were merely promises ^o pay, without stating either 
the form or time of payment. In order to insure the ac- 
ceptance of these notes by creditors, they were made 
legal tender. Three hundred million dollars of these notes 
were authorized in 1862, and $150,000,000 in 1863.* 



The 



States 
Notes. 



Effects of 
the legal 
tender 
issues. 



Bonds and 

internal 

taxes. 



The effects of the legal tender issues were marked: (1) The 
amount issued was in excess of commercial needs under the cir- 
cumstances and they consequently depreciated. Gold was 
hoarded or exported to pay foreign debts. Paper-money prices 
rose with the depreciation. Higher prices stimulated produc- 
tion and encouraged speculation. (2) Wages and salaries rose 
less rapidly than prices, and many persons living upon fixed 
incomes suffered severely. (3) When debts contracted before 
the issuance of the "legal tenders" were paid in these notes, the 
creditors suffered loss. (4) There was almost daily fluctuation 
of the notes in value, depending upon the state of public con- 
fidence as influenced by battles, acts of Congress, and news 
from Etu-ope. 

The fractional silver currency also disappeared from circula- 
tion, and later Congress authorized the issuance of a fractional 
paper currency. 

In 1862, the expenditures of the Government were 
$2,000,000 a day. More bonds were authorized, $500,- 
000,000, bearing 6 per cent, interest, and payable in from 
five to twenty years. A wide-reaching internal revenue 
law was enacted (July, 1862). A multitude of manu- 
factured articles were taxed; license fees were imposed 
upon citizens engaged in many occupations; corporations 

* For a fuller discussion of these notes and their constitutionality, see 
Government in State and Nation. 212-214. 



Secession and Civil War 



*vere taxed upon their gross receipts; and stamp taxes 
were imposed upon legal documents and proprietary 
articles. This law, says Rhodes, *' might be briefly de- 
scribe^u . . as an act which taxed everything." 

In order that the tax burden placed upon manufacturers 
should not place them at a disadvantage in competing 

with foreign pro- 
ducers, a higher 
tariff was enacted. 
This stimulated 
manufactures and 
gave employment to 
workmen. Business 
was also stimulated 
by the Govern- 
ment's great de- 
mand for war ma- 
terials. Congress 
further favored in- 
dustrial conditions 
by providing for the 
construction of a 
railroad to the Pa- 
cific Ocean (1862); 
by a homestead act 
opening great tracts of land for settlement free of charge 
(lSfi2) ; and by donations of land made to the States from 
the proceeds of which agricultural colleges were to be 
established. 

After the Peninsular campaign, the Union army in the 
East was commanded by General Pope; to this was added 
McCiellan's army, soon withdrawn from the James River. 
Pope planned an attack upon Richmond from the north, 
but Lee, assuming the offensive, outgeneralled liim in 
Virginia, and the Union army was defeated at the second 
battle of F)ull Run (August, 1862). Lee then determined 
upon an invasion of the North, He hoped (1) to gain 



Laws in- 
tended to 
stimulate 
industries 




Campaigns in the East, 1862-18( 
Lee's Invasions of the North 



Pope's 
campaipm 
in Virginia 
and I^ee's 
invasion. 



yjo 



American History 



The 

toattV of 
ntietam. 



rne Eman- 
cipation 
Proclaraa- 
tioa. 



Policies 

previously 

pursued 

towards 

slavery. 



reenforcements in IMaryland, (2) to encourage the part^ 
in the North opposed to the war, and (3) to make a favor«- 
able impression upon European governments. But Lee 
was repuked in the bloody battle at Antietam or Sharps- 
birg, Maryland (September 17, 1862), by McClellan, who 
had been restored to the Union command. Lee's army, 
however, was allowed to return to Virginia unmolested. 

The battle of Antietam was followed by the issuance of 
President Lincoln^s Etuancipation Proclamation (Sep- 
tember 22, 1862). Written some two months pre\iously, 
it had been kept secret, within the councils of the Cabinet, 
awaiting a Union victory. The Proclamation announced 
that on January 1, 1863, the President would declare to 
be free all slaves held mtliin the regions at that date in 
arms against the Union. 

It was the culmination of a long series of events occurring 
since the outbreak of the war, which had changed Lincoln's 
views regarding his policy toward slavery (see p. 373) and had 
developed public opinion at the North to the point where eman- 
cipation seemed a logical step. (1) General Butler, commanding 
at Fortress Monroe, had declared that fugitive slaves appearing 
within his lines were "contraband of war" (May, 1861), and he 
refused to return them to their owners. The Administration 
accepted this ingenious solution of the difficulty. (2) Congress 
passed an act (August, 18G1) confiscating slaves employed by their 
masters in resistance to the Govermnent. (3) Next, Congress 
forbade officers and troops to assist in the return of fugitive slaves. 
(4) Congress adopted (April, 1862) Lincoln's compensated eman- 
cipation plan whereby if any State would free its slaves the Gov- 
ernment would grant financial assistance in the compensation of 
masters. No State availed itself of this offer. (5) Congress next 
abolished slavery in the District of Columbia (compensating mas- 
ters to the extent of $1,000,000) and in all territories of the 
United States. (6) Lincoln had annulled orders issued by Gen- 
erals Fremont and Hunter declaring free the slaves of persons in 
insurrection; he feared alienating friends of the Union in the 
border States and increasing opposition to the war in the North.* 
Congress now (July, 1862) declared all such slaves corj&scated. 

* As illustrating Lincoln's conservative policy, see Horace Greeles" '• 
Prayer of Twenty Millions and Lincoln's remarkable letter in reply. 
Morse's Lincoln, II, 1C5-110. Lamed, Ready Reference, United States, 
August, ..862. 



Secession and Civil War 



391 



Tile final Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, Constitu- 
1863, applied to all the seceding States except Tennessee and *|°,g* ^^' 
certain parts of Virginia and Louisiana, which were then section 'a 
under the control of Federal troops. Lincoki found the *^^"^ ^* 
constitutional authority 
for his act in his power 
as Commander-in-Chief 
of the army and navy. 
The emancipation of 
the slaves seemed to 
him a direct and neces- 
sary means for preserv- 
ing the Union. In the 
North the Proclamation 
aroused greater enthu- 
siasm for the support of 
the war. Abroad, its 
effect was to render im- 
possible the moral sup- 
port of the Confederacy 
by the masses of the 
people. 

The year 1862, mth its 
military delays and failures, brought a storm of criticism 
upon Lincoln and his administration: — 

1. The President was accused of being inefficient and lacking Criticisms 
in vigor. The public did not yet understand his policy of of Liacola 
awaiting events, instead of making bold announcements of 
policy. 2. He was accused of using unconstitutional and des- 
potic powers in the suspension of the "WTit of habeas corpus in 
parts of the country distant from the seat of war. It seemed 
necessary to arrest and hold persons who were merely suspected 
of plotting against the Government. (See Government in State 
and Nation, 244.) Numbers of persons were arrested who, in 
public speeches and in newspapers, were opposing the prosecu- 
tion of the war, discouraging enlistment, and encouraging deser- 
tions. In the view of Lincoln they were giving " aid and com- 
fort" to the enemy. (Govermnent in State and Nation, 312.) 
3. Lincoln's policy toward slavery aroused much enmity both 




Gen. Thos J Jackson 



392 



American History 



The 

battle of 

Fredericki 

burg. 



Chancel- 
lorsville 



L^e's 

second in- 
vasion of 
the North. 



froiD the Abolitionists and from those who saw no evil in slavery, 
The former class constituted a violent and harassing element ia 
the Republican party. 

McClellan, Instead of attacking, watched the slo^ 
retreat of Lee's army after the battle of Antietam. Finally, 
he was removed, and General Burnside was appointed in 
his place. The latter undertook a forward movement 
against the Confederates at Fredericksburg, on the south 
bank of the Rappahannock River. A mistaken plan of 
attack and a vain attempt to storm well-defended heights 
brought disastrous defeat to the Union army (December 
13, 1862). Once more incompetent leadership had dis- 
appointed the North. "Grief, as great as any told in 
epic, in drama, or in novel, wrung their hearts at the 
useless sacrifice of so many noble souls." In this battle 
nearly 13,000 men were either killed or wounded. Such 
was *'the horror of Fredericksburg." 

Once more the Union army was demoralized by lack of 
confidence in its General, and Burnside was superseded 
by General Joseph Hooker, who had shown good fighting 
qualities in previous Virginia campaigns. Lee held his 
army in Fredericksburg during the winter that followed, 
and it was May before Hooker was ready to begin a for- 
ward movement toward this point. Crossing the Rappa- 
hannock above Fredericksburg, his army, though superior 
to Lee's in numerical strength^ ^.I'^t disaster on the battle- 
field of Chancellors ville, May 2-5, 1863. 

On the evening of the first day, General " Stonewall " Jackson, 
while reconnoitering, was accidentally fired upon by his own 
troops and fatally wounded. Thus the South lost this remark^ 
able commander; they might better have lost the battle. Gen- 
eral Jackson displayed such genius as a leader and inspired his 
men to accomplish such victories that he ranks high among the 
world's great commanders. 

Lee was now prepared to assume the offensive, and he 
again entered upon an invasion of the North. Crossing 
the Potomac with 75,000 troops he advanced into southern 



Secession and Civil War 



393 



Pennsylvania, hoping to reach Harrisburg and perhaps to 
threat'en Philadelphia. One part of his army reached a 
point within four miles of the former place when it was 
recalled to join the main force, which was about to meei 

the Union army at 
Gettysburg. (See 
map, 389.) The 
Union army was 
commanded by 
Hooker's successor, 
General George 
Meade, a quiet, busi- 
ness-like officer, who 
could be depended 
upon. The first 
day's fighting, July 
1,^1863, merely 
placed the opposing 
armies in their final 
positions along the 
summits of two op- 
posing ridges. On 
the second day the 
Confederates at- 
tacked both right 
and left wings of the 
U' '^^n army with 
great energy; but they were unable to dislodge them* 
There remained the desperate chance of an attack upon 
the center, and July 3 witnessed one of the most thrilling 
charges in miUtary history, when Pickett's division of 15,000 
Confederate troops advanced against the Union second 
corps, which was commanded by General Hancock. Never 
was a brilliant charge more sturdily met, the Confederates 
being completely repulsed. Lee was defeated, and he 
once more retreated without having accomplished his 
aim. Cautious General Meade would not risk an at- 




Map r>f the Battle of Gettysburg 



The 

battle G< 
Gettys- 
burg, 
July 1-a 
1863. 



394 



American History 



tack, and the Southern forces reached Virginia soil in 
safety. 

Lee had hoped by this invasion to gain a decisive battle, 
to dictate terms to the Union Government, and to win 
recognition of the Confederacy by foreign powers. His 
army was the finest the Confederacy ever put forth; for 
its losses on the field 



Tbe 



1863. 



of Gettysburg the 
Southern people 
were never able to 
compensate. 

In the West, dur- 
aSt"'' i^g the last months 
yicksburg, of 1862, Grant and 
Sherman were mak- 
ing unsuccessful at- 
tempts to capture 
Vicksburg. That 
part of the Missis- 
sippi River, some 
two hundred miles, 
between Vicksburg 
and Port Hudson, 
was still controlled 
by the Confederacy. 







MEXICO 



This enabled them The Viclcsburg and Chattanooga Campaigns 

to maintain connec- 
tions with the States west of the river, drawing thence 
both men and supplies — sugar, grain, and beef — besides 
army equipments smuggled in from Mexico. To sever this 
connection was a prime object of the w^ar in the West. 
Failing to make any progress against the defences 
of Vicksburg from the north and east, Grant transferred 
his troops to \he west side of the river, and marched 
them to a point twenty miles below Vicksburg (April, 
1863). The way had been prepared for this movemerit 
by the running of the Vicksburg batteries situated on th^ 



Secession and Civil War 



395 



high bluffs overlooking the river, by vessels of Admiral TheSien 
Porter's fleet. Transports, provisions, and gun-boats were ^^^^f^^ 
now ready for Grant's use below the city. Advancing 
northward, he captured Jackson, the capital of Mississippi 
and a railroad center, and drove General Pemberton's 
forces into Vicksburg. He prevented reenforcements 
under General Joseph E. Johnston from joining Pember- 
ton, and laid siege to Vicksburg. Week after week, Grant 




Facsimile of a Vicksburg Newspaper Printed on Wall Paper 



drew his lines more closely about the city, whose citizens 
were driven near the verge of starvation. On July 4, 
1863, Pemberton surrendered, and over 30,000 troops 
gave up their arms. A few days later Port Hudson sur- 
rendered to General Banks. As a result of these opera- 
tions, the Confederacy was divided and weakened. 

It was now less than tvvo years since the first pitched 
battle of the war had been fought. In that short period 
the American people, both North and South, had displayed 
marvellous energy in the raising and training of two vast 
armies. They had given evidence of intense loyalty to the 



396 American History 

opposing principles that caused the war. They had pul 
into operation with facility, and at great cost, all the gov- 
ernmental processes that were calculated to support a 
long war. During the greater part of this period, the 
Union armies had met defeat in the East, though they were 
successful in the West. On the ocean and on Western 
waters the Union fleet had done valiant work. After the 
two great victories at Gettysburg and Vicksburg closing 
this period of the war, it seemed inevitable that the North 
would ultimately prevail; but it was also certain that the 
South would stubbornly resist until men, money, and 
food were reduced to their lowest limits. It was to be a 
test of endurance. If the North could avoid dissension, 
could maintain its enthusiasm and determination, the 
end was not uncertain. But the South was to make its 
opponent pay dearly for the victory. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Lincoln's first inaugural. Lamed, Ready Reference, United 
States, 1861, March 4. Burgess, Civil War and Constitution, 
I, 140-145. Schouler, VI, 3-7. Abraham Lincoln, Am. St. 
Series, I, 226-232 (new ed.), 219-228 (old ed.). 
• 2. Fort Sumter. Schouler, VI, 15-18; 26-38. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, Nos. 70, 72. Source Book, 299-302. Abraham 
Lincoln, Am. St. Series, 1,243-257 (new ed.), 241-257 (old ed.). 

3. Grant's account of the outbreak of the war. Memoirs, I, 
183-193. 

4. The blockade. Dodge, Bird's-Eye View of the Civil War^ 
33-38. Burgess, I, 184-185; 266-270. Schouler, VI, 137-140; 
273-274; 575-578. Seward, Am. St. Series, 265-270 (new ed.) 
288-291 (old ed.). Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 116. 

5. The situation in Missouri and Kentucky. Schouler, VI,* 
186-195. 

6. The battle of Bull Run. Schouler, VI, 76-81. Dodge. 
6-20. Burgess, I, 213-225. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 
103. Source Book, 305-308. 

7. Grant's campaign in the West, 1862. Dodge, 25-32; 42-48. 
Burgess, I, 281-289; 294-307. Grant, Memoirs, I 235-259. 



Secession and Civil War 397 

8. The Trent affair. Burgess, I, 270-275. Schouler, VI, 121^ 
125. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No, 299 (Seward's argument). 
Abraham Lincoln, Am. St. Series, I, 380-387 (new ed.), 380- 
387 (old ed.). C. F. Adams, Am. St. Series, chap. 12. Seward, 
Am. St. Series, chap. 18. 

9. The Monitor and Merrimac, Dodge, 38-39. Schouler, 
VI, 190-192. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 109. 

10. The Peninsular campaign. Dodge, 49-68. Schouler, VI, 
192-208. Lincoln, Am. St. Series, II, chap. 2. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, IV, No. 1 12. 

11. Gettysburg. Dodge, chaps. 25, 26. Abraham Lincoln, 
Am. St. Series, II, 147-149 (new ed.), 142-152 (old ed.). Burgess, 
II, chap. 25. Schouler, VI, 350-369. 

12. The Vicksburg campaign. Burgess, II, chap. 24. Dodge, 
chaps. 27-30. Schouler, VI, 375-398. Hart, Contemporaries, 
VI, No. 119. 

13. Interesting accounts of war scenes and incidents, from a 
Southern view-point, are to be found in Eggleston, A Rebel's 
Recollections; also. Southern Soldier Stories. 

14. Historical fiction. John Fox, Jr., The Little Shepherd of 
Kingdom Come. Eggleston, The Master of Warlock. Cable, 
The Cavalier. Crane, The Red Badge of Courage. Frederick, 
The Copperhead; and other stories of the North. 

15. Are there any respects in which the Confederate Con- 
stitution was superior to that of the United States ? 

16. Mention other prominent Southerners besides Stephens who 
reluctantly followed their States in secession. 

17. See James and Mann, Readings on American History, 
chap. XXIII. 



CHAPTER XXIV 

THE CIVIL WAR {Continued), 1863-1865 



fhe 

strateinc 
value of 
Chatta- 
nooga's 
position. 



Battles of 
Chicka- 
mauga 
and Chat- 
tanooga, 
1863. 



Chattanooga was the most important strategic point 
left in Confederate hands in the West. (1) It was the 
base whose possession gave control of the valley of the 
upper Tennessee River. From this sheltered region be- 
tween the parallel mountain ranges the Confederate army 
menaced eastern Tennessee and Kentucky; their raids 
through the easily defended mountain gaps extended even 
to Ohio River points. (2) This valley was the easy route 
of communication between the West and Virginia; relief 
expeditions were sent in either direction as necessity de- 
manded. (3) Chattanooga occupied and controlled the 
mountain gap through which attack might be made from 
the West upon the Atlantic States of the South. 

Wlien Rosecrans assumed the offensive against Bragg 
(June, 1863) he skilfully manoeuvred his troops, without 
bringing on a battle, so that the Confederate army was 
obliged to abandon Chattanooga. Rosecrans followed 
Bragg's army southward, beyond Chattanooga, but the 
latter turned .:-id attacked the Federal army at Chicka- 
mauga (September 19-20, 1863). This came near being 
a disaster; but General Thomas, commanding the Union 
left, held his position against great odds. The Union army 
retired to a position near Chattanooga, where ii was be* 
sieged. General Grant was now put in charge of the 
campaign, with Thomas in immediate command at Chat- 
tanooga. Reenforcements arrived under Sherman from 
the Mississippi and under Hooker from the Potomac 

398 



The Civil War 399 

The Union army now attacked Bragg, who occupied the 
heights of Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge. 
**One of the most spectacular encounters the world ever 
saw lasted over three days [No\ember 23, 24, 25] on 
these heights surrounding Chattanooga, with thrilling and 
mpressive incidents." The Union victory was complete, 
and, except for minor operations, the West ceased to be a 
battle-ground. 

On its political side, the Government, in 1863, entered The draft 
upon two new lines of policy. (1) A conscription, or draft, 
act was passed by Congress in March. Hitherto the army 
had been sustained by volunteer recruits. Under its 
power **to raise and support armies" Congress had as- 
signed to each State its quota. Now, the militia were to 
be called out "to suppress insurrection." All able-bodied 
men between the ages of 20 and 45 (with certain exemp- 
tions) were enrolled by Federal officers. If the quota of 
any State was not supplied by volunteers the deficiency constitu- 
was made up by the drawing of names from a box, as in tion, Ar- 
a lottery. Any person not responding to this call was Section 8, 
treated as a deserter; but exemption from the draft might clauses 13 
be secured by the payment of $300 (a provision afterward 
repealed), or by furnishing a substitute. Later, a bounty 
of $300 was granted to each volunteer, in addition to the 
regular pay of a private soldier (originally $13, later 
made $16 per month); and to this amount State and 
even local governments added bounties on their own ac- 
count. When the draft was put into force, in the summer 
of 1863, it JT et serious resistance in New York city, where 
there was a riot, in the suppression of which many per- 
sons were killed and wounded. Several draft orders were 
issued in 1864; comparatively few troops were raised in 
this way, however, because of the remarkable willingness 
of men to volunteer. 

(2) At the beginning of 1863, taxation was bringing in 
a very inadequate revenue, the legal tenders were de- 
preciating, and l)ond sales were very slow. The expenses 



400 



American History 



The 

National 
B a tiki Hi? 
Act, 1863. 



of the Government averaged $2,500,000 a day, while the 
receipts were about |5600,000 a day. A serious deficit 
existed, amounting to $277,000,000 in December, 1862. 
At this juncture Congress enacted the greatest financial 
measure of the war 
— t he National 
Banking act. It pro- 
vided that banking 
associations might 
purchase National 
bonds, deposit them 
in the Treasury at 
Washington, and receive in 
return '^National bank- 
notes'" to the extent of 90 
per cent, of the par value 
(but not more than 90 per 
cent, of the market value) 
of the bonds.* Thus a.\\ in- 
ducement was offered for the 
purchase of bonds; for the 
bank would receive interest on 
its bonds in addition to in- - 
terest upon the National bank- 
notes which it loaned in the course 
of its business. A tax of 10 per 
cent, was later placed upon the 
notes of all State banks (see p. 
387), and these were driven from 
circulation. The National Bank 
Act attained two great objects: it 

secured a market for National bonds ; and it provided the 
country with a uniform and safe currency. 

New legislatiozi, enacted in the summer of 1864, in* 
creased the various taxes already imposed (see pp. 387, 
388-9.) at almost every point. Tariff duties were raised 

* See Government in State and Nation. 217-219. 




Fracnnnai ^iurrencv oi tiie- 
Civil ^Var Period 



tude of 
England. 



The Civil War 401 

from 37 per cent., on the average, to 47 per cent, of the 
value of imported goods. 

Animosity toward the United States and friendship for The 
the Confederacy were plainly displayed in England by 
the aristocracy, by the majority of the commercial and 
moneyed classes, and by newspapers. 

For this there were several reasons: (1) The classes mentioned 
were prejudiced against the people of the North, whom they 
regarded as crude and boastful. (2) There was a dislike for 
repubhcan institutions, whose insecurity was now to be dem- 
onstrated by the success of the South. (3) Commercially, the 
interests of the English seemed to be bound more closely to the 
South, from whom they must have cotton; besides, the exclu- 
sive protective tariff policy of the United States was contrasted 
with the free-trade policy of the Confederacy. 

Napoleon III of France was ready at any time to The qu«a> 
recognize the independence of the Confederate Govern- J^°°^. 
ment. The Russian Government, however, refused to tion, 
accede to the French desire for joint action among the 
powers in that direction. The English Cabinet, hesitat- 
ing for many months, was divided upon this question 
(though a majority of Parliament favored recognition), 
and consequently a' waiting policy was adopted. As the 
struggle progressed, and especially after the issuance of 
the Emancipation Proclamation, pubHc sentiment in 
England became aroused. Richard Cobden and John 
Bright spoke strongly for the Northern cause. The mid- 
dle and laboring classes showed plainly that upon the 
question of slave labor versus free labor they stood for the 
cause of the North. This fact was the more remarkable 
because the curtailment of the cotton supply threw out of 
employment hundreds of thousands of mill employees and 
reduced them temporarily to extreme want. 

In its relations to the American war the English Government 
violated the plainest rules concerning the duties of neutrals. 

Among these rules is this: that a neutral power is bound to 
use due diligence to prevent the fitting out, arming, or equipping, 
within its jurisdiction, or the departure from its ports, of any 



402 



American History 



ilDDfMer- 
ftte cruisers 
built ia 
En glan d. 



fitonenJ 
Qrant 
placed in 
eommand. 



vessel which it has reasonable grounds to believe is intended to 
carry on war against one of the belligerents. In spite of the 
well-known intentions of Confederate agents in securing the 
construction of vessels in English shipyards, the Government 
refused to prevent it. Among the vessels allowed to depart 
from England under these circumstances, the most famous was 
the Alabama (July, 1862). For nearly two years this and other 
Confederate cruisers seized and destroyed American vessels, and 
thus inflicted upon our merchant marine a blow from which it 
has never recovered.* The career of the Alabama came to an 
end, June 19, 1864, in a battle with the Kearsarge, commanded 
by Captain Winslow, near Cherbourg, France. The Confederate 
vessel was defeated and sunk within an hour's time. 

The Confederate agents also secured the construction in Eng- 
land of two formidable iron-clad rams, against which the vessels 
of the United States na\y would have been helpless. The 
fikilfuU diplomacy and repeated protests of our minister in Eng- 
land, Charles Francis Adams, had hitherto been unavailing, but 
now, realizing the crisis of the moment, he wrote to Earl Russell, 
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, "It would be superfluous in me 
to point out to your lordship that this is war" (September, 1863), 
The Cabinet policy was reversed, the rams were detained, and 
afterward they were purchased by the British Government. 

After Grant's successes in the West, the country looked 
to him as its champion. Congress passed (February, 
1S64) an act reviving the rank of Lieutenant-General,t 
and Lincoln promptly appointed Grant to this exalted 
position. Grant's military genius shone through a very 
plain exterior. Sherman characterized him as "simple, 
honest, and unpretending." He was taciturn, but was a 
hard worker and a deep thinker in the formation and 
execution of his military plans. Grant was aggressive and 
tenacious. Always cool in the midst of the most exciting 
events, his "simple faith in success" inspired officers and 
men with the greatest confidence. 

* Two hundred and fifty-eight vessels were captured and 715 wert 
transferred to the flags of other nations in order to avoid capture. The 
captures of the Alabama numbered sixty-eight. Hosmer, The Outcome 
of the Civil War, 174. 

t This had been enjoyed only by Washington, and, by brevet, by 
Scott. 



The Civil WVT 



403 



East, 
1864. 




Grant's Campaign, 1661-1865 



Grant had won his victories in the West by striking The 
hard blows; he now proposed to use this method agauist ^^Th^^ 
Lee's army — to wear it away, if nothing else, by mere 
attrition. At the same time. General Butler was to move 
against Richmond 
by the James River, 
and General Franz 
,Sigel was to confront 
the enemy in the 
Shenandoah valley. 
On May 4, 1864, 
Grant's army, nmii- 
bering about 120,000 
troops, crossed the 
Rapidan and entered 
that densely wooded 
region known as the 
Wilderness. The 
fierce conflict that 

raged for two days demonstrated Grant's failure to 
force an advance. Undismayed, and iinwiUing to yield 
ground, he made a movement by the left flank to tie east- 
ward, hoping to outflank Lee and to place his army between 
the enemy and Richmond. But his troops in their new 
position at Spottsylvania were again confronted by Lee's 
army, and again failed to make a forward movement. 

In this, as in succeeding movements of Grant's 
army by the left flank, Lee possessed the advantage of 
operating upon interior Hues, and his great mihtary skill 
enabled him to confront Grant at every point on ground 
well suited for defence. In eight days of almost continuous 
fighting 36,000 Union soldiers had fallen, either killed or 
wounded. When Grant's army, again moving south- 
eastward, confronted Lee at Cold Harbor and charged his 
breastworks, fearful slaughter resulted, 7,000 men falling 
m one hour. But Lee's army and Richmond were still 
uncaptured. Grant now made an effective movement ip 



Grant's 
advance 
towards 
Richmofrd 



404 



Aifnerican History 



Results of 
the sum- 
mer's 
campaign. 



Bherman's 
campaign 
in the 

West, 
1864. 




the transportation of his army south of the James River. 
Here an attempt to capture Petersburg failed with great 
loss. Nothing remained but to lay siege to Petersburg and 
Richmond. 

Meanwhile, in the Shenandoah valley, there was a 
repetition of Lee's former raids into <ne North. Genera* 
Jubal Early's troops entered sev- .. , 

era I Maryland towns and exacted 
tribute. They even penetrated to 
the outer defences of Washington, 
north-west of the city, within sight 
of the dome of the capitol. 

It is difficult to realize the gloom 
that now settled upon the North- 
ern people as they looked back 
upon another campaign of failure 
and loss. Lee's army had not been 
conquered, and the Confederates 
had again been at the gates of 
Washington. There had been an 
awful loss of skilled officers and veteran troops (about 
60,000), and their places could not be adequately taken 
by the inexperienced troops now sent forward. 

Starting from Chattanooga with 100,000 troops at the 
same time (May, 1864) that Grant crossed the Rapidan, 
General Sherman moved south-eastwardly against the 
Confederate army under General Joseph E. Johnston. 
The destruction of this army was one of Sherman's ob- 
jects; another purpose was the invasion of Southern 
territory in order to destroy sources of military supplies, 
and thus to bring home to the people the conviction that 
ultimately they w^ould be conquered. Like Grant, Sher- 
man was aggressive in policy; his peculiar genius was 
shown in the rapid and original manoeuvres of his army. 
Displaying the same plain and honest traits as his great 
commander, Slierman won in a peculiar way the love of 
his soldiers. 



Ulysses Simpson Grant 

General, 186-1-1869 



The Civil War ' 405 

Johnston retreated from one stronghold to another, 
Dalton, Resaca, Kingston, and Cassville m succession 
being abandoned. He was defeated in a strong position 
at Kenesaw Mountain, and the army of Sherman marched 
forward to capture Atlanta. (See map, p. 409.) 

The political campaign of 1864 revealed several sources The Presi- 
of popular discontent with Lincoln's administration (see campal-a 
p. 391). Secretary Chase, whose peculiar temperament of 1864. 
had prevented his entering into sincerely cordial relations 
with Lincoln, allowed his name to be used (by the radical 
anti-slavery faction) as a prospective candidate for the 
Republican nomination. Chase soon saw his mistake and 
withdrew his name. This faction continued in opposi- 
tion, however, and finally held a convention at Cleve- The 
land, where Lincoln was denounced as a usurper of ^^^^en- 
power without capacity for the Presidency. His admin- tioa. 
istration was declared to be politically, mihtarily, and 
financially a failure. General Fremont was nominated 
as a candidate for the Presidency; but when it became 
evident that popular support would be lacking, he with- 
drew. 

The friends of Lincoln's administration held a conven- The Re- 

tion at Baltimore, in June, and nominated him with g^reat P^biicaa 
. o nomma- 

enthusiasm. Their party was styled the ''Union Repub- tioiis. 

lican Party," for it included many Democrats who favored 

the war policy. 

The candidate for Vice-President was Andrew Johnson, of Andrew 
Tennessee. His nomination was a stroke of policy intended to J^^^^^son. 
win the votes of Democrats and of loyal men in the border States. 
Johnson wa? a war Democrat, and he had performed many 
valuable services for the Union cause in his capacity as military 
governor of Tennessee. 

The most serious opposition to the reelection of Lincoln The Deru' 

came from the regular Democratic organization. This party, 

included two elements: (1) the ''Copperheads," who were platform, 

utterly opposed to the military coercion of the South and didate. 
desired peace at any price; (2) those who believed that the 



406 American Hisfmy 

war rould be pushed to a more speedy termination by a 
more efficient President. Both elements condemned Mr. 
Lincoln's apparent determination to bring about the 
abolition of slavery. The former element controlled the 
convention (at Chicago, August, 1864) sufficiently to have 
included in the platform a clause declaring that "after 
four years of failure to restore the Union by the experi- 
ment of war . . . justice* humanity, and liberty and the 
public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made 
for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate 
convention of the States, or other peaceable means, to the 
end that at the earliest practicable moment peace may be 
restored on the basis of the P^ederal Union of the States." 
Whatever specific policy this rather vague declaration 
pointed to, the candidate nominated. General McClellan, 
promptly repudiated the section just quoted. He placed 
himself, with the conservative Democrats, squarely upon 
the demand for the prosecution of the war, saying, "The 
Union must be preserved at all hazards." 
A sue- Opposition to Lincoln's administration during the 

cession summer of 18G4 was most serious.* The war had now 

of military 

successes, dragged on tor more than three years; there was among 

the people a feeling of excessive weariness of its awful 
burdens in taxation and the loss of human life. But all 
this was changed when the military situation improved. 
(1) On August 5, Admiral Farragut made a bold attack 
wath his fleet upon the forts that guarded the entrance to 
Mobile harbor. Later in the month the forts were capt- 
ured and thus another step was taken in the execution of 
the blockade policy that was so effectually throttling the 
trade of the Confederacy. (2) After many weeks of 
strenuous work, Sherman captured Atlanta in September. 
This city had been a center for the manufacture of Con- 

* Lincoln himself doubted his reelection. See Century Magazine, 
August, 1907 (Vol. LXXIV, pp. 612-622). This entire series of article* 
(Lincoln in the Telegraph Office) gi-es ar intimate view of Llncolu dur- 
ing the war. 



The Civil War 



407 



federate arms, ammuintion, and supplies. (3) General Philip 
Sheridan won a series of victories over General Early in 
the Shenandoah valley; the most important were at Win- 
chester and Fisher's Hill in September, and at Cedar Creek, 
October 19.* (See map, p. 377.) Subsequently, Sheridan's 
army devastated the Shenandoah 
valley, destroying not only crops 
and provisions, but also all means 
of further production. Henceforth, 
this source of supplies for Lee's 
army was cut off, and no more raids 
into Northern territory by way of 
this valley were possible. 

The election in November 
showed the stimulating effects of 
victory; for Lincoln carried all the 
States participating, except New 
Jersey, Delaware, and Kentucky, 
He received 212 electoral votes, 
while McClellan had but 21 . Yet 
the popular vote shows more fairly the division among 
the people: Lincoln, 2,330,000; I\icClellan, 1,835,000. 
Commenting upon the election, Lincoln said : *' It has been 
demonstrated that, a people's government can sustain a 
National election in the midst of a great civil war. Until 
now it has not been known to the world that this was a 
possibility." t 

Sherman was anxious to cooperate with Grant against 
Richmond, and for accomplishing this he had an origi- 
nal plan. His army would first march directly from 
Atlanta to Savannah, and there establish new connections 
with the north, by water; this would be followed by a 




The result 
of the 
election, 
November, 
1864. 



Philip H. Sheridan 

Lieutenant-General, /883-1888 



Sherman's 
march 
from 
Atlanta 
to the sea. 



* T. Buchanan Reid's poem, Sheridan's Ride, and especially its recital 
at Cincinnati by a famous reader, Murdoch, aroused great enthusiasm 
and produced no little political effect. 

t See Morse's Abraham Lincoln, II, 293-295, for the speech of which 
t,his is an extract. 



408 



American History 



he defeat 
of Hood 
and Sher- 
man's ad- 
vance, 




march north to Richmond. Receiving the consent of Lin- 
coln and Grant for his plan, Sherman abandoned his base 
and northern connections at Atlanta (November 12, 1864), 
and advanced through Georgia with an army of 60,000 vet- 
erans marching in three columns. No resistance was met. 
Railroads, factories, and other 
means for aiding the Confederacy 
were ruthlessly destroyed; food 
and forage for Sherman's armj^ 
were gathered from near and far; 
but, beyond this, the needless de- 
struction of private property was 
prohibited by Sherman, but the 
enforcement of this order was 
only partially accomplished. 

Says Dodge (Bird's-Eye View of the 
Civil War, 290), "No army ever en- 
joyed such freedom and kept, within 
such bounds." From Sherman's Of- 
ficial Report we learn : "We consumed 
corn and fodder in the region of country thirty miles on either side 
of the line from Atlanta to Savannah; also the sweet potatoes, hogs, 
sheep, and poultry, and carried off more than ten thousand mules 
and horses. I estimate the damage done to the State of Georgia 
at $100,000,000, at least $10,000,000 of which inured to our ben- 
efit and the remainder was simply waste and destruction . ' ' 

By December 10, Sherman's army arrived before the 
defences of Savannah, and a few days before Christmas the 
city was captured; great stores of arms and ammunition 
and 25,000 bales of cotton were the prize secured. 

In the meantime, General Hood had attacked Sher- 
man's line of communications between Atlanta and Chat- 
tanooga, hoping to draw him back to their defence. Gen- 
eral Thomas, who was put in command of the Union army 
in eastern Tennessee, met Hood's assaults successfully. 
Finally, he attacked the Southern ' army at Nashville 
(December 15-1*6), and completely defeated it. Hood's 
army never reassembled; many of his soldiers returned to 



■William Tecumseh Sherman 

General, 1869-1883 



The CivU War 



409 



Cheir homes, while others joined the army under Johnston 
now gathering in the Carolinas to oppose Sherman's 
northward march. When the latter set out from Savan- 
nah, tne rivers were swollen and the roads were almost 
impassable. Columbia, S. C. was reached February 17, 
Goldsboro, N. C, March 23, and Raleigh, April 2. 

Lincoln was inaugurated for the second time, March 4, 1865. 
In his second inaugural the great President displayed no vin- 
dictive feeling. "Fondly do we hope — fervently do we pray — 
that this great scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if 



Lincoln's 

second 

inaugural 




Map Illustrating Sherman's March to the Sea 



God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled up by the 
bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall 
be sunk, and imtil every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall 
be paid with another drawn with the sword, as was said three 
thousand years ago, so still it must be said, 'The judgments of the 
Lord are true and righteous altogether.' With malice toward 
none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives 
us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; 
to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have 
borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan— to do all 
which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among 
ourselves, and with all nations " 



410 



Americari History 



Final 

operations 
about 
Richmond. 



The 

Thirteenth 
Amend- 
ment. 



Grant, besieging Petersburg and Richmond since June, 
1864, could not wait for Sherman's arrival from the South 
to push his army to victory. On April 1, 1865, a success- 
ful attack was made by troops under Sheridan against the 

Confederate forces at Five 
Forks. See map, p. 403. 
The next day the innei 
works of Petersburg were 
carried. That night 
(April 2-3) Lee's army 
quietly withdrew along 
the only avenue of es- 
cape left open to the west- 
ward. Grant's troops oc- 
cupied Richmond and 
immediately took up the 
pursuit. Lee's supplies 
failed him, and, finally, 
on April 9, at Appomat- 
tox Court House, he 
found that Sheridan had 
planted troops squarely 
across his path. Refusing to cause needless bloodshed, Lee 
asked for an interview with Grant, and terms of surrender 
were at once arranged. These w^ere most generous: the 
entire force surrendered were released on parole; the officers 
retained their sidearms, horses, and baggage; and the 
privates who owned horses were allowed to take them 
home in order that they might at once begin the spring 
farm work. 

General Johnston surrendered to Sherman on April 26, 
and thus two great armies went at once from the field to 
the peaceful pursuits of life. 

The complete abolition of slavery, as a logical conse- 
quence of the war, was provided for by the Thirteenth 
Amendment to the Constitution, proposed by Congress in 
January, 1865. This amendment was ratified by three*' 




General Robert E. Lee, C. S. A. 



The Civil War 411 

fourths of the States and was d^-^lared in force December 
18, 1865.* 

The great joy over the close oi die war was almost im- The s-r,.at 
mediately turned to gc'ef over the assassination of Presi- ^^^f^ ®"* 
dent Lincoln. This occurred on the evening of April 14, 
when John Wilkes Booth, an actor, shot the President as 
he sat in his box at Ford's Theatre in Washington. f Now, 
as never before, the people saw the worth of the simple, 
honest man who had guided the Nation through these 
perilous years. No other man in all our history has come 
so near to the hearts of the common people. Rising from 
their midst, he embodied not only the true American 
democratic spirit, but all the homely virtues that called 
forth the lasting admiration of the masses. He was shrewd, 
far-seeing, and kindly — "thinking no evil." Completely 
master of himself, he held to' his convictions with an iron 
grip. He showed the highest skill in dealing with his ene- 
mies, in winning opponents to his side, and in interpreting 
the half -expressed will of the people. We may not hesitate 
to repeat the high eulogy of his contemporary, Stanton, 
who called Lincoln "the most perfect ruler of men the world 
has ever seen.'' How much the disunited country needed 
his skilful service in healing the dissensions of the years that 
now followed will be seen in succeeding chapters. 

The defeat of the Confederacy was not due to lack of Why the 
fighting quahties in her generals and soldiers, or of devo- jef"eat^!^ 
tion in her people.| (1) First among the causes of defeat 

* Before this time slavery had been abolished by Missouri, Maryland, Ten- 
nessee, and West Virginia, States unaffected by the Emancipation Procla- 
mation; and by Virginia and Louisiana, parts of which were excepted by the 
Proclamation. Of the original slave States, therefore, Delaware and Ken- 
tucky alone retained slavery when the amendment went into force. 

t A valuable account of this event by one of Lincoln's body-guard is 
found in Harper's Magazine, September, 1907 (Vol. CXVIII, pp. 519-5S0). 
The series, of which this article is one, is of great interest. 

X "The devotion of the Southerners was, in fact, immeasurable; the 
economic agree with the military historians that their sacrifices were far 
greater than any the Revolutionary patriots made. In the day of extreme 
need, the women offered the hair of their heads to be sold abroad for 
arms." Brown, The Lower South, 167, 



412 



American History 



(\) Lack of 
solders. 



(2^ I.ack of 
resources. 



(3^ The 
failure of 
taxation 
as a basis 
fv)r bonds 
and paper 
money. 



The results 
of the war 



was the disparity in popu^cition. While volunteering 
was as general there as in the North, it became neces- 
sary early (April, 1862) to resort to conscription; the 
draft laws finally included all males between the ages of 
16 and 60. While less than one-half the miUtary popula- 
tion of the North entered the army, the proportion in the 
South was nine-tenths. (2) The resources of the South 
proved inadequate. The curse of slavery was upon the 
land; here lay the secret of the Confederacy's lack in 
skilled mechanics, factories, mines, and railroads. The 
blockade cut off imports which she could not produce. 
(3) The fundamental cause of the failure of the Con- 
federacy's finances lay in the lack of resources that could 
be taxed ; for the abiUty of a people to pay taxes depends 
upon the productivity of their industries. While at the 
North business thrived and millions of fresh acres were 
turned into farms, at the South the withdrawal of men 
paralyzed industry. oNIoreover, the blockade cut off the 
great source of income — cotton exportation. The taxa- 
tion of commerce by import and export duties also became 
impossible. In its extremity, the Confederate Govern- 
ment seized supplies, paying for them at fixed rates. But 
the Government relied chiefly for financial support upon 
bond issues and paper money. The bonds became next 
to worthless before the end of the war. Paper money was 
issued (both by States and by tho Confederacy) in enor- 
mous quantities, and it depreciated ahnost from the 
beginning.* 

The Civil War was fought by the North for the mainten- 
ance of an ideal — that union of States and of people which 
aroused the patriotic spirits of the loyal citizens. The doc- 

* "In 1863, flour was worth from $90 to $100 a barrel in Mississippi, 
and salt $30 a bushel. The following year boots sold for $200 a pair 
and coats for $350 each. The price of coffee was $5 and of sugar was 
$2 a pound." — Garner, Reconstruction in Missisi^ippi, 50. The Confed- 
erate Government virtually repudiated large amounts of the paper 
money by compelling the people to take in exchange for it Confederate 
bonds. Neither the money nor the bonds were ever redeemed. 



The Civil War 4io 

trine that a State could constitutionally withdraw from the 
Union was finally and completely overthrown. Doubtless, 
moral indignation over the great wrong of slavery — that first 
cause of disunion — went far toward spurring men on for 
the defence of the Union. The North spent in treasure 
three and a quarter billions of dollars, piling up a debt of 
$2,846,000,000. For this cause 360,000 men laid down 
their lives in the field, and as many more died from 
wounds and sickness.* They won for posterity a united 
country, freedom from the shame of slavery, and exemption 
from all the strife and economic loss that must have 
ensued had two independent nations attempted to occupy 
the geographical territory destined for one people. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Chickamauga and Chattanooga. Burgess, The Civil War 
2aA the Constitution, II, chap. 26. Dodge, Bird's-Ej'e View of 
the Civil War, chaps. 34, 35. Schouler, VI, 441-455. 

2. Finances of United States during the war. Burgess, IL 
225-229. Blaine, Twenty Years in Congress, I, 433. Chase, 
Am. St. Series, chap. 9. 

3. Sheridan in the Shenandoah valley. Dodge, chap. 42. 
Schouler, VI, 516-519. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 135. 

4. Sherman's march. Burgess, II, 261-266. Dodge, chaps. 
45, 46. Schouler, VI, 549-555. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 
137. 

5. Northern and Southern soldiers. Dodge, 116-121. Schouler. 
VI, 246-316. 

6. Prisons and prisoners. Schouler, VI, 407-414. 

7. English sentiment toward the United States. Rhodes, IV. 
76-95, 349-374. Seward, Am. St. Series, II, 296-297 (new ed.), 
296-297 (old ed.). Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 98. 

* " While the money cost to the Confederacy was perhaps one-half that 
stated for the Union, the number of lives sacrificed was probably about 
the same. Thus the total loss of human life was considerably over one 
million." — Hosmer, Outcome of the Civil War, 304. "The blood of the 
Nation was lastingly impoverished by that awful hemorrhage." — Ross- 
Foundations of Sociology, 392. 



il4 ATherican History 

8. Dissatisfaction with Lincoln in 1864. Rhodes, IV, 518- 
522; 530-531. Abraham Lincoln, Am. St. Series, II, 246-249, 
267-268 (new ed.), 246-249, 267-268 (old ed.). 

9. Economic and financial conditions in the Confederacy. 
Wilson, Division and Reunion, 244-248. Schouler, VI, 568-575- 

10. Lincoln's appearance and personality. Schouler, VI, 20- 
23; 624-633. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 96. Lowell, 
Political Essays. x\braham Lincoln, Am. St. Series, 354-358 
(new ed.), 354-358 (old ed.). 

11. Money and prices in war times. Hart, Contemporaries, 
IV, No. 82. Vivid descriptions of battle scenes, ibid., Nos. 87 
and 92. The sanitary commission, ibid., No. 89. 

12. Causes of Northern success. Elson, Sidelights on Amer- 
ican History, II, chap. 6. 

13. Special books on this period. Riddle, Recollections of 
War Times. McClure, Lincoln and Men of War Times. 
Greeley, American Conflict. Wilson, Rise and' Fall of the Slave 
Power in America. S. S. Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legisla- 
tion. U. S. Grant, Memoirs. W. T. Sherman, Memoirs. 
Avery, A Virginia Girl in the Civil W^ar. J. Davis, Rise and Fall 
of the Confederate Government. Kieffer, Recollections of a 
Drummer Boy. Porter, Campaigning with Grant. Recollec- 
tions and Letters of Robert E. Lee, by His Son. Dodd, Life of 
Jefferson Davis. 

14. Lives of Grant have been written by Church, btoddard, 
and Allen; of Lee by White and Howe. 

15. Lives of Lincoln by Brooks, Hapgood, and Arnold. 

16. Abraham Lincoln: A History, by Nicolay and Hay, the 
most authoritative account, was published in the Century Mag- 
azine from Vol. XIII (1887) to Vol. XVII. 

17. In the Century Magazine, Volumes VII (1884) to XIII, 
is a series of articles upon the various campaigns, many of them 
written by the officers in command. The illustrations are in- 
valuable. 

18. Historical fiction. Brady, The Southerners. Altsheler, 
Before the Dawn. Page, The Burial of the Guns; and other 
stories. 

19. Further material on the Civil War, in James and Mana 
Readings on American History, chap. 24. 



CHAPTER XXV 

RECONSTRUCTION, 1863-1872 

The grave problems that confronted the Nation at the conditions 

close of the war centered about industrial, social, and ^J^ ^^^ 

. Soutn. 

political conditions in the South. Industrially, that sec- 
tion was in ruins. 

"The people were generstlly impoverished. The farms had 
gone to waste; the fields were covered with weeds and bushes. 
Farm implements and tools were gone; live stock had disap- 
peared so that there were barely enough farm animals to meet 
the demands of agriculture. Business was at a standstill; banks 
and commercial places had either been suspended or closed on 
account of insolvency. The currency was in a wretched condi- 
tion, and the disbanded soldiers returned to their homes to 
find desolation and starvation staring them in the face." * 

One-third of the white bread-winners had been either The free** 
killed or disabled. But the most difficult problem in the "^^^ 
situation involved the negroes, who comprised one-half of 
the population. Could they prove their fitness for free- 
dom ? Under slavery they had been elevated from 
barbarism to at least a semblance of civilization ; but they 
had had no experience in working under any other incen- 
tive than the fear or the love of a master who was at the 
same time owner. It is not strange that they should have 
developed little power of self-control and that, emerging 
trom slavery, they should have been, on the whole, both 
indolent and shiftless. 

During the war the mass of the slaves had remained on 
the plantations, quietly guarding the women and the 
children and raising crops. For their admirable conduct 

* Garner, Reconstruction in Mississippi, 122. 
415 



416 



American History 



The origin 
of the 
Freedman's 
Bureau 



L'ncoln's 
plan of 
reconstruc- 
tion. 



they had won the gratitude of their masters. If this 
benevolent attitude could have continued, all might have 
been well; but that was not to be. As the victorious 
Union armies advanced, particularly after the issuance of 
the Emancipation Proclamation, multitudes of negroes 
flocked to them for protection.* Many of them followed 
the troops, while others left their plantations and went to 
the neighboring towns and cities. All were without 
m-eans of subsistence, and consequently the Federal 
Government was forced, for humane reasons, to begin the 
practice of issuing rations and clothing to them. In March, 
1865, a special bureau was created in the War Depart- 
ment, known as the Freedman's Bureau, with officers and 
agents in all parts of the South. Its purposes were: (1) 
The distribution of food, clothing, and fuel to destitute 
freedmen; (2) the distribution among them of abandoned 
or confiscated lands; (3) the establishment of schools for 
their instruction. 

During the summer of io65 and the winter that followed, 
multitudes of freedmen were without occupation; against 
the advice of the Freedman's Bureau officials, they con- 
tinued flocking to the towns and wandering from place 
to place. Petty larceny became very common. Tvlany, 
indeed, took advantage of their new freedom to assume 
insolent airs toward their former masters. 

Another problem was more purely political; viz., what 
was the legal status of the Southern States ? Their legal 
governments had been Overthrown and their constitutional 
relation to the Union had been broken. By what methods 
and by what authority should these be reestablished? 
President Lincoln had made some progress in solving this 
problem before his death. 

Avoiding the abstract question as to whether the Southern 
States were .legally in or out of the Union, he maintained that 
they were "out of their proper practical relation with the Na- 

* Fifty thousand slaves were gathered about Grant's army at Vicks- 
bure. 









•/<- 


// ' 




nth ' 




<riwlr; r 


!' it' ihy fiian:*:'- i-f 


Ihr :■ ■ 


: , !.-j ^luii 'ua .n-->- iU- .>hi// I';'. inulji/^Ulf apfurce/i 


■ hrjh. 




)),.-- 


/,.V',./^^>'>^ ',. ^ 


,•/.. / ■ 


' J: : /r'^ . '^ • , S. 




.d\.iriiiesty Oath. 




. .— .^«,.-».— 




Office of Assisf.'Ui! ?'n\K=s{ M-arsiiai, 




_. 'I'n., _ _ 1Sb^. ' ' 


1, 


. <!•- -oU'sjiuiy swear, (or atTiriii), in tlte : 


,.„>..«-.• ..r 


Ai ,^iI..!n V fioi,, tiiiii I '< i ' •• ■ . n, luiilif'idiv MipiK.rt, [>r<it<ft rirK.l (i«'ri'<){i (he Const iiution 


.>( ii,.- r,ui. 


<) Stsit.s .-.tHi ill.' lU.ior . 1 :: >;■!,. 'hfrMindfr. fioii tha? I uiSI, in !i!,«' msmaiir, ahuir by 


u\xA Inill.full 


V <.u;.|.<.rt nil !.i\v> him! pio. >:,.i;:j( ;<;>,- v.tfkh Jcv*- bf,-n Ria«{r tliiD!,;/ Uu: < xi-fin;: rdM-Uktn with 


tHCflKf til 


!iic » iu;uici]Hltioii (if slnvf-s. So JJEl.P laE Coa. 


SmoI!, 


itni siil««;riUt'd to, tteitjre me, lh;/; 4l»y > ; .; 


.»(■ 


!R05. > i : 


i 'i.'ft. (i)u! Aif'l I'rtK^^t ]\JarihaL 


I XH^ X- 


KRKiiY cUiTtvv, Tbttt on Uk' , «lnr of ^ _ , 1 *<>■», :u 


! 


the 0»j!li pre«cri]be<l by the ^rcfikJot of the UnUw! Sfai<!,., in his • 


1 f,V. !«««.! u 

1 


II W ^l<iy 21>t!i, 1865, ■«:»« duk tsken, stih^cribed and inwHe wntlf r of rc-of>r<i l,v * 




j 
. f 


\„ 


-•1 ■ ■•' . ;.-.^ ' 





Parole signed by a Confederate Soldier 
Amnesty Oath to be taken by Confederate 



418 



American History 



Lincoln's 
policy in 
effect. 



The ex- 
perience 
and char- 
acter of 
President 
JoKnson, 



tional Government." * When the Union army overthrew the 
Confederate authorities in any Southern State or part of a State, 
that region was under the mihtary authority of the United 
States; and its govermnent might be dictated by the President 
as Commander-in-Chief of the army, acting through a mihtary 
governor. The President had authority to direct and assist the 
loyal inhabitants of any such section in the establishment of a 
new civil government. The number of loyal voters necessary 
in the formation of a new government was not less than one- 
tenth the number who had voted in 18G0. This, briefly stated, 
was Lincoln's plan of reconstruction. 

In order to encourage the return of Southerners to their 
former allegiance, Lincoln issued (Decemoer, 1863) a 
Proclamation of Amnesty, granting "full pardon" to such 
of them as would take an oath to support the United 
States Government; but certain classes were excluded 
from this benefit, particularly civil and military officers of 
the Confederate Government and those Confederates who 
had formerly held United States offices. President Lin- 
coln' s plan of reconstruction was put into practical effect 
in Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee. It was well 
understood by Lincoln that the process of reconstruction 
could be completed only by the admission of Senators and 
Representatives into Congress from these States ; and that 
over this m^^tter the Houses had complete control. 

Lincoln's procedure met with the bitter opposition of a 
few Republican members of Congress, and at his death 
the problem was still unsolved. The method of recon- 
struction to be adopted must depend upon the views of 
the man who now assumed the Presidency and of the 
Republican leaders in Congress. 

President Johnson had been a tailor by trade. Reared in 
poverty and without education, he had advanced in life by sheer 
energy and force of character. He had been elected to the State 
Legislature of Tennessee and to the United States House of 
Representatives; he had been Governor of Tennessee and then 

* See Lincoln's address of April 11, 1865; American History Leaflets, 
No, 26, pp. 31-35; Larned's History for Ready Reference, 1863. De- 
cember, and 1865, April 11. 



Reconstruction 



419 



United States Senator, He refused to join in the secession 
movement in his State, and in 1862 was made by Lincoln miUtary 
governor of Tennessee. A man of pure motives and genuine 
patriotism, he was yet the victim of a violent and unreasoning 
temper. The strength of will and stubborn adherence to pur- 
pose that had raised him from obscurity to eminence, were now 
to be displayed where tact and accommodation to men of dif- 
ferent views were necessary. 



His recott- 

struction 

policy- 



Steps 
taken to 
carry it 
out. 



On May 29, 1865, President Johnson issued an Am- 
nesty Proclamation similar to that of Lincoln, but exclud- 
ing from the privilege of general pardon a larger number 
of classes; notable among these were all ex-Confederates 
possessing taxable property of $20,000 value. All persons 
of the excepted classes, however, had the privilege of ob- 
taining special pardon upon application to the President. 
Johnson subsequently displayed great leniency in the 
granting of special pardons. 

Congress was not in session between JNIarch and De- 
cember, 1865; consequently, ample opportunity was given 
for the execution of the President's policy of reconstruc- 
tion. A provisional governor was appointed by the Presi- 
dent for each one of the seceding States. Elections were 
then held for choosing delegates to constitutional conven- 
tions in those States. The conventions, after repealing 
or declaring null and void the ordinances of secession, 
proceeded to amend their former constitutions by abolish- 
ing slavery. Elections were held for members of the 
State Legislatures and for Representatives in Congress. 
These steps were completed in most of the Southern States 
by the time Congress met. Now, it was the duty of Con- 
gress, said President Johnson, to recognize these States by 
admitting their Senators and Representatives to seats at 
Dnce. 

The policy thus rapidly and effectively put into execu- 
■lon met with determined opposition in Congress. (1) 
The leaders in Congress believed that the President had po'icy 
assumed unwarranted powers; that the authority to direct 
Mie reconstruction process resided in Congress. (2) The 



Oppr^itior 
to ,'oha- 
sori's 



420 American History 

President's policy was considerr too liberal. !Many 
persons in the North were loath to believe that the "rebels" 
were sincerely repentant. Should there not be at least a 
period of probation during which their sincerit\ could be 
demonstrated and guarantees fo^- their future conduct be 
secured? (3) In the Southern States the Democratic 
party was in control. If the Northern and Southern wings 
of that party should now combine, they might secure the 
control of Congress, and of the Presidency. To many Re- 
publicans this would seem like resigning the Government 
into the hands of those who had done their best to wreck the 
Union and to perpetuate slavery.* (4) During the winter 
of 1865-1866, the Legislatures of the Southern States enacted 
kws which were intended to mitigate the evils that arose 
while the freedmen, still in large measure idle and lawless, 
were roving about and congregating in towns and cities. 
TVse Black These laws, known as the Black Codes, differed in 
the various States, but may be summarized as follows: 
(1) All free negroes or persons of color should have 
regular occupations, or employment under written con- 
tract; and quitting the service of employers, when 
under contract, would subject them to arrest. (2) Freed- 
men found without employment were considered vagrants 
and were subject, to arrest and fine. Failure to pay the 
fine (which was, of course, inevitable) would cause such 
persons to be hired out to employers, preferably their 
former masters. (3) The same penalty was fixed for the 
commission of those crimes and petty offences of which 
the free negro was commonly guilty; even cruelty to ani- 
mals, seditious speeches, insulting gestures, language, or 
acts, Y ers included in the list of offences. (4) All negroes 
under eighteen years of age who were orphans, or whose 
parents did not support them, might be apprenticed by a 

* " Have we endured and prosecuted this war for the sake of bringing: 
back our old enemies to legislate for us, stronger than ever, with all the 
resentment and none of the instnictio>J of defeat?" — James Russe*'' 
I-owell, Political Essayp 



Codes. 



Reconstnoctio7i 421 

court to employers, preferably to their former masters. 
The apprenticeship should last, in the case of males, until 
they were twenty-one, and in the case of females until 
they were eighteen years of age. The master had power 
to inflict corporal punishment upon an apprentice; deser- 
tion was followed by arrest. 

Southerners justified these laws by the conditions then pre- Justificar 
vailing, as described in preceding paragraphs. To them it tioa and 
seemed unreasonable to expect the ex-slaves to develop in- Q^them* 
etantly self-control and industrious habits. In this transitional 
period, the freedmen must be restrained by strict legislation. 
Moreover, said they, the freedmen have been systematically 
taught by agents of the Freedman's Bureau and of Northern 
philanthropic societies to regard themselves as equals of the 
whites in every respect. They had, in consequence, become in- 
solent and dangerous. Their false ideas of National protection 
and bounty had deterred them from industry. The negro, said 
Southerners, is not the equal of the white man in civilization, 
and we shall not regard him as our equal in social, civil, or 
political rights. In the North, on the other hand, the Black 
(.<odes were regarded as an evasion of the Thirteenth Amend- 
ment and an indirect method of reestablishing negro slavery. 
The enemies of slavery saw behind these laws only the spirit of 
race animosity. 

Throughout the North, sectional hatred was inflamed. Northern 
In Congress the rising opposition to Johnson's plan of negrv i^^ea* 
reconstruction was strengthened. From the Republican ^^^^ 
standpoint, the new State governments had demonstrated 
their incapacity to cope with the negro problem. As a 
consequence, it seemed necessary to enact National legisla« 
tion protecting the freedman from such discriminations 
against his civil rights, and to exact from the Southern 
States certain guarantees before their readmission into 
the Union. To many Northerners of the more radical 
type, the only solution of the problem seemed to He in the 
granting of negro suffrage. Congress contained a Repub- 
lican majority who now refused to admit the newly elected 
Senators ana Representatives from the Southern States 
to their seats. A joint committee of fifteen was appointed 



422 



American History 



Republi- 
can leaders 
in Con- 
gress. 



Freed- 
man's 
Bureau 
bdU. 



to report a plan of reconstruction. Instead of attempting, 
by consultation, to bring about some compromise, Pre-si- 
dent Johnson upheld his own policy with characteristic 
violence, and in this he received Democratic support. 

Among the Republicans in Congress, Thaddeus Stevens, of 
Pennsylvania, exerted the most powerful influence in the House 
He was a man of strong, uncom- 
promising convictions, and one 
of the greatest parliamentarians 
of our history. His speeches 
abounded in wit and sarcasm 
and frequently breathed the 
spirit of acrimony. In the Sen- 
ate, Charles Sumner played the 
leading part. His constant ad- 
herence to the doctrine of the 
equality of ail men placed him 
with the radicals in dealing with 
the Southern question. Neither 
he nor Stevens could rest while 
there remained upon the statute 
books of the Nation, or of any 
State, a trace of the negro's infe- 
riority in civil or political rights. 

The first measure passed 
by the Repubhcans was a bill 
for the continuance of the Freedman's Bureau and the 
enlargement of its powers (January, 1866). Its agents 
were authorized to take from the courts any case (either 
civil or criminal) in which it seemed that a freedman's 
rights might not be fully secured. The Bureau was to 
receive the support of United States troops. In vetoing 
this bill, Johnson argued in a dignified and conclusive way 
that it was a war measure for which, in times of peace, 
there was neither legal nor moral justification; and that 
it would not aid in the solution of the industrial problem 
of the South. The bill failed to pass over his veto. 

In a pubHc speech made on February 22d, Johnson 
cited by name Stevens, Sumner, and Wendell Phillips as 
eziemies of their country. The breach between the Presi- 




Charles Sumner 



Reconstrioction 423 

dent and the majority of Congress was now comp/ete, and The Con- 
on March 2, 1866, the House passed a resokition that Sena- po^Ey 
tors and Representatives should not be admitted to Con- begua. 
gress from any of the eleven States until Congress had de- 
clared them entitled to representation. Congress now pro- 
ceeded to put into force its own policy of reconstruction. 

The motives that inspired this policy were mingled in the 
different men who led the way; but these motives may be 
classified as (1) humane, in so far as they contemplated the 
protection and elevation of the freedmen; (2) vindictive, in 
looking toward the punishment of the South for its sins; (3) 
political, in aiming at the maintenance of Republican supremacy; 
(4) personal, as inspired by hatred of the President. 

The Civil Rights bill, passed in ]\Iarch, 1866, declared i. The 
that "all persons born in the United States, and not sub- ^^j^i^g 
ject to any foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed/* bill. 
were citizens of the United States; that all citizens "of 
every race and color, without regard to previous condition 
of slavery," were entitled to the same civil rights in every 
State; that the laws for the protection of citizens and for 
the punishment of offenders should apply to blacks the 
same as to w^hites. This law was a distinct blow at the 
Black Codes. It established a new policy under which 
the National Government defined civil rights (hitherto 
entirely within the province of State legislation) and en- 
forced them by the use of its military authority. The bill 
was vetoed as a matter of course by Johnson, but it was 
passed over his veto. 

The next important legislation, enacted in June, 1866, H- The 
'alter a report of the Committee on Reconstruction and teenth 
many weeks of discussion, was the proposed Fourteenth Amend 
Amendment, which Congress now submitted to the States 
for ratification. It read as follows: 

"Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United Citizens 

States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the ^}^^ ^^^ 

United States, and of the State wherein they reside. No State ^ 
shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges 



424 



American History 



fhieat- 
ened re- 
daction of 
represen- 
tation. 



Disabili- 
ties of ex- 
Confeder- 
ates. 



The Con- 
federate 
debts. 



or immunities o" citizens of the United States; nor shall any 
State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due 
process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the 
equal protection of the laws. 

•'Sect, 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the 
several States according to their respective numbers, counting 
the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not 
taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice 
of electors for president and vice-president of the United States, 
representatives in Congress,, the executive and judicial ofhcers of 
a State, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any 
of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of 
age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, 
except for participation in rebellion or other crimes, the basis of 
representation shall be reduced in the proportion which the 
number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of 
male citizens, twenty-one years of age, in such State. 

"Sect. 3. No person shall be a senator or representative in 
Congress, or elector of president or vice-president, or hold any 
office, civil or military, under the United States or under any 
State, who having previously taken an oath as a member of 
Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of 
any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any 
State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have 
engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid 
or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote 
of two-thirds of each house remove such disability. 

"Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United 
States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment 
of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection 
or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United 
States, nor any State, shall assume or pay any debt or obligation 
incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United 
States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; 
but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal 
and void. 

"Sect. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by ap- 
propriate legislation the provisions of this article. 



The first section of this amendment is evident.^ a repetition 
of the Civil Rights Act. The abolition of slavery resulted in 
th.fi annulment of the three-fifths clause of Article I of the Con* 
stitution, and would consequently increase the representation of 
the Southern States in the House and the number of their 
electoral votes. Republican supremacy was thus endangered. 



Reconstrtiction 425 

unless the number of Democratic Representatives could be cut 
down by the device of the second section; for it was never con- 
ceived that aL outhern State would grant suffrage to the negroes. 
The third section of the proposed amendment disqualified for 
holding offices all leaders of the South. The President might 
pardon these "ex-rebels," but Congress alone could, by two-thirds 
vote of each House, restore this important political right. The 
fourth section was a reasonable guarantee of National dignity 
with respect to the debts and expenses of the war. 

Numerous events now occurred that had the effect of Events 
driving the majority of Congress to a more radical posi- coura^^'d 
tion. (1) President Johnson made a circuit through im- more rad- 
portant cities (New York, Chicago, St. Louis, and Indian- tion.^^^ 
apolis, among others), in the course of which, provoked 
by the taunts of his enemie^s, he made undignified and in- 
sulting remarks concerning Congress and Republicans. 
(2) The fall elections (1866) for members of Congress 
showed increased Republican gains, and these betokened 
popular approval of Congressional action. (3) The Southern 
States showed great hostility to the Fourteenth Amendment, 
and all except Tennessee finally rejected it.* (4) Reports 
reached the North of disturbed conditions in the South, 
including the abuse of the freedmen and riots involving 
much bloodshed. 

In ^ iew of these events all conservatism in Congress was ill. The 
now laid aside, and this body went forward to the execu- ^ruction 
tion of a most rigorous policy. This was embodied in the Act of 
Reconstruction Act of March, 1867 :.(1) The ten un- ^^^^* 
reconstructed States were divided into five military dis- 
tiicts, each under an officer of the army and an adequate 
force of troops. Military government might supersede the 
existing civil government at any place where this seemed 
desirable. (2) The officers in command should supervise . 
the election of a constitutional convention in each State; 
those who could vote for delegates to these conventions were 
-O be male citizens twenty-one years of age, ''of whatever 

* Tennessee ratified the amendment, and its Senators and Repre- 
sentatives were admitted to Congress before its adjournment in July. 



426 



American History 



lis results. 



Political 
conditions 
in the 
South. 



race, color, or previous condition " ; except such as might be 
disfranchised for participation in rebellion. This meant 
the enfranchisement of the blacks and the disfranchise- 
ment of the majority of the whites. (3) The conventions 
should frame State constitutions in which the negro should 
be granted suffrage. (4) These constitutions should be 
ratified by popular vote, the same qualifications being 
employed here as in the election of delegates. (5) The 
State Legislatures electing under these new governments 
should ratify the Fourteenth Amendment. (6) Congress 
would then declare the admission of the Senators and 
Representatives from these States and their full restora- 
tion to the Union. 

Under this law many State and local officials in the 
Southern States were removed and superseded by men 
who approved of negro suffrage and the Reconstruction 
Act. Thus Congress succeeded in its purpose of taking 
all political power in these States from the persons who 
had been active in the struggle against the Union. 

The actual government of the Southern States now fell 
into the hands of four groups of persons: (1) Southern 
unionists who had been ostracized or banished during the 
war, and a few ex-Confederates who now acquiesced in 
the Congressional policy; these were called "scalawags." 
(2) A class of Northerners who went South after the war, 
some to make investments (chiefly buying up at a low 
figure, estates of insolvent or dead planters), and others 
deliberately to get public offices; these were known as 
*' carpet-baggers." (3) The negroes.* (4) Some South- 
erners, mostly business men who had not previously taken 
active part in politics. It is almost unnecessary to say 
that the dominant political party in each State was the Re- 
pubUcan. Following the provisions of the Reconstruction 

* " Of the registered voters (previous to the constitutional conventions) 
a majority were negroes in South Carolina, Alabama, Florida, and 
Louisiana, and probably in Mississippi. In the constitutional conven- 
tions negroes were a majority of the delegates in South Carolina."— Dun- 
mng's Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction. 188. 194. 



Reconstruction 427 

Act, the States of Arkansas, North and Souih CaroHna, 
Louisiana, Florida, and Alabama were admitted to the 
Union in 1868. In July of that year, it was announced 
that the Fourteenth Amendment had been ratified by the 
required number of States and was a part of the Con- 
stitution. The readmission of Virginia, Georgia, Texas, 
and Mississippi was postponed for various reasons until 
the year 1870. 

In the meantime. Congress had proposed (February, 
1869) a new constitutional amendment. 

" Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote The Fit- 
shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any teenth 
State, on account of race, color, or previous condition of ser- ^^^ 
vitude. 

" Sect. 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article 
by appropriate legislation." 

This was intended to place negro suffrage beyond the 
power of Congress and the State Legislatures. The Fif- 
teenth Amendment was ratified and declared in force in 
March, 1870. 

In March, 1867, Congress had enacted the Tenure of The Ten- 
Office Act, a law which may be regarded as a trap delib- office Act. 
erately set to catch Johnson in the commission of an im- 
peachable offence. Its occasion was the removal by the 
President, in accordance with the custom of his predeces- 
sors since Jackson's time, of many officers who were not 
in sympathy with his administration. 

The Constitution, vesting the appointment of important Did the 
i officers in the President "with the advice and consent of the President 
Senate," is silent as to the process of removal. Since the estab- power of^ 
lishment of the Government, however, the power to remove removal? 
such officers had been regarded as a prerogative of the President 
alone. This conclusion had been arrived at during debate in 
the first Congress and was strengthened by judicial decision. 
The Tenure of Office Act declared that every officer appointed 
with the advice and consent of the Senate should continue to 
hold his position until the Senate agreed to his removal. Dur- 
ing a recess of the Senate the President might suspend an officer. 



428 



American History 



The im- 
peachment 
of Presi- 
dent 
Johnson. 



Constitu- 
tion, Art. 
II, sec. 4. 
Art. I, sec. 
2, cl. 5. 
Sec. 3, els. 
6. 7. 



The trial 
and its out^ 
come. 



but if the Senate disapproved of this the officer should resume 
his position. President Johnson asked for the resignation of 
Secretary of War Stanton in August, 1867. General Grant was 
authorized to act as Secretary of War until the Senate should 
act upon the matter. The Senate refused (January, 1868) to 
concur in Stanton's suspension, and he thereupon resumed his 
office. The President then issued an order for his removal and 
appointed a successor. 

This led at once to the voting of articles of impea<:h- 
ment in the House of Representatives. The President 
was charged with "high crimes and misaemeanors" in 
eleven articles. These, briefly summarized, specified: (1) 
His violation of the Tenure of Office Act in the removal of 
Stanton; (2) his declarations and public speeches, in 
which it was maintained that he sought "to destroy the 
regard and respect of all the good people of the United 
States for Congress and the legislative power thereof"; 
(3) his opposition to the Reconstruction Act. Among the 
leaders of the House who conducted the prosecution 
before the Senate were Thaddeus Stevens, Benjamin F. 
Butler, and George S. Boutwell. The President was de- 
fended by able law\ers, among them William M. Evartc* 
and Benjamin R. Curtis. 

This notable trial lasted ten weeks and attracted the atten- 
tion of the civilized world. Again the stability of our institu- 
tions was put to a test; but in spite of all the bitter feeling and 
party hatred that had been engendered, the forms of law were 
fully observed and there was no thought of resort to physical 
violence on either side. The defence maintained that the Tenure 
of Office Act encroached upon a constitutional power of the 
President — the independent right of removing his subordinates. 
The loss of this power, it was argued, would destroy the equality 
of this department and place the Executive at the mercy of 
Congress. The vote upon the article of impeachment involving 
this question was 35 to 19, and thus the Senate failed by one 
vote to convict the President. Seven Republicans who had 
hitherto opposed the President in his contest with Congress, 
and four Republicans who had hitherto sided with him, voted 
with eight Democrats in his favor. No vote was taken 
on the other charges, and the accusation was dropped. Thus 
ended the most dramatic incident in the civil history of the 



Reconstruction 



429 



tTnited States — an incident which friends of both parties in ihe 
unseemly dispute were soon glad to forget. 

In the election of 1868 the Democratic party condemned The eleo- 
in strong terms the reconstruction policy of the Repub- ^igQg^ 
licans; they also favored the payment of the war bonds 



fo^- ^^ 




TERMS CAS 



^olu/mZtOt ' 






' ituj^t of M. H. BERRY. 

All IDS BfliSriirMATTEESSa 






CHILBREN S CAGRIACES, WACOHS. 4r. 

in Sircet. Next Door lo R. A. W. C. SwafHeld. 



A - 
'/"■ ■ 

I:: 



/ . 

/* ■ 



//f^i^'<^ Kf>..^t^6<:. •a.&C<«' ^ 






.j^^^'^S^ii.^ -<^ ^«^c 4^^fc /fy 






/ 



Facsimile of a Bill for Furnishing the State House at 
Columbia, S. C, in 1872 

in greenbacks instead of in gold. This was intended as a 
means by which the stock of money in the country would 
be increased, and thereby the period of high prices pro- 
longed. The Eepublicans condemned this policy as 
amounting to repudiation of a part of the debt, since the 
bondholders had expected pajment in gold, and the legal 



430 



American History 



The gov- 
ernment of 
the recon- 
structed 
States. 



Abuses 
under the 
carpet- 
bag gov- 
ernments. 



tenders were not yet at par. General Grant was 
unanimously nominated by the Republican conven- 
tion as candidate for President, with Schuyler Colfax, 
of Indiana, for Vice-President. The Democrats nomi- 
nated Horatio Seymour, of New York, and General 
Francis P. Blair, of Missouri. The election was a Repub- 
lican victory, that party carrying six Southern States, 
while three others (Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas) cast 
no votes. 

As a consequence of the reconstruction policy of Con- 
gress there was a complete reversal of ante helium political 
conditions in the Southern States. The class formerly in 
control was now devoid of power and a new class ruled. 
The negroes, who composed the majority of the voters, 
were almost completely under the domination of the en- 
franchised whites; among these the carpet-baggers were 
in most of the States the ruling faction.* Many of these 
Northerners were men of integrity, but others were un- 
scrupulous and exercised an influence for evil over the 
ignorant, excitable, and child-like negroes. 

Under these conditions there began in the reconstructed 
States, the period of carpet-bag government — a period 
characterized by the greatest corruption. It was, in brief, 
the most complete travesty upon popular government that 
our country has ever known. There was in many States 
great extravagance in expenditures. Appropriations were 
made, the greater part of which found their way into the 
pockets of legislators, contractors, and politicians. Great 
amounts of money were borrowed by the issuance of State 
bonds. Heavy taxes were levied; these fell chiefly upon 
the property of the disfranchised classes. The indig- 
nities heaped upon the whites of the South were even more 
unbearable. In many cases both local and State offices 
were filled by ignorant and vicious negroes, who used their 
power to wreak vengeance upon their former masters and 
their political enemies. 

* Exceptions may be tound in Virginia and Georgia. 



Reconstruction 



431 



In Mississippi the State printing bill increased from $8,090 to 
$73,000 a year. The salaries of clerks in the Legislature, which 
had amounted in the aggregate to $30 or $40 a day, now be- 
came $150 a day. The tax rate ranged from 2^ per cent, to 5 
per cent., while the property had greatly decreased in value. 
Six million acres of land, one-fifth of the total area of the State, 
were sold for the non-payment of taxes. Tn Alabama the State 
debt was increased from $8,000,000 to $25,000,000. In Ten- 
nessee a similar amount was added to the public debt. Enor- 
mous bond issues were made in various States in aid of rail- 
roads and other enterprises; in many cases, this money was 
sfmply stolen. 



f OLUMEfk, ^S, p.,_ 

THE STATE? Vfcj,KAS;ejR^6. 

Will pay to the Order of M^ i^iJ.r..../^^>^^^ Y^ 




Facsimile of a "Gratuity" Voted to Governor Moses by the South 
Carolina Legislature in 18.71 

The white political leaders had created in many places The use o« 
Loyal Leagues and other organizations that fostered the ^ ®^*^ 
negro's sense of his social equality with the whites and in- 
creased his desire for pohtical activity. Soon there arose 
throughout the suffering communities of these States, 
various organizations of former Confederates, holding 
secret meetings and bent upon mutual protection and 
revenge for their wrongs. Mysterious warnings and mid- 
night raids of white-robed horsemen were calculated to 
frighten negroes from voting and other participation in 
politics, and from dependence upon their white leaders. 
Negroes were frequently whipped. Many carpet-baggers 
and agents of the Freedman's Bureau and white school- 



432 American History 

teachers were driven away and some were murdered. 
Naturally, this exercise of violence went to extremes as 
these organizations, originally controlled by the better 
class, fell into the hands of the rougher and more lawless 
element. There resulted, therefore, a reign of terror con 
ducted by secret and violent methods, such as other 
countries have witnessed when the oppression of govern 
ment drove a class to desperation. 

The names of some of these organizations were Knights oi 
the White CameUia, White Brotherhood, and Pale Faces, llie 
most famous ^vas the Ku Ivlux Klan,* which originated in 
Tennessee (1866) among some young ex-Confederates seeking 
merely fun and excitement. These organizations spread through- 
out the South. Their clubs were called " Dens," and their officers 
had such titles as Grand Cyclops, Grand Magi, and Grand Turk. 

The Force The terrible weapon that the white man thus raised 
poUcy. against negro rule was striking dow^n the freedmen's newly 

acquired civil and poUtical rights. Congress retaliated by 
a series of Force Law^s enacted in 1870-1871, fixing severe 
penalties for depriving any person of his civil rights under 
the Fourteenth Amendment, and especially for depriving 
one of his right to vote. The registration of voters and the 
election of members of Congress were placed under the 
control of the United States officers and courts. The 
President might suspend the writ of habeas corpus ^a any 
region where he thought it necessary, and send United 
States troops to keep order. These acts virtually brought 
about military control of elections. In the next few^ years 
troops were frequently called upon to quell riots and to 
uphold the Republican authorities in various States. 

Meanwhile, in one State after another, the Republican 
governments were being defeated at the polls by the white 
(Democratic) party, f This w^as brought about in various 

* From Greek kuklos, meaning circle. See Brown's The Lower South 
in American History; also Atlantic Monthly, LXXXVII, 634-644. 

f'This occurred in Tennessee, 1869; North Carolina, 1870; Texas 
Georgia, Virginia, 1870-1871; Alabama, Arkansas. 1869; Mississippi. 
1875." — Lalor, Encyclopgedia. III. 554. 



Reconstruction 



433 



throw of 
the carpet- 



ways: (1) In some States, by the union of all the whites^ The over 
rendered desperate by the evils of the times; (2) by induce- 
ments offered to negroes to remain away from the polls; (3) bag go\ 
by intimidation and violence; (4) by various sharp prac- 
tices in the process of registration and voting, including 
the ''stuffing" of ballot boxes. 

It was in this disturbed period of transition from the 

rule of the unfit to the rule 
of the intelligent voters of the 
reconstructed States, that the 
Presidential election of 1872 
occurred. Much dissatisfac- 
tion had arisen during 
Grant's administration. 
Grant, depending upon the The eleo. 
judgment of friends and pol- ^^^^ °^ 
iticians, had made many 
u n w is e appointments to 
office; consequently, scan- 
dals began to appear in the 
pubHc service. The Repub- 
lican policy of reconstruc- 
tion was considered a fail- 
ure; both the abuses of the 




1872. 



Horace Greeley 



carpet-bag regime and the 
outrages of the Ku Klux 
regulators aroused in the minds of many the demand for a 
change. "General amnesty" was advocated. Congress, 
in May, 1872, passed, by the necessary two-thirds vote, a 
bill granting amnesty to all but a limited class of Southern- 
ers, who were about 750 in number. IMany persons felt 
that the continuance of the high protective tariff was an 
evil, and they demanded its reduction. 

A mass convention of those who opposed the adminis- 
tration met at Cincinnati and organized the ''Liberal 
Republican party";, their platform demanded the aboli- 
tion of the Spoils System and "the immediate and abso- 



434 American Histon^ 

Parties and lute removal of all disabilities imposed on secount of the 
Rebellion." Being divided upon the question of tariff 
refoim, the convention made no declaration of policy, but 
left this question to the discretion of Congress. Quite un- 
expectedly, Horace Greeley was nominated as a candidate 
for President. The Democratic convention, meeting in 
July, adopted the platform of the Liberal Republicans 
and ratified the nomination of Greeley. The Republicans 
unanimously and with great enthusiasm nominated Pres- 
ident Grant for a second term. 

Horace Greeley failed to bring about the serious split in the Repub- 

Greeley. lican ranks that the reformers had worked for, and also failed 
to arouse enthusiasm among the Democrats. This is not 
strange in view of the fact that throughout his career he had 
been a bitter and formidable enemy of that party. He had been 
foremost in advocating the protective tariff. Furthermore, 
Greeley's character was not such as to bring serious approval of 
his fitness for the Presidential office. Of undoubted honesty, 
he seemed to lack consistency and firmness. Men called him 
erratic, and his personal peculiarities often inspired ridicule 
rather than respect. 

The election was an overwhelming victory for Grant, 
who carried all but six States. Greeley, shattered in health 
and mourning the loss of his wife, was seriously affected 
by his defeat and died shortly after the election. 



Suggestive Questions and References 

1. General accounts. Wilson, Division and Reunion, chap. 
11. Elson, Sidelights on American History, II, chap. 7. 

2. Lincoln's plan of reconstruction. Burgess, Reconstruction, 
and the Constitution, 8-20. Lincoln, Am. St. Series, H, 217- 
231; 243-245. Blaine, Twenty Years . ^ongress, II, 34-39. 
46-50. Stevens, Am. St. Series, 229-243. Hart, Contem- 
poraries, IV, No. 145. Seward, Am. St. Series, 396-406. 
Larned, Ready Reference. United States 1863 (December- July); 
1865 (April 11). 



Reconstruction 435 

3. Early life and character of Andrew Johnson. Blaine, II, 
3-10. McCuUoch, Men and Measures of Half a Century, 369« 
378. 

4. Johnson's plan of Reconstruction. Burgess, 31-41. Blaine, 
II, 76-83. McCulloch, 378-386. Stevens, Am. St. Series, 244- 
255. Seward, Am. St. Series, 406-419. Larned, United States 
1865 (May-July), (July-December). 

5. The Black Codes. Burgess, 44-56. Blaine, II, 91-107. 
Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 151. Stevens, Am. St. Series, 
249-255. 

6. The Freedman's Bureau. Larned, 1865-1866. Burgess, 
64-67; 87-90. Blaine, II, 162-172. 

7. The Reconstruction Act of 1867. Burgess, 111-122. 
Larned, United States 1867, March. Stevens, Am. St. Series, 
285-298. Arguments for and against this law are stated in 
Hart, Contemporaries, IV, Nos. 149, 150. 

8. Speeches made by President Johnson. Blaine, II, 181-183; 
237-239. Stevens, Am. St. Series, 265-269; 280-284. Burgess, 
67, 102. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 148. 

9. The impeachment. Larned, United States 1868 (March- 
May). Burgess, 172-177; 178-184; 190-194. Blaine, 11, 363- 
375. Am. St. Series: Sumner, 346-351; Stevens, 323-348; Chase, 
357-361. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 154. Elson, Sidelights, 
II, chap. 8. 

10. Carpet-bag governments. Burgess, 244-246; 261-264; 
274-275. Stevens, 298^308. Andrews, The United States in 
Our Own Time, 113-130. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 
157. 

11. The Ku Klux Klan. Burgess, 250-252 ; 257-261. Larned, 
United States 1866-1871. Blaine, II, 467-475. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, IV, No. 156. Andrews, The United States in Our 
Own Time, 36-40. 

12. Charles Sumner's views on reconstruction. Sumner, 
Am. St. Series, 217-220; 255-260. On negro suffrage, 290-301 
Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 146. 

13. Election of 1872. Blaine, II, 524; 531-533. Andrews, 
The United States in Our Own Time, 68-78. Linn, Horace 
Greeley, chap. 9. Elson, Sidelights, II, chap. 10. Stanwood. 
History of Presidential Elections, 276-30L 



436 American History 

14. For readings on this chapter, see James and Mann, Read- 
ings in American History, chap. 25. 

15. Fiction relating to the reconstruction period. Tourgee^ 
A Fool's Errand. Page, Red Rock. Harris. G?briel Tolliver. ' 



CHAPTER XXVI 
DIPLOMACY, FINANCE, AND POLITICS, 1865-1877 

In 1867 Russia ceded to the United States the possession The acqua 
of Alaska, a territory of nearly 600,000 square miles, then ^aska° 
inhabited by a few natives and considered of doubtful 
value. The compensation was $7,200,000. The relations 
between our country and Russia during the Civil War, 
when we most needed friends in Europe, had been cordial. 
Russia's sale of Alaska was another indication of this 
friendly spirit, combined, possibly, with the desire to 
check the expansion of England. 

Another important diplomatic victory was won by The ap- 
Secretary Seward in 1867. A condition of civil war in ^f^t^e*''* 
Mexico had resulted in an agreement between France, Monroe 
Spain, and England to send there an armed force for the ^^ Mexico, 
protection of their subjects and the collection of debts. 
The other nations soon withdrawing, France pursued this 
policy alone; and Napoleon III gave evidence that his 
intention was, in reality, the conquest of Mexico, in order 
to secure commercial advantages and prestige at home. 
He caused Archduke INIaximilJa-n of Austria to be elected 
Emperor of IMexico, and maintained him upon the throne 
by force of French arms. Against this policy the United 
States protested vigorously, but nothing further could be 
done while the Civil War lasted. At its close, troops were 
sent to the ^lexican border, and Seward, threatening an 
invasion, ski fully insisted upon the withdrawal of the 
French troops from Mexico. This was finally done (1867). 

437 



438 



American History 



The 

Alabama 

claims. 



The Treaty 
cf Wash- 
5np:ton, 
1871. 



Maximilian was left to his fate, and was captured and shot 
by troops of the Mexican Republic. Seward followed the 
Monroe Doctrine in stating the right of the Mexican people 
to determine their own form of government, and that 
French intervention 



in 
Mexico was ■ an act of 
hostility to the United 
States. 

During the Civil War 
the English Government 
refused to consider the 
question of its obliga- 
tions in view of the in- 
juries committed by the 
Alabama and other Con- 
federate vessels built in 
English ports. There 
came a change of minis- 
try, however; and the an- 
ticipation of war between 
France and Prussia, in 
which England might be- 
come involved, made that 
Government desire a 
more definite under- 
standing as to the rights 

and duties of neutral nations. It would be extremely dis- 
astrous to British commerce if either France or Germany 
should use the ports of the United States as the Con- 
federates had been allowed to use English ports. 

As the result of skilful diplomacy on the part of Secretary 
of State Fish, five English commissioners were appointed to 
meet at Washington with five representing this country. 
This Joint High Commission drew up the Treaty of 
Washington (1871), which was accepted by both countries. 
The treaty expressed ''in a friendly spirit the regret felt by 
Her Majesty's Government for the escape, under whatever 




William H. Seward 



Diplomacy, Finance, and Politics 43 y 

circumstances, of the Alabama and other vessels from 
British ports, and for the depredations committed by those 
vessels." It provided for the settlement of four disputes 
between England and the United States by the process of 
arbitration. This was the greatest treaty of arbitration the 
world had yet seen. 

The most important of the disputed questions, that of the The Ge- 
Alabama claims, was submitted to five arbitrators selected by neva Arbi» 
the United States,. England, Switzerland, Italy, and Brazil, re- t^ation. 
spectively. For their guidance, rules concerning the obligations 
of neutrals were agreed upon, their substance being that neutral 
nations should use "due diligence" in preventing such acts as 
had been overlooked by the English Government, in the case of 
the Confederate cruisers. The Tribunal of Arbitration met at 
Geneva, Switzerland, and decided that the English Government, 
having failed to use due diligence, should pay $15,500,000 to the 
United States as damages. This amount was to be used to 
recompense the owners of vessels and cargoes seized and de- 
stroyed. 

The other disputes involved (1) the north-western boundary 
between Canada and the United States. This question was 
submitted to the Emperor of Germany, who decided the correct 
iine in the Straits of Fuca. (2) A dispute regarding the fisheries 
on the Atlantic coast was settled by a commission. (3) Another 
concerning claims made by citizens of both countries was likewise 
disposed of. 

Thus the principle of arbitration and the peaceful settlement 
of disputes between nations won distinct recognition. 

Industrially, the effects of the Civil War upon the industrial 
country were nothing less than revolutionary. In the 
revival of the cotton industry at the South there was a War 
complete transfer from the basis of slave labor to that of 
free labor. The first effort toward adjustment was made 
in the maintenance of large plantations, worked by gangs 
of negro wage-earners. This proved unsatisfactory. Then 
the large estates were broken up into small tracts rented 
on shares to negroes. Later, negroes were able to ac- 
quire much land and to work it as small farms. At the 
same time, the poor whites, now able to compete in cotton 
raising, bought these cheap lands, and so obtained a more 



effects of 
the Civa 



440 



American History 



Varied in- 
dustries in 
the South. 



INothem 
manufact- 
ures stim- 
ailated. 



The war 
tariff and 
iits reten- 
tion. 



independent status. The average size of farms in the 
Southern States fell from 335 acres in 1860 to 214 acres in 
1870, and 153 acres in 1880. 

The belief that slave labor was necessary to the produc- 
tion of cotton proved false. By the year 1876 the annual 
yield equalled that of 1860, and since that date there has 
been a great increase. With the disappearance of slave 
labor, moreover, Southern prejudice against other indus- 
tries passed away. Crops were diversified; Northern 
capital found use in the exploitation of other resources of 
th€ South. Its water-power began to be developed and its 
coal-fields and mineral deposits were opened. Various 
manufacturing industries began to rise. Only beginnings 
in these directions were made before 1870; later, the in- 
dustrial development of the South out of its ante heUwn 
condition into ''the new South" of diversified industries 
became rapid. 

In the North the industrial consequences of the Civil 
War were also very marked. The demand for manu- 
factured goods to supply '-he army and navy gave a spur 
to industries of all kinds. "An official report in 1869 de- 
clared that within five years more cotton spindles had been 
put in motion, more iron furnaces erected, more iron 
smelted, more bars rolled, more steel made, more coal and 
copper mined, more lumber sawn and hewn, more houses 
and shops constructed, more manufactories of dift'erent 
kinds started, and more petroleum collected, refined, and 
exported, than during any equal period in the history of 
our country — and that this increase had been at a more 
rapid rate than the growth of population." * 

The high tariff on imported goods also stimulated manu- 
factures greatly. The average rate of duties was raised 
from the level of 20 per cent, in 1860 to 37 per cent, in 
1862 and 47 per cent, in 1864. The chief reasons for this 
advance were the need of revenue and the necessity ol 
protecting our industries, which were now subject to very 
* Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 358. 



Diflomacy, Fhmnce, and Politics 441 

heavy Internal taxation, against foreign competition. The 

new rates were generally looked upon as temporary. But 

when efforts were made after the war to reduce the rates 

there were protests from manufacturers. The internal '■ 

revenue taxes were repealed, year by year, as Government 

expenditures lessened. The import duties upon articles, 

such as tea and coffee, not produced in this country were 

taken off; but the protective duties remained. In 1872 a 

law was enacted reducing the latter unifoiTnly ten per 

cent, ; but the commercial crisis of 1873 gave rise to 

the demand for their restoration to the former level, 

and this was done in 1875. This, then, became the 

basis upon which our protective tariff system has since 

rested. 

Another indication of the industrial spirit of the North The Home- 
during the Civil War is the Homestead Act of 1862. The 18^2. 
policy of giving Western lands free to settlers had been 
defeated, previous to 1860, by the Southern delegation in 
Congress. It was now adopted as a means of developing 
the economic resources of the North and making it more 
capable of sustaining the burden of the war. Any head of 
a family might acquire 160 acres of land by residing upon 
it for five years. This law stimulated the development of 
the West and helped to maintain the level of wages in the 
East by dra^\ing off its surplus labor population. Immi- 
gration from Europe, which, on the whole, suffered a check 
during the war, was stimulated by the Homestead Act, 
and laier rose to enormous figures. The immigrants were 
chiefly Germans and Irish. 

It was in accordance with the same policy of developing The Pacific 
Western resources that Congress (1862-1864) voted aid ^aUways, 
for the construction of the Pacific railways. 

Two lines, the Union Pacific, built westward from Omaha, and Reasons 
the Central Pacific, eastward from San Francisco, were given forgovera. 
ten square miles of land for every mile of track laid. Besides "^^"^^ ^^ ' 
this, tne Government issued its bonds to the amount of $64,000,- 
000 in aid of these roads, taking only a second mortgage upon 



442 



American History 



The de- 
cline of the 
mer<*ant 
marine. 



the property as security. A total of 23,000,000 acres was gr£»,nted 
— an area larger than the State of Pennsylvania. .In succeeding 
years, still larger grants were made to the Santa Fe, the Northern 
Pacific, the Texas Pacific, and the Southern Pacific railroads. 
There were political and military reasons, also, for this policy 
of governmental bounty. The people of the Pacific coast would 
be bound by stronger ties to the North; the movement of troops 
would be facilitated; the control of hostile Indians would be 
made easier; public lands would be made more accessible and 
more valuable. In May, 1869, the first transcontinental rail- 
road was completed, when the two construction crews, who had 
been working from opposite directions, met at Promontory 
Point, Utah. 

In the midst of general prosperity at the North, one industry 
suffered fatal depression. In 1860 sixty-six per cent, of the 
imports and exports of the United States were carried in vessels 
registered under our laws; in 1870, only one-half as much was 
thus carried, and the decline since then has been steady. Scores 
of vessels had been destroyed by Confederate cruisers; others 
were transferred to foreign registry. Iron and steel had super- 
seded wood in marine construction, and the United States could 
not compete with foreign countries in building merchant ships. 



Financial 

policies. 

Taxes. 



Tiui debt. 



The Government emerged from the war financially 
sound. Policies were now developed upon three subject? 
— the war taxes, the debt, and the legal tenders. (1) It 
has already been stated (see p. 441) that rapid reductions 
were made in the internal taxes and some duties, while the 
protective duties remained intact. (2) In September, 1S65 
the public debt was $2,846,000,000 *— its highest point. 
The policy of discharging rapidly this enormous debt was 
entered upon at once. Indeed, the rapidity and ease with 
which the reduction was accomplished are "without prece- 
dent among nations." The bonds, certificates, and notes 
representing the debt w^ere of great variety. Under Sec 
retary of the Treasury McCuUoch, the demand and short, 
term obligations were taken up and new interest-bearing 
bonds were given in exchange. These bore 5, 4-|.. and ^ 

* From this subtract $88,000,000 in the Treasury, leaving $^.758,000. 
000. Of this debt the legal tenders constituted $433,000,000 and the 
fractional paper currency $26,000,000. 



Diplomacy, Finance, and Politics 443 

f» 

per cent, interest instead of the 7.3, 7, and 6 per cent, rates Refunding 
of the original issues. By these refunding operations the °p^''^*'®°* 
Government saved great sums. Such were the stabihty 
and resources of the country that the new bonds sold at a 
premium, and *^long before they matured the Government 
could borrow at a rate as low as 2§ per cent." 

The question arose, should the bonds not specifically payable 
in coin be paid in greenbacks? It was argued that the Govern- 
ment had received depreciated legal tenders for its bonds, and 
that therefore their payment in gold would be unjust to tax- 
payers. But as the legal tenders were still below par this would 
mean the virtual repudiation of a part of the debt, as it could not 
be shown that such payment was contemplated when the bonds 
were sold. This question had been an issue in the election of 
1868. (See pp. 429-430.) The Republican victory and an act 
of Congress in 1869 settled the policy in favor of coin payment 
for all bonds. 

(3) Though the legal tenders were regarded as tem- The 
porary, when issued, their retirement was most difficult. gtatS^ 
During the war the monetary situation was one of infla- notes. 
tion, i. e., the amount of money was in excess of the de- 
mand for it in business. Prices were therefore high, and 
all business was conducted upon this inflated basis. In 
1866 Congress authorized Secretary McCulloch to redeem 
the legal tenders in limited amounts from the surplus 
revenues, and to cancel those redeemed. This process was 
continued until the amount outstanding was reduced to 
$356,000,000, when it was stopped by an let oi Congress 
(1868), responding to public criticism ot this ''contrac- 
tion" of the currency. 

The question was debated, should the United States retain Arguments 
the legal tenders as a permanent money, or should some policy of over the re- 
" resumption of specie payments" be enacted? Those who tirement of 
opposed the retirement of the greenbacks emphasized the evils 
that would result from the lower prices inevitably following con- 
traction of the currency; the manufacturers and merchants who 
had stocks on hand would suffer, and also the debtors, including 
large numbers of farmers who had mortgaged their farms. The 
extremists of this belief urged further issues of irredeemable 



444 



American History 



paper money in the interest of lively trade. On the other hand, 
the evils of inflation were pointed out; the uncertainty as to the 
amount of currency and its value had already led to a scandalous 
amount of speculation. The legal tenders, moreover, were a 
Government obligation, and public honor demanded the fulfil- 
ment of the promise to pay. The policy of resuming specie 
payments was supported by the strongest element of both 
parties, but the manner and time of beginning this process 
could not be settled upon. 
Constitu- Meanwhile, the Supreme Court, Chief Justice Chase presiding, 

the"l^^*ai°^ decided (1869) that Congress had exceeded its powers in giving 
tenders. ^"^^^ \Qg2l tender quality to the United States notes and that 
for contracts made before their issuance these notes need not 
be accepted. In 1872, however, the court having in the meantime 
been changed by the accession of two new members, a decision 
was made upholding the constitutionality of the legal tenders 
as a war measure. 



Causes of 
the crisis 
•f 1873. 



The crisis of 1873 was the outcome of the monetary 
situation and the great industrial activity of this period. 
The high prices had stimulated production until there was 
overproduction and a glut of the market. Investment ran 
into speculation, and the resources of individuals and 
corporations became tied up in unprofitable enterprises. 
This was especially true in railroad construction. Imme- 
diately after the war, rapid progress was made in the set- 
tlement of the central West and of California. Wheat- 
growing, especially, increased greatly. The development 
of these new fields gave an impetus to the building of 
railroads. Between 1868 and 1873, 28,000 miles were 
built — more than the total mileage of the country in 
1859. This was greatly in excess jof the growth and 
needs of the country, and the returns were consequently 
inadequate. It is apparent that both the paper money, 
upon the basis of which people estimated values, and in- 
dustrial securities (bonds, mortgages, etc.) represented 
fictitious rather than real values. Such a condition could 
not long continue. When the demand came for the set- 
tlement of debts, for the payment of interest on invest- 
ments, for the payment of specie at banks, the false valua 



Diplomacy, Finance, and Politics 445 

tion was revealed and failures resulted. In September, 
1873, there was a stringency in the money market in 
New York and the reserves of the banks were very 
low. Upon the appearance of a ''scare," depositors dt 
manded their money and banks were obliged to refuse 
payment. The panic ensued. There were 5,000 bank- 
ruptcies in 1873, and by 1878 the number was twice 
as large. Business stagnation ensued and the greatest 
burden fell upon the poor, for whom idle industries gave 
no employment. 

Immediately following the panic came a renewal of the The " infia. 
1 1 i» <( }} /-^ j-i /-^ tion bill." 

demand tor more money. Consequently, Congress 

passed (1874) a bill increasing the amount of legal tender 

notes. President Grant vetoed this bill on the ground 

that prosperity could not permanently result from an 

artificial inflation of the money supply. 

In 1875 Congress gave tardy expression to the policy Re&ump, 
of resumption. It was enacted that on January 1, 1879, gp^ede 
the Government would redeem the legal tenders at par in payments. 
coin; to provide specie for this purpose, bonds might be 
issued by the Secretary of the Treasury. When the date 
thus fixed arrived, the notes were equal in value to gold. 
A reserve of considerably more than $100,000,000 was in 
the Treasury for their redemption. The people, however, 
called for the redemption of but few notes. 

The overwhelming victory of the Republicans in the Grant's 
election of 1872 (see pp. 433-434) was offset by reverses l^^^^^^' 
met during Grant's second administration. The party in 
power during a financial crisis usually receives unmerited 
blame for the ''hard times" that follow. On the score of 
official corruption, however, the party was justly criticised. 
The evils of the spoils system had led to the enactment of ' 
a law (1871) providing for a civil-service examination 
system. The foremost agitator in this cause was George 
William Curtis, and he was appointed by Grant chairman 
of a commission to administer the new law. There was 
opposition to the reform, however, and in 1875 Congress 



446 



American History 



Evidences 
of corrup- 
tion. 



The cam- 
paign of 
4876. 



refused further appropriations and the system was aban- 
doned for the time. 

Investigalions disclosed the fact that a corporation 
called the Credit Mobilier, engaged in constructing the 
Pacific railroads, had sought to influence Congressmen 
by selling to them shares of its stock below market value. 
Collectors of internal rev- 
enue taxes upon whiskey 
were found, upon investi- 
g a t i o n s prosecuted by 
Secretary of the Treas- 
ury Bristow, to be de- 
frauding the Government 
of millions of dollars. 
A member of the Cabinet, 
Secretary of War Belknap, 
was found to be involved 
in frauds connected with 
the letting of contracts in 
his department. President 
Grant's personal honesty, 
it appears, was combined 
with great incapacity for 
judging the quality of his 
subordinates. 

This official corruption gave the Democrats the oppor- 
tunity to make reform the leading issue of the campaign of 
1876. For their leader they selected Samuel J. Tilden, an 
eminent lawyer, formerly Governor of New York. He was 
^jrominent at this time through his work in prosecuting suC' 
cessfully the leaders of the infamous "Tweed ring," which 
had robbed the city of New York of some $100,000,000. 
Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, was nominated as 
candidate for Vice-President. 

For their candidate the RepubKcans turned from their 
prominent leaders, James G. Blaine, of IMaine, Oliver P. 
Morton, of Indiana, and Roscoe Conkling, of New York, 




Samud J. Tilden 



Diplomacy, Finance, and Politics 



447 



and nominated a 'Mark horse," Rutherford B. Hayes, a 
man of considerable experience, thrice Governor of Ohio. 
Wilham H. Wheeler, of New York, was the candidate for 
Vice-President. 

In response to the Democratic cry for reform, the Repub- issues of 
licans dwelt upon the issue of Southern political conditions, ^^^^ 
the suppression of the negro vote, and the Civil War record 
of their opponents.* The parties differed flatly on the 




s^ 


Mo 


N r. 


— J 





% '^- 




_ j 


OAKOT 


o 






' 




— - 


' w 


vo. 


;- 






— — 




_l_ 


. NEBR. 




OF 
1876 

t \ Republican 165 
r 1 Democratic ISU 
Zm Disputed 20 



Election Map of 1876 



tariff question, but upon resumption the issue was con- 
fused: the Repubhcans indorsed the law of 1875, while 
the Democrats demanded its repeal without denouncing 
resumption. The contest was close for the first time 
since 1860. The Democrats carried all the doubtful 
Northern States (New York, Indiana, New Jersey, and 

* This appeal to the prejudices of war times was called " waving the 
bloody shirt." It helped to solidify the Democratic white vote in the 
South and to prevent secession from Republican ranks in the North. 



448 



American History 



Disputed 

election 

returns. 



The 

Electoral 
Commis- 
sion. 



Connecticut) and claimed all of the Southern States, 
though their victory was disputed in Louisiana, Florida, 
and South CaroUna. 

In these three States the carpet-bag governments were still 
in power, and the officers who canvassed, the election returns 
(returning boards) were Republicans. They decided that there 

was evidence of fraud and intimida- 
tion sufficient to justify the rejec- 
tion of votes in certain districts, and 
that the Hayes electors were elected. 
Other officers in those States, and in 
Oregon, where a question as to the 
qualifications of a Republican 
elector had arisen, reported that 
Democratic electors had been 
chosen. In each of these four States, 
then, two groups of electors met 
and voted for President, and double 
returns were sent to the President 
of the Senate to be counted. 

In Congress, a rule in operation 
since 1865 that the electoral vote of 
any state should not be counted if 
either House objected, could not 
be reenacted because the House 
was Democratic and the Senate 
Republican. Tilden had 184 undisputed votes, and the count- 
ing of one vote from the States in dispute would make him 
President. On the other hand, it required all the votes from 
those States to give Hayes a majority. 

No method being provided by the Constitution or by lawto settle 
the question, which of the disputed votes should be counted, the 
two Houses finally agreed upon an extra-Constitutional process. 
An Electoral Commission was established, consisting of five Sena- 
tors (three Republicans and two Democrats), five Representatives 
(three Democrats and two Repubhcans), and five Justices of the 
Supreme Court (two of each party, the fifth to be chosen by these 
four). The fifth Justice selected was Mr. Bradley, a Republican, 
and the Commission decided by a strict party vote of eight to 
seven that it would accept the returns sent by the returning 
boards in the disputed States, without examining into the merits 
of their decisions. This gave the majority to Hayes. 

The excitement and bitterness aroused by' this contest sub- 
sided with remarkable ease, and the country once more demon- 




Eutherford B. Hayes 



Diplomacy, Finance ^ and Politics ' 449 

Btrated its respect for the decisions of constituted authorities, 
regardless of personal feeling. 

President Hayes displayed an admirable quality in his The 
firm stand against political corruption; he forbade the ^rltll^^ 
practice of assessing Government employees for political Haye* 
purposes, and aimed to make fitness a test in his appoint- 
ments. He disappointed a large number in his party by 
withdrawing from Southern States the Federal troops hith- 
erto maintained there to secure fair elections (see p. 432). 
This policy removed the last obstacle in the way of negro 
disfranchisement, and had the effect of removing the 
Southern question from politics. Tliis administration was 
not marked by important party legislation, since the 
Democrats controlled either one or both Houses of Con- ^ 

gress. They tried to enact Democratic measures by fixing 
them as "riders" upon urgent appropriation bills. These 
were vetoed by Hayes. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. The Geneva Arbitration. Charles Francis Adams, Am. St. 
Series 380-397. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 175. Andrews, 
The United States in Our Own Time, 87-95. 

2. Senator Sumner on the purchase of Alaska. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, IV, No. 174. 

3. The industrial effects of the Civil War. Wright, Industrial 
Evolution of the United States, 152-158, 188. Bogart, Economic 
History of the United States, 266-267, 419. 

4. Why was not the tariff reduced after the war ? Tanssig, 
Tariff History of the United States, 171-178. 

5. What were the arguments for and against contraction of the 
currency ? Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 335- 
339. For and against payment of the bonds in currency, 344- 
349. The history of resumption, 372-378. See also, Andrews, 
263- 267. 

6. The panic of 1873. Andrews, 253-263. Earned, History 
for Ready Reference, United States, A.D. 1873. 

7. The transcontinental railways and the Credit Mobilier 
Company. Andrews, 103-109. 



450 America?! History 

8. The elections of 1872 and 1876 are treated in Wilson, 
Division and Reunion, 281-287. The disputed election of 1876, 
in Andrews, 205-221. Larned, Ready Reference, United States, 
1876-1877. Government in State and Nation, 261-262. 

9. For the history of the legal tenders and resumption, see 
Government in State and Nation, 212-214. 

10. For the topics in this chapter, see James and Mann, 
Readings in American History, chap. 26. 



CHAPTER XXVIl 

INDUSTRIAL AND SOCIAL CHANGES 

1866-1886 

Tbe industrial activity that followed the Civil War industrial 
^^see p. 439) was accompanied by changes that constitute IJJ^i'ts^^' 
almost another industrial revolution. The progress of after the 
invention that had been somewhat checked by the Civil 
War now proceeded with renewed vigor. New machinery 
and new processes multiplied rapidly. The most im- 
portant of these were the Bessemer process of converting 
iron into steel, first used extensively in 1867, and the 
Siemens-Martin, or open-hearth method of 1869. Coke 
was substituted for coal in the reduction of the ore. The 
great activity in railroad construction (see p. 444) stimu- 
lated this industry, and the substitution of steel for iron rails 
made possible larger and more efficient rolling stock. 

At this time the opening of the great iron deposits of upper steei 
Michigan and Wisconsin, together with the cheaper proc- 
esses, facilitated the substitution of steel for iron in all in- 
dustries — the "age of steel" began. The manufacture of 
steel advanced westward, the ports of the Great Lakes being 
convenient meeting points for the iron from the north and 
the bituminous coal of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois. 

This period saw the development of the petroleum in- 
dustry to vast proportions. The copper mines of Michi- 
gan and the silver mines of Colorado yielded abundantly. 
The applications of electricity (in electroplating, electro- 
t;>'ping, etc.) began to assume importance. 

451 



maQ' 

ulacture.. 



452 



American History 



The in- 
creased 
use of 
machinery. 



Corpora- 
tions and 
large-scale 
produc- 
tion. 



This was also the age of machinery in a sense hitherto un- 
realized; in every manufacturing process, machines superseded 
hand labor. In the manufacture of flour nearly three-fifths of 
the laborers were displaced by machinery; in furniture factories, 
nearly three-fourths; in metal goods industries, one-third: in 
the manufacture of boots and shoes, four-fifths; and in cotton 
factories, one-half. Yet so great was the demand for the goods 
that were thus being produced more cheaply * and so numerous 
were the new lines of manufacture opened, that labor found 
abundant employment. In fact, the number of persons em- 
ployed in productive industries increased at a faster rate than 
did the total population. 

These great changes in mechanical methods necessi- 
tated changes in business methods that were no less im- 
portant. The extensive use of machinery led to manufactur- 
ing on a large scale. Manufacturers then handled larger 
stocks of raw materials and of finished products, and this 
necessitated an increase of capital. This w^as in turn ef- 
fected by the organization of corporations. In the com- 
petition between large establishments owned by corpor- 
ations and smaller ones, the former had the advantage; 
for in various ways large-scale production is more eco- 
nomical than that conducted upon a small scale. Hence 
there was a decided movement toward the conceriirahon 
^j industry. The earnings from large-scale production 
were turned back into the channels of industry, and new 
fields were exploited. In numerous instances great fort- 
unes were rapidly accumulated. 

There now appeared more distinctly than ever befctre 
the separatum of the employer, or capitalist, class from 
the laboring class. 

In large establishments the intimate relations between em* 
ployers and employees cannot exist. The latter lose their indi- 
viduality and to a great extent their independence, as the extreme 
division of labor involves greater routine in processes. The 
corporation deals in a less human way with its employees, and its 
directors frequently sanction practices for which an individual 

* The per capita consumption of iron rose from 105 lbs. in 1870 to 
204 lbs. in 1880. Wright. Industrial Evolution of the United States, 323. 



of labor 
unions- 



Industrial and Social Changes 453 

employer would not wish to assume the responsibility. More- Effects 
over, the growi;h of large production favored the concentration that fol- 
of population in large cities.* Here conditions of life were less concentra- 
pleasant and the employment of women and children in factories tiort of ia- 
increased rapidly. Under these conditions the contrast be- dustry. 
tween the rich and the poor became more apparent; the sharp 
business methods and the profligacy exhibited by some of the 
'newly rich" aroused bitterness and hatred in the hearts of the 
mass of laborers. Sometimes attempts were made by corpor- 
ations to conceal their great profits by stock-watering. Small 
stock-holders in corporations were frequently cheated by the 
juggling of accounts; and corporations were bankrupted by stock 
manipulators for their own profit. Such were some of the evils 
that accompanied the great changes in business organization.- 

Before the Civil War a movement had begun for the The growth 
organization of laborers corresponding to the organiza- 
tion of capitalists into corporations. Local labor unions 
were numerous, and some twenty -six national unions ex- 
isted in 1860. The industrial changes mentioned above 
were extremely favorable to the progress of this move- 
ment, and new" organizations were now rapidly formed.f 
Many trades-union newspapers w^ere established at this 
time. Notable among the unions was the Knights of 
Labor, which combined in its membership workers of all 
industries, numbering in 1886 about 500,000. The Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor, founded in 1881, was intended 
to centralize the control of this movement by affiliating a 
large number of unions under one national management. 

The labor movement grew out of a general feeling of discontent 
with the new industrial conditions. The purposes of the unions 
may be siunmarized as follows: (1) The distribution of sick and 
death benefits. (2) The fostering of a spirit of cooperation 

■•= See Government in State and Nation, p. 34, for statistics of urban 
growth. 

t Unions were formed In the following occupations: railroad engineers 
<1863), cigar-makers (1864), bricklayers and masons (1865), railroad con- 
ductors (1868), furniture workers (1873), locomotive firemen (1874;, iron 
and steel workers (1876), granite cutters (1877), carpenters and joiners 
(1881). railroad brakemen (1884), coal-miners (1885). Both national 
and international organizations were founded in many trades. 



454 



American History 



n'hai 
iabor 
unions 
have ac- 
com- 
plished. 



The first 

preat 

etnkes. 



among working men. (3) The spread of educational influences, 
through meetings, papers, and discussions. (4) Common action 
looking toward the increase of wages, based upon the feehng that 
labor was not receiving its proportionate share of the profits 
arising from mechanical improvements. (5) A movement for 
shorter hours of work. (6) A demand for legislation insuring 
the safety and comfort of laborers, and the protection of 
women and children. 

Themselves an evidence ot growing intelligence among 
the working classes, the unions have had an educating and 
uplifting influence. Their demand for the scientific in- 
vestigation of labor conditions by the government resulted 
in the State Labor Bureaus (first in INIassachusetts, 1S69) 
and the National Bureau of Labor (1884). Their demand 
for labor legislation resulted in a multitude of beneficent 
laws.* The hours of labor for women and children have 
been restricted (first in Massachusetts to ten hours a day, 
1874). Since 1870 the unions have emphasized their de- 
mands for a uniform eight-hour day for all emplo}ees. 

For securing higher wages and shorter hours iabor 
unions depended to some extent upon strikes and "boy- 
cotts," sometimes accompanied by violence. In the 
early years of this period, these were seldom successful. 
In 1877 the employees of the Baltimore and Ohio Rail- 
road struck against a ten-per-cent. reduction of wages ; em- 
ployees of the Pennsylvania system, with other grievances, 
followed this example. Sympathetic strikes on other roads 
and in other industries soon involved 100,000 employees. 
There ensued much violence, with the destruction of 
property and loss of life, especially at Pittsburg, Pa. 

These events startled the public and directed attention 
to the labor problem. In 1883 there was an extensive 
strike among the telegraphers of the country, and two 
years later another occurred among the employees of 
the Gould system of railroads in the south-western States. 
In 1886 there was great unrest among the laboring classes 

* For a list of these laws see Wright, Industrial Evolution of the United 
States 291-292; Government in State and Nation, 107-110. 



Industrial and Social Changes 



455 



in Chicago. During the course of a strike at the McCor- 
mick reaper works, workmen used violent methods and 
several were shot by police. These conditions culminated 
in the throwing of a bomb at a public gathering in Hay- 
market Square. Several policemen were killed and others 
were wounded. The act was regarded as the outcome of 
the teachings promulgated by certain anarchists who ad- 
vised resistance to government authority. Four of these 
were hanged. Several years later, Governor Altgeld of 
Illinois pardoned three others, then in the penitentiary, 
on the ground that they had not had a fair trial. 

Business depression continued for some years after the 
panic of 1873. The movement of population mto the 
central West was very rapid.* The production of wheat, 
corn, and other agricultural products increased apace. 
This fact, together with the lower cost of production, due 
to the use of improved farm machinery, and the lower 
cost of transportation, tended to cause decreasing prices 
for farm products. Thousands of farmers who had hope- 
fully mortgaged their farms now found the interest burden 
growing heavier, and a spirit of discontent reigned • 'irough- 
out the agricultural West and South. 

There were real grievances, also, felt by the farmers in 
the methods employed by railroads. Freight rates on 
goods carried to cities where several lines were compet- 
ing for business, were, naturally, low; while high rates 
were exacted at intermediate points where there was no 
competition There arose a movement (organized in 
1867) amoUj.^ farmers, similar to that among factory em- 
ployees. Local organizations, known as ''granges,^' in- 
cluded by 1875 1,500,000 members. These were organ- 
ized into State and national systems under the name 
"Patrons of Husbandry." Their purpose was partly 
educational, but chiefly they aimed to compel, by the 

* Between 1870 and 1880 population here increased as follows: Minne- 
sota, 77 per cent.; Iowa, 36 per cent.; Dakota Ter., 853 per cent.; Kansas, 
173 per cent.; Nebraska, 267 per cent. 



TheChi- 
catro an- 
archists. 



The j?rowtti 
of the cen- 
tral West, 



Railroad 
abuses and 
the 

Granger 
movement 



456 



American History 



European 
imrnii^ra- 
lion. 



The 

Chinese 
on the 
Pacific 
Coast. 



The 

Greenback 

party. 



force of pubflc opinion, legislation against abuses com- 
mitted by railroads and other corporations. These organ- 
izations also assisted in the establishment of agricultural 
colleges and founded cooperative bu\dng and selling 
agencies. 

In several Western States (Illinois, Wisconsin, Iowa 
and IMinnesota) laws were enacted (1871-1874) prescrib 
ing maximum rates and establishing railroad commissions 
empowered to enforce these and other restrictive laws. 
The railroad managers fought bitterly against this legis- 
lation, arguing that theirs was a private business which 
the States could not control. The opposite contention, 
that, as corporations deriving their charters from the pub- 
lic, and as common carriers* performing public service, 
the railroads were subject to public control, was sus- 
tained by the United States Supreme Court in 1877. 

One of the causes for the discontent of the laboring 
classes in these years w^as the severe competition arising 
from the immigration of European laborers. These 
numbered, for the decade 1870-1880, 2,261,000, chiefly 
German (700,000), English (460,000), Irish (43(3.000) 
and Scandinavian (211,000). During the next decade 
(1880-1890) the total number of European immigrants 
was more than doubled (4,721,000). 

The coming of large numbers of Chinese to the Pacific 
Coast was the cause of turbulent demonstrations ao-ainst 
them; their cheap manner of life, low wages, and their 
habit of returning home with their earnings, all added fuel 
to the flames of race hatred. In obedience to popular 
demand, Congress enacted a law (1882) excluding the 
Chinese laboring class from this country for a period of 
ten years. 

During the period of business stagnation that followed 
the crisis of 1873, there arose a demand for "more money." 
A "Greenback" party was formed in 1876 with a Presi- 
dential candidate, Peter Cooper, who received, how^ever, 
* See Governn:ient in State and Nation. 100-101. 



Industrial and Social Changes 457 

but 80,000 votes. Two years later the Congressional can- 
didates of this party polled over 1,000,000 votes. 

The fundamental principle of the Greenback party was a denial 
of the doctrine that money owes its vahie and acceptability to 
the intrinsic value of the material from which it is made. They 
contended that this is determined solely by the quantity of money 
in comparison with the business demand for it. It was argued 
that the governmer- 1 stamp, and that alone, gave value to any- 
thing that was madb money by law. The government should -■ 
therefore issue as much '' fiat " paper money as business required, 
making no provision for its redemption, but allowing it to be 
convertible into government bonds bearing interest. This party 
denounced resumption. National banks, and the payment of 
bonds in specie. There were many men in both of the old 
parties who were either favorable to its views or afraid, for po- 
litical reasons, to oppose them. 

While rei losing to repeal the resumption act of 1875 There- 
(see p. 44:6) Congress took another step opposed to con- ofTpeciT 
traction, in 1878, when it decreed that after the commence- ffl^^f '^^^j 
ment of resumption (1879) none of the legal tender notes reissuance 
that were redeemed should be destroyed, but that all unit^i 
should be reissued in the ordinary course of business, states 
Thus the total amount of these notes remained constant ^^ ^^' 
($346,000,000). Business conditions, giving the United 
States a favorable balance of trade against Europe, en- 
abled the Secretary of the Treasury, John Sherman, to 
accumulate gold for the resumption fund; but no provision 
was made in anticipation of the troublous times when this 
could not be done (see p. 481). 

The history of silver legislation in this period is closely The de- 
r«^lated to the events above described. For many years t?on^of^si' 
previous to 1873, gold production was in excess of silver pro- ver in 
duction, and very little silver bullion was brought to the 
mints for coinage. Silver dollars were exported, and were 
seldom seen in circulation. Public attention was there- 
fore only slightly attracted to the law of 1873 revising the 
coinage regulations and omitting the silver dollar from 
thf» list of coins. Soon after this, silver production rap- 



458 



American History 



The free- 
silver 
move- 
ment. 



A mone- 
tary 
com- 
promise. 



idly Increased, e peclally from newly discovered deposit?- 
in Colorado.* 

The bullion value of the silver dollar was 102 cents in 
1872; but by 1875 it had fallen to about 96 cents, and thi:.- 
tendency continued. In consequence, a demand arose 
in the silver producing States of the AY est for the return 
to the policy of free silver coinage f that had prevailed 
from the beginning of our government until 1873. This 
demand grew in intensity as the value of silver bullion 
declined, and a large portion of the Greenback party 
threw their influence in the same direction, since free coin- 
age would mean expansion of the money supply. The 
strength of the movement is indicated by the fact that in 
1876 and 1877 the House of Representatives passed bills 
for the free coinage of silver. 

The free-silver movement gained great strength in the agricult- 
ural sections of the West and South, where there was a condition 
of business depression (see p. 455 ), as well i^s in the silver- 
mining States. This depression was due, it was claimed, to 
contraction of the currency. The decline of prices and the de- 
monetization t of silver were cited as proofs that there was con- 
traction. The restoration of silver to its former place as a money 
metal, would, it was claimed, raise its value, increase the amount 
of money in circulation, restore the former level of prices, and 
bring as a result greater business activity. 

Free-silver advocates of more moderate views believed 
that an international agreement should be made before 
entering upon that policy. These men united with those 

* Product of gold and silver in the United States in millions of dollars. 

GOLD SILVER 

1861 $43 mil. $2 mil. 

1865 53 " 12 " 

1870 50 " 17 " 

1871 44 " 24 •• 

1872 30 " 29 '* 





GOLD 


SILVER 


1873 


. ... $36 mil. 


$36 mU. 


1874.... 


34 " 


37 " 


1875.... 


....33 •• 


31 •' 


1876.... 


40 " 


35 ' 


1877.... 


47 •• 


37 • 


1878.... 


....51 " 


40 " 



t Free coinage of any metal exists when any person may bring bullion 
to the mint and have it coined; the government undertakes to coin all 
that is brought. See Government in State and Nation, 207-208. 

X I. e., th(5 stoppage of free coinage in 1873 by the United States and, 
at about the same time, by several European countries 



Industrial a?id Social Changes 459 

who stood for the single gold standard in the enactment 
of a compromise law — the Bland-Allison act of 1878. 
This law authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to 
purchase monthly from $2,000,000 to $4,000,000 worth 
of silver bullion and to coin it into silver dollars of the 
standard weight (412.5 grains), which were to be full legal 
tender.* Under this law $378,000,000 were coined, but 
silver bullion continued to decline in value, and, another 
period of business depression occurring in 1882-1884, the 
demand for free-silver coinage continued. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Wright, Industrial Evolution of the United States, has the 
following topics: The tendency to concentration in the iron and 
steel industries, 176-179. Labor organizations, chaps. 19, 20. 
Strikes on the Pennsylvania and the Gould railroads, 301-309. 

2. Andrews, The United States in Our Own Time. The 
Greenback party, 274-275, 290-291. The Granger movement, 
281-282. Labor movement, 285-293. The Chicago anarchists, 
530-535. Chinese immigration. 356-381. Euorpean immigra- 
tion, 707-714. 

3. Dewey, Financial History of the United States, the Green- 
back party, 378-382. Silver legislation of this period, 403-410. 

4. Bogart, Economic History of the United States. Silver 
legislation, 346. Large-scale manufacturing, 373-379. Labor 
unions, 425-426, 442-444. 

5. For source readings on the topics of this chapter, see James 
and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 27. 

* See Government in State and Nation, 183. The holders of these 
dollars might deposit them in the Treasury and leceive in exchange silver 
tertificates in the same amounts, as a more convenient form of money. 
Ibid., t86. 



CHAPxi^R XXVIII 

POLITICAL CHANGES AND INDUSTRIAL EXPANSION 

1880-1890 

Party POLITICALLY, the administration of President Hayes 

nomina- successful. We have seen (p. 449) that he closed the 

tioiis tor .11 • 1 T-i 1 

the elec- epoch of Reconstruction by withdrawing the b ederai troops 

isso**^ from the South. The Republican party profited by his 
sensible, conservative guidance, and by his honest efforts 
in the direciion of official purity. For the Republican 
nomination for President in 1880, there arose a contest 
between the supporters of General Grant, whose popu- 
larity was at this time greatly increased by his return from 
a trip around the world, and the opponents of a "third 
term." The latter were divided in their support of 
James G. Blaine and John Sherman. The warring fac- 
tions finally united upon James A. Garfield of Ohio, with 
Chester A. Arthur of New York as candidate for Vice- 
"h-esident. 

The Democrats nominated Gen. Winfield S. Hancock 
of Pennsylvania and WilUam H. English of Indiana. 

Mr. Garfield was reared in poverty, but he secured a college 
education and became president of Hiram College, Ohio. In 
the Civil War he had shown marked ability, rising to the rank 
of General; he had been a Republican leader in Congress since 
1863. 

General Hancock had had little political experience, but his 
record as a soldier was briUiant. A graduate of West Point, he 
had seen service in the Mexican War; he had contributed much 
toward the victory at Gettysburg, where he commanded the left 
center of the TTnion Army. His nomination strengthened the 
adherence of the War Democrats. 

460 



Folilwal Changes and Industrial Expansiofi 461 



can success 
and the 
" Solid 
South." 



In this campaign, as in 1876, the past records of the Republl- 
two parties, chiefly upon Civil War, reconstruction, and 
financial policies, were debated. The result was remark- 
able in the clear division between the sections. The 
Republicans who were successful, carried all the North- 
ern States, except New Jersey, Nevada, and California; 
while the Democrats carried every Southern State. The 
"Solid South" was a product of reconstruction times. 







DISTIUBI'TION OF — ^-^ ^ 
POPULATION IN 1S80 

ffti</«r 2 ^nhaoxtantt to th^ 9q miU 
~n Fram 2 to 18 inlmt .' 
^^ •• 18 MOO ." 
m 90 an./ over •• 
^St Center of Populati&n 



Population map, 1880. 



In this section practically all the white voters were united 
in the party which opposed negro suffrage, regardless 
of their views upon other questions. 

The contest between the two Republican factions was Factional 
renewed when President Garfield appointed, as Secretary wmiYn^^ 
of State, James G. Blaine, the personal enemy of Senator Repubii- 
Roscoe Conkling of New York, who had been leader of 
the Grant faction. Garfield also nominated as collector of 
the port of New York a candidate who was personally and 
politically unacceptable to Conkling. The confirmation 
of the latter appointment by the Senate would violate the 



462 



American Ilistor 



y 



principle of " senatorial courtesy"* and the issue was most 
bitterly contested. The Senate finally sustained the Presi- 
dent. Senators Conkling and Piatt resigned, but the legis- 
lature of New York refused to vindicate them by reelection. 




James A. Garfield 



After a photograph by Bell— the last picture made before the 
assassination 



The as- 
sassina- 
tion of 
Garfield. 



The opening months of Garfield's administration wei- 
otherwise perplexed by questions involving the distribution 
of "spoils." He was gladly seeking release from these, 
cares by leaving Washington, when he was shot down 
(July 2, 1881) at the railway station by Charles Guiteau, 
a disappointed office-seeker, who thought his act was neces- 
sary to prevent a spHt in the Republican party. The 

* See Government in State and -Nation, p. 275. 



Political Changes and Industrial Expansion 463 



sympathy of the entire world was given to the stricken 
President during the weeks that followed. On September 
19 his long struggle for life was ended. 

Vice-President iVrthur, who now succeeded Garfield, had President 
been hitherto unknown by the country, outside of political ^^^'^"'■' 
and social circles in New York. There were fears that 

the consequences follow- 
ing the succession of 
other Vice-Presidents 
would be repeated; but, 
fortunately, iVrthur rose 
to the situation and 
showed himself to be an 
able, fearless executive. 

The events above re- The 
cited had served to em- for^J^J 
phasize the evils of the service 
spoils system, its debas- ends suo- 
ing effects upon political cessfuiiy. 
contests, and the burden 
inflicted upon members 
of Congress and the Pres- 
ident. Besides, the evil 
practice of requiring as- 
sessments, called " volun- 
tary contributions," from 
Government employees 
had been in full operation 
during the preceding campaign, as a method of paying ex- 
penses. Since the failure of the civil service law of 1871 
(see p. 445), the fight for reform had been continued 
by independent thinkers and able reformers, led by George 
WiUiam Curtis and Carl Schurz. The practice of re- 
quiring competitive examinations had been inaugurated 
in some departments under Hayes; and now politicians 
who relied upon gifts of pubHc oflSces to maintain their 
political stations were no longer able to resist the pressure 




George William Curtis 



464 



American History 



The nom- 
ination 
of Blaine 
in 1884. 



The 

"Mue:- 

wump" 

movement 



of public opinion. A law was enacted (1883) requiring 
the examination system for clerks in the departments 
at Washington and in the larger customs houses and 
post-offices. Political assessments were forbidden. 
Arthur appointed a strong commission to administei 
the law.* 

The close friends of Arthur wished to see him nominated 
bv the Republicans for President in 1884, and both Senatoi 
Edmunds of Vermont and Senator Logan of Illinois each 
had a strong following. But there was great enthusiasm, 
especially in the West, over James G. Blaine, who became 
the Republican standard bearer. Blaine's personality — 
he was called the ** plumed knight" — was very attractive; 
his public record was long and brilliant; f he had stood for 
conservative Republican measures and had exercised great 
influence in the policy of that party during and after the war. 

Blaine's nomination was followed by a most serious 
"bolt" from Republican ranks on the part of the reform 
element in that party. The "Mugwumps," who refused 
to support him, were strongest in New York and New 
England. They included many leading editors, edu- 
cators, and men of culture; while many others of equally 
high character remained loyal to the party. This move- 
ment was strengthened when the Democrats nominated 
Grover Cleveland of New York as their candidate. Op^ 
position to Blaine was based upon three propositions. 
(1) He was accused of having had dishonorable dealings 
with corporations while a member of Congress.^ (2) He 
was regarded as a representative of "machine politics," 
i. e., the arbitrary and sometimes corrupt control of the 
Republican party by a few men. (3) Blaine's foreign 

* For further details in the history of the civil service law, see Gov- 
ernment in State and Nation, pp. 23S-240. 

t House of Representatives, 1863-1876; Speaker, 1866-1875; United 
States Senator, 1876-1881; Secretary of State, 1881. 

t While this was most strenuously denied, some of Blaine's friends now 
admit that his acts had been "indelicate"; but the practices of public 
men were not at that time so severely judged as at nresent. 



Political Changes and Industrial Expansion 465 



policy, developed while he was Secretary of State, was 
considered unsafe (see p. 470). 

The campaign of 1884 was filled with bitter personal- Theeiec- 
ities; the Southern problem attracted little attention for Demoout- 
the first time since the Civil War, and the tariff question i^c Preai- 
became of more importance. In the election, the Demo- 



dent. 




Grover Cleveland 
Copyright by C. M. Bell 



crats carried the "Solid South" and the doubtful Northern 
States, including New York, where the result apparently 
turned upon the "mugwump" movement. 

Cleveland, the first Democratic President since Bu- 
chanan, represented a new type of politician in that posi- 
tion. His previous record in public office as Mayor of 
Buffalo and Governor of New York had marked him as 
fearlessly independent in both word and action. His 



Presiaew 
Cleve- 
land's 
record. 



466 



American History 



JtAilroad 
c«>afiolida- 
tloa leads 
to the In- 
terstate 
Commerce 
Act, 1887. 



Oonatltu- 
(ioa, 

Article I, 
section 8, 
eUkuae 3. 



vetoes checking corrupt and extravagant measures had 
become famous. He stood for honest, business-like ad- 
ministration of government by officers who were public 
servants in fact as well as in name. During Cleveland's 
administration the RepubUcans retained control of the 
Senate, and no great party legislation was enacted. Im- 
portant laws passed were the Presidential Succession Act,* 
a law increasing the size of the navy and placing it upon g 
modern footing, and the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 

The measure last mentioned was the outcome of con- 
ditions briefly discussed in a previous chapter (see p. 455). 
While various States were trying, by laws that were more 
or less strict, to supervise and regulate railroads, short 
lines were rapidly being consoKdated into longer ones. 
Through lines were thus established between the great 
cities, and an increasing proportion of the business became 
interstate instead of intrastate. With this change there 
came about a condition of sharper competition at cities 
that were railroad centers, resulting in discriminations 
and rate wars. The Granger movement included a de- 
mand for Federal legislation regulating railroads a^ a cor- 
rective of these abuses, and two Congressional committees 
(reporting in 1874 and 1886), made recommendations look- 
ing toward this end. In 1886 the Supreme Court rendered 
a decision which defined interstate commerce as that be- 
ginning in one State and terminating in another, and 
which placed all such commerce within the jurisdiction of 
Congress exclusively. The Interstate Commerce Act of 
1887 was accordingly passed. 

This law established a Commission of five persons with 
power to investigate and to report concerning grievances 
and violations of the act. Railroad charges must be just 
and reasonabi : unjust discrimination between persons 
or localities were prohibited; pooling was declared illegal: 

♦ Members of the Cabinet succeed to this office in case of the death o? 
disability of both President and Vice-President. See Government in 
SUte and Nation, p. 229 



Political Changer a?k Industrial Expansion 46? 

there should be full publicity of rates.* This act marks 
an era in the history of transportation in this country. 

In the poHtical contests of the years between 1876 and The tariff 
1884, Civil War questions, pertaining chiefly to reconstruc- eaUg^ui'^'' 
tion and finance, and the personalities of candidates weie 
the leading issues debated. In the decade that followed, 
the tariff became the all-important issue. Upon the 
question of protection the voters of the RepubHcan and 
Democratic parties had not been clearly divided; though 
in theory, and for campaign purposes, the former party 
had stood for protection and the latter for a low tariff. 
Fundamentally, this was an economic and business ques- 
tion, rather than a political one, and within the ranks of 
the Republicans were Westerners w^ho objected to the 
payment of high prices on manufactures when the neces- 
sity for war taxation had passed ; while particularly strong 
in the Democratic ranks was an element in the East who 
desired the continuance of protection for their industries. 

In 1882 there was a general demand within both Thetanrt 
parties for the revision and reduction of the tariff, ^i^]^^. 
which still stood practically upon its war basis. Such of i88;i 
reduction was advocated partly as a means of reducing 
the great surplus that was rapidly accumulating in the 
Treasury,t and partly because there was a wide-spread 
conviction that the protective system should not become 
the permanent poHcy of the country. Recognizing the 
purely economic aspects of tariff-making, Congress 
authorized the appointment of a non-partisan commission 
of nine persons (not members of Congress) who made 
an investigation and report (1883) recommending re- 
ductions of from twenty to twenty-five per cent, in the 

* For a more detailed statement see Government in State and Nation, 
pp. 176, 177. 

t The reduction of this surplus by the redemption and retirement of 
the greenbacks was opposed for fear of contraction of the currency; its 
reduction by the payment of United States bonds before they were due 
would reduce the amount of bonds that were available for use in securing 
National Bank notes. 



468 ATnerican History 

duties. In Congress the work of these experts was re- 
jected; special interests made strong appeals for the con- 
tinuance of protection, and the result was a law, passed 
the same year, which revised the tariff in a haphazard 
way, retaining a great many of the high protective duties. 
Western farmers were particularly dissatisfied with the 
repeal of the duty on wool, and this contributed to the 
defeat of the Republican party in 1884. 
Qeve- The division in the Dem.ocratic ranks on the tariff 

tariff question prevented the House of Representatives from 

?88?^^^' Passing a new tariff law in the early part of Cleveland's 
administration. But the President was a radical tariff 
reformer and devoted his entire annual message in De- 
cember, 1887, to this subject. He made the tariff ques- 
tion a clear issue between the parties. The Democrats now 
stood for a tariff ''for revenue only"; the RepubHcans 
said that this meant ''free trade," and they went further 
than ever before in advocating protection as a permanent 
National policy. They demanded the protection of Amer- 
. ican laborers against competition with laborers in European 
countries where the scale of wages was much lower.* They 
argued that the products made by European "pauper 
labor" should not be allovred to undersell the products of 
American laborers. It was answered that the protective 
tariff caused high prices in this country, which offset the 
high wages; and that the profits arising in the protected 
industries were not fairly divided between the manu' 
facturer and his workmen. 

The tariff question constituted the main issue in th© 
election of 1888. The Democrats nominated Cleveland 
as a matter of course. The RepubUcan candidate waj 
Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, a lawyer of great abtlit^^ 
and experience. He had an excellent war record, and 

* American workmen were receiving on an average of one and one-hall 
times the English wage, twice that paid in Belgium, three times the rate 
customary in France, Italy, Germany, and Spain. Coman, Industrial 
History of the United «tates. 299 



political Changes and Industrial Expansion 469 

had been a United States Senator between 1881 and 1887. 
Besides the tariff issue, the record of Cleveland's admin- 
istration was debated, and many of his Mugwump friends 
deserted him because of the free distribution of offices 
to Democrats. The result, a substantial victory for the 




Benjamin Harrison 

Republicans, may be regarded as a popular verdict in 

favor of the principle of the protective tariff. 

The Repubhcans now went forward with a free hand Theredi*. 

in their solution of pending questions. The reduction of gurpiug.^^* 

the surplus was accomplished by the enactment of a 

service, or dependent pension law;* and by the repeal 3f 

* This pensioned all Union soldiers who had served ninety days and were 
now unable to earn a living, and also their widows, children, and depen- 
dent parents. Pension expenditures now rose from $89,000,000 in 1889 
to $106,000,000 in 1890, $118,000,000 in 1891. and $141,000.00Uia 1892. 



470 



American History 



The 

McKinley 
tariff law, 

'890. 



Reciproc- 

)t.v 

treaties. 



Blaine's 

foreign 

policy. 



the duty on raw sugar, which had yielded a revenue of 
$50,000,000 annually. 

In the McKinley tariff law, of which this was a part, the 
protective duties, previously averaging about forty per cent., 
were made fifty per cent. — a restoration to the war basis. 
As measures favorable to agricultural interests, the law in- 
cluded duties on agricultural products — small amounts of 
which were imported from Canada — and a pro^'ision for a 
bounty on all sugar produced in this country. A ''reciproc- 
ity" section of the INIcKinley law authorized the President 
to order the collection of high duties upon sugar, molasses, 
tea, coffee, and hides imported from countries whose tariff 
rates upon our exports were unusually high. Under this 
measure, for which Secretary of State Blaine has the credit, 
reciprocity treaties were negotiated with several South 
American countries. They reduced their duties upon our 
machinery and produce in recognition of our policy of 
placing the articles above mentioned upon the free Hst, 
when imported from those countries.* The McKinley 
tariff law was the principal issue in the election of 1S92, 
and the popular verdict was against it (see p. 479). 

James G. Blaine, who was now for the second time 
Secretary of State, represents in that office a new policy in 
foreign affairs, the complete application of which has 
come about only within recent years. In its foreign policy 
our Government, since its establishment, had stood on the 
defensive, and had not sought occasions for initiating 
new movements. Blaine aimed to emphasize the leader- 
ship of the United States in the Western Hemisphere by 
proposing a Congress of all the American nations (1881). 
After the succession of President Arthur this plan was 
dropped. In 1888 Congress passed a resolution providing 
for such an international conference, and it met at Wash- 



* Reciprocity treaties were also made with Germany and Austria, where 
duties were lowered on our agricultural products and manufactures in 
return for our reducing the tariff rates on beet sugar produced In those 
countries. 



Political Changes and Industrial Expansion 471 

ino^ton in 1889-1890. Secretary Blaine, as President of the The Pan- 
Pan-American Congress, exercised great influence. While con^^ 
the direct results of the meeting were not great — ^princi- 
pally a declaration in favor of the arbitration of all dis- 
putes among these nations — the indirect benefits were 
considerable. This was the beginning of a better under- 
standing and a closer friendship among the American Re- 




James G. Blaine 



publics. Soon thereafter was established the Bureau of 
American. Republics at Washington. Succeeding Con- 
gresses carried on the work thus begun, meeting at the 
City of Mexico (1901) and at Rio Janeiro (1906, see p. 
513). 

During the administration of Harrison (1889-1893) 
six new States w^ere added to the Union. North and 
South Dakota, Montana, and Washington in 1889, Idaho 



\72 



American Hisfory 



industrial 
lendencies 
c.f this 
period. 



fJeasons 
jor con- 
centration 
of in- 
dustry. 



Methods 
cf com- 
bination. 



ind Wyoming in 1890. The territory of Cklahoma was 
created (see p. 474). Other important measures of this 
time were the Sherman silver coinage act (see p. 480) 
and the Sherman anti-trust law of 1890. 

In order to understand the last-mentioned law it will 
be necessary to recall the leading features of the new 
industrial tendencies that followed the Civil War. These 
features were: the increase of manufactures, the cheapen- 
ing of production through the use of machinery, the growth 
of capital, the increased means of transportation, the com- 
bination of small industries into large ones, and the growth 
of great corporations. The concentration of wealth is the 
most significant feature of this period; and further prog- 
ress in this direction was seen in the tendency of corpor- 
ations to combine instead of competing.^ 

The principal reason for the combination of rival concerns is 
found in the greater economy of large-scale production. This 
economy is due to (1) the greater division of labor, (2) the better 
organization of management, (3) the more extensive use of 
machinery, and (4) the greater utilization of by-products and 
the saving of waste. Another explanation is found in the fact 
that the expansion of manufactures in this period had resulted 
in the over-productwn oi many wares; and competition for their 
sale had become more fierce, and in some cases ruinous. Hence 
the managers sought to eliminate competition by combination. 

Combination was accomplished in several ways: by 
one establishment purchasing rival plants; by the larger 
plants underbidding the smaller ones in the sale of products, 
and thus forcing them into bankruptcy; and by agreements 
upon prices among rival companies. This was the origin 

* The following statistics of manufacturing establishments in the 
United States illustrates this tendency. 

Adapted from Ely, MonopoUes and Trusts, 183, and based upon the 
census of 18S0. 











PER ESTAB 


LISHMENl 




ESTAB- 


EMPLOY- 




EMPLOY- 




YEAR 


LISHMENTS 


EES 


PRODUCT 


EES 


PRODUCT 


1870., . 


,...252,000 


2,053,000 


$3,385,000,000 


8.15 


$13,428 


1880... 


....253.000 


2,700,000 


5,349,000,000 


10.66 


21,101 


1890.. 


...322.000 


4.476.000 


9.056.000,000 


13.88 


28.07} 



Poc^;^al Changes and Industrial Expansion 473 

of the trv^t, the logical outcome of the tendency toward 
concentration in industry. 

The term "trust" was applied to the agreement under which The 
the directors of several corporations surrendered their powers ^^.rliegt 
to a board of trustees who managed the entire business of the '"^^^*' 
combined plants. This procedure being declared illegal by the 
courts, the trust took the form of a new corporation, which in- 
cluded the stockholders of the former independent plants.* 

The first great trust was the Standard Oil Company. By 
various methods of competition, and by securing rebates from 
railroads, this company obtained control of the oil-refining 
business in the central States. In 1882 a trust of oil companies 
was formed, but, being dissolved by the courts, it reorganized 
as the Standard Oil Company, with practical control of this 
business. The success of this enterprise was largely due to the 
genius of John D. Rockefeller. 

The example of the Standard Oil Company was soon Anti- 
followed by capitalists in many other Hnes of manufacture : .'^H^^ 
sugar, whiskey, lead, cotton oil, linseed oil, etc. The 
efforts of managers to avoid competition were supplemented 
by another motive — that of securing a monopoly and en- 
hanced profits. Prices of trust-made goods were in some 
instances raised, and great popular discontent resulted. 
In many States anti-trust laws were passed, forbidding 
the formation of agreements that tended to destroy com- 
petition, control prices, or limit production. Congress 
was also called upon to take action, and in 1890 the Sher- 
man anti-trust law was enacted. As Congress has no 
direct control over industries operating solely within a 
State, its action was confined to prohibiting agreements or 
combinations in restraint of commerce among the several 
States and with foreign nations. Great difficulty was 
2xperienced by both State and National governments in 
enforcing their anti-trust laws, and the process of con- 
solidation in industry continued. 

The removal of the Indian tribes west of the Mississippi Indian 
River (see p. 308) could not constitute a settlement of we^t.""^ '*" 
the troublesome problem of Indian relations that had ex- 

* See Government in State and Nation, 202-203. 



474 



American History 



Attempts 
to civilize 
the Indian. 



A new land 
policy. 



isted since colonial times. Westward migration pushed 
constantly upon the limits of Indian lands. The settlers 
even invaded the numerous reservations of which the 
natives were to have had secure possession ; they demanded 
the privilege of cultivating those unused acres of fertile 
land. Government treaties and obligations were violated 
in many cases. Chiefly owing to these encroachments, 
Indian outbreaks and wars were frequent in the West, 
both before and after the Civil War. The Apaches of 
Arizona, the Modocs of Oregon, and the Sioux were es- 
pecially difficult to subdue. The discovery of gold in the 
Black Hills of Dakota brought the whites into conflict 
with the Sioux. They made a formidable resistance in 
1876, in the course of which they completely destroyed a 
detachment of United States troops, including their com- 
mander, General Custer. This occurred on the Little Big 
Horn River, the Indian chieftain being Sitting Bull. 

The condition of settled hostiUty between the Indians 
and the Government was modified by President Grant, 
who inaugurated a "peace policy." Missionary activity 
among the Indians was encouraged; the Government aided 
church schools on the reservations and established at con- 
siderable expense its own schools. Still, conditions on 
many of the reservations were deplorable. Some of the 
tribes were unable to support themselves and received 
Government bounty. The Indian agents who acted for 
the Government were appointed on political grounds, and 
in many cases were unfit and dishonest. 

In 1887 Congress enacted the Dawes bill. Unv^er the 
direction of a commission the Indian lands were to be al- 
lotted among the individuals of the tribes, instead of re- 
maining under tribal ownership, as previously. In 
1889 a portion of Indian Territory was purchased by the 
Government and set off as Oklahoma Territory. Its 
settlement was very rapid; cities of good proportions grew 
up within a few days' time. The Territory soon sup 
ported a prosperous agricultural population. 



Political Changes and Industrial Expansion 475 

Suggestive Questions ajto References 

1. Why was there opposition to Grant's having a third term? 
See p. 231. Also, Government in State and Nation, 255-256, 
question 2a. Has this matter arisen in connection with any 
President since Grant? 

2. The relations of Blaine, Conkling, and Garfield. Elson, 
History of the United States, 849-854. Andrews, The United 
States in Our Own Time, 319-328. 

3. Has there been any serious break in the Solid South since 
1880? 

4. What other Vice-Presidents have succeeded to the Presidency 
in our history? Compare the results in those cases with the 
results following the succession of Arthur. 

5. What was the origin of the spoils system? See pp. 305-306. 
What other Presidents besides Garfield seriously felt the burden 
of office-seekers ? See p. 320. 

6. Civil Service Reform. Government in State and Nation, 
276-279, 281-282 (Ref-rences). Elson, History of the United 
States, 854-856. Andrews, The United States in Our Own 
Time, 230-235, 341-342. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 199. 

7. The campaign of 1884. Blaine, Am. St. Series, 277-290. 
Accusations against Blaine, ibid., 144-176. Elson, 857-861. 
Andrews, 452-480. Sparks, National Development, 335-351. 

8. Do you approve of the Mugwump movement of 1884 ? 

9. For references on the Interstate Commerce Law of 1887, see 
Government in State and Nation, 180. 

10. Interstate Commerce and the law of 1887. Bogart. Eco- 
nomic History of the United States, 317-327. Coman, In- 
dustrial History of the United States, 319-325. 

11. Cleveland's tariff message of 1887. Hart, Contemporaries, 
IV, No. 164. 

12. The tariff of 1890. Dewey, Financial History of the 
United States, 438-440. 

13. The growth of manufacturing on a large scale. Bogart, 
373-379. 

14. The trusts. Bogart, 400-416. Coman, Industrial His- 
tory of the United States, 325-331. Dewey, National Problems, 
chap. 12. For references, see Government in State and Nation, 
180. 

15. The new navy. Andrews. 487-490. 



476 American History 

16. The Pan-American Congress. Andrews, 409 416. 

17. On the Indian problem, see Helen Hunt Jackson, A Cen- 
tury of Dishonor; also her novel, Ramona. Mrs. Custer, Boots 
and Saddles. Andrews, Our Own Time, 186-193. 

18. James and Mann. Readings in American History, 
chap. 28. 



CHAPTER XXIX 



IInDUSTRIAL and political problems, 1890-1897 



It Is a fundamental fact in the economic situation ol 
these years thatthe rural sections did not enjoy to the same 
degree the prosperity that prevailed in the commercial 
and manufacturing centers. The marked movement of 
population toward the cities* is an evidence of the greater 
material gains to be earned there, besides the greater edu- 
cational and social advantages of urban life. The prices 
of agricultural products steadily declined. f The lessen- 
mg profitableness of farming and the disadvantages of 
farm life, which now became more apparent, bred a wide- 
spread spirit of discontent throughout the agricultural 
South and West. An organization known as the *' Farm- 
ers' Alliance" was the outcome of this feeling; this had local 
and State branches and held national conventions. By 



Discon- 
tent in the 
agricult- 
ural 
sections. 



* In 1870 about twenty per cent, of the population lived in cities of 
more than 8,000 population; in 1890 the percentage was nearly thirty. 
See Government in State and Nation, 34. 

t The following table of prices is compiled from the Statistical Abstract 
•5f the United States for 1894: 



YEAK 


CORN, 


WHEAT, 


COTTON 


SALT 


SUGAR 


BUTTER 


TO- 


PER BU. 


PER BU. 


PER LB. 


PER LB. 


PER LB. 


PER LB. 


PER LB. 




DOLLARS 


DOLLARS 


CENTS 


CENTS 


CENTS 


CENTS 


CENTS 


1870 


.925 


1.29 


23.5 


13.2 


12.6 


29.3 


11.4 


1875 


.848 


1.12 


15.0 


10.1 


10.8 


23.7 


11.3 


1880 


.543 


1.25 


11.5 


6.1 


9.0 


17.1 


7.7 


1885 


.54 


.86 


10.6 


7.2 


6.4 


16.8 


9.9 


1890 


.418 


.83 


10.1 


6.0 


7.0 


14.4 


8.6 


1894 


.46 


.67 


7.8 


8.0 


4.4 


17.6 


8.5 



477 



478 



flmerican History 



The evils 
com- 
plained 
.f 



Criticism 
of mone- 
tary 
^licy. 



The 

People's 
party. 



1891, this organization included several millions of mem- 
bers and controlled a thousand newspapers. 

Among the grievances leading to this movement were tho fol- 
lowing: (1). The increasing number of mortgaged and rented 
farms. (2). The increase in corporate wealth; also, the fact 
that stocks, bonds, and other intangible evidences of this wealth 
in the hands of individuals easily avoided taxation. (3). The 
power exercised by railroads in arbitrarily fixing rates, and other 
corporate extortions made possible by the formation of combi- 
nations and trusts. (4). Speculation in agricultural products 
and the formation of "corners" by wealthy brokers in the cities. 
(5). The growing political influence of corporations and men of 
wealth. (6). The increased use of money in politics, leading 
to the corruption of voters, delegates, and legislators. 

In their efforts to assign the causes and to find the remedies 
for their ills, the agricultural population was right in some respects 
and wrong in others. There was a disposition in the East and 
North to ridicule this movement; but in recent years measures 
have been adopted to check the evils complained of (see pp. 
518-519, 521-522). 

It was natural that many of these evils should be at- 
tributed to the monetary policy of the Nation since the 
Civil War. This poHcy, it was asserted, was deHberately 
adopted by the Government for the benefit of Eastern 
capitalists. The depression of prices, ascribed to the con- 
traction of the money supply, was a "conspiracy" to favor 
creditors at the expense of debtors. The ri.armers' Al- 
liance therefore demanded an increase of out paper cur- 
rency, and the free coinage of silver. 

The grievances and demands above stated bv-^cajne the 
platform of the People's or Populist party, whi.ch repre- 
sented the political side of this movement. 

This party originated in Kansas, hold its first national con- 
vention in 1891, and became the most formidable third-partiy 
movement since the Civil War. It controlled the Democratic 
party in two elections (1896 and 19001, and the spirit of its 
doctrines has to some extent permanently influenced the creeds 
of both Republicans and Democrats, 

In the Presidential election of 1892, Harrison and 
Cleveland were the logical candidates of the Republicans 



Industrial and Political Problems 479 

and Democrats respectively, though each was opposed Theeiec- 
by a powerful faction in his own party. Since both parties isos-^the 
were divided within their own ranks upon the question silver and 
of free silver coinage, they avoided that issue by adopt- tions.^"*"^ 
ing planks favoring international bimetallism, which every 
one knew to be a policy extremely difficult of attainment. 
The McKinley tariff law became, therefore, the leading 
issue of the campaign. As this act seemed to have caused 
an advance in the prices of manufactures, without a cor- 
responding advance in wages, the popular verdict was in 
favor of the Democrats, 

The People's party in this campaign demanded: the The 
enactment of laws checking corporate corruption: the Pop^^i^st 
» • f-1 a ' £ K £ platform. 

iree coinage or silver; the issue oi paper money to larmers 

upon the deposit of produce in Government warehouses; 
free trade and the restriction of immigration; the Govern- 
ment ownership of railroads, telegraphs and telephones; an 
income tax; shorter hours for labor, and the enforcement 
of the National eight-hour labor law; the prohibition of 
alien and large-tract land ownership. Their candidate for 
President was General James B. Weaver. In Colorado, 
Idaho, Kansas, North Dakota, and Wyoming, the Demo- 
crats nominated no candidates, the Populists taking 
their place. In some Southern States the Populists and 
Republicans united. The third party cast over 1,000,000 
votes and elected twenty-two Presidential electors. 

In the State and Congressional elections of 1894 this 
party cast 1,500,000 votes and the issues it presented 
could no longer be ignored by the two great parties. 
The most pressing of these issues was that of free silver 
coinage. 

It has been stated (p. 458) that the Bland -Allison act The que^ ^ 
of 1878 was a compromise measure, enacted to satisfy coinage^*^ 
in part the growing demand for the coinage of all the silver 
bullion that might be brought to the mints. Under this 
act 378,000,000 silver dollars had been coined by 1890; 
but this did not have the expected result of raising the 



480 



American History 



The 

Sherman 
act, 1890. 



The de- 
crease of 
the gold 
reserve. 



price of silver in the market.* Efforts made in Congress 
between 1885 and 1890 to enact free coinage were as fiuit- 
less as were opposing efforts made to stop the coinage ol 
silver under the existing law. Neither of the great partiea 
dared to legislate upon the subject, since both w^ere divided 
upon this issue within their own membership. Several 
new Western States, in which industrial discontent was 
very strong, were at this time admitted into the Union 
(see p. 471). Many of the Senators and Representatives 
from these States favored the free coinage of silver, and a 
bill to this effect passed the Senate in 1890. It was re- 
jected by the House and a compromise was finally enacted 
known as the Sherman law\t 

Under this law, 4,500,000 ounces of silver were to be 
purchased monthly by the Secretary of the Treasury at the 
market price. This bullion was to be stored, and Treasury 
Notes were to be issued in payment for it, which were to be 
redeemable iji coin. This called for an increased purchase 
of silver — practically the entire product of the country. 
The law declared it to be the policy of the Government to 
maintain the value of gold and silver coins at a parity. 
This meant that neither should be allowed to depreciate 
below face value. 

The improvement in the value of silver under this law 
was but temporary, f and now arose other complications. 



* Average price of silver per ounce, in London: 




1878 $1.15 1891 

1880 1.14 1892 

1885 1.065 1893 

1S90 1.046 1894 


$ .88 

87 

.. .78 
63 



Statistical Abstract of the United States. 

t Says Senator Sherman in his Recollections (Vol. II, 1069-1070): 
" Some action had to be taken to prevent a return to free silver coinage 
and the measure evolved was the best obtainable. I voted for it but 
the day it became a law I was ready to repeal it, if repeal could be hrd 
without substituting in its place absolute free coinage." 

+ For a more extended discussion of bimetallism, see Govprnment in 
State and Nation, 183, 184. 



Industrial and Political Problems 481 

Since the resumption of specie payments (1879), a gold 
reserve of at least $100,000,000 had formed a part of the 
stock of money in the Treasury. This had been used, 
when needed, to redeem the United States Notes, and it was 
now falHng in amount rapidly.* The principal reasons 
for the withdrawal of large amounts of gold from the 
Treasury are found in the commercial conditions of the 
time, which caused a balance of trade against the United 
States. As this balance had to be paid in gold, and as 
the stock of gold in banks was reduced, the bankers asked 
the Government to redeem United States Notes as a 
means of obtaining it. 

Since the law of 1878 (see p. 457) required that these Tr.r- poiicj 
Notes, when redeemed, be reissued, they could be brought er/,n^^^n,**^ 
back for redemption repeatedly, thus constituting an "end- re(ieemi«» 
less chain" for drawing gold from the Treasury. Further- JJj^oiw. 
more, the new Treasury Notes were redeemable in coin, 
and the Government chose to redeem them in gold, when 
that was requested. It did so for fear that their redemp- 
tion in silver, under these circumstances, should destroy the 
confidence of the commercial world in the wiUingness of 
the United States to pay its obligations in gold. This 
would cause gold to go to a premium (since the intrinsic 
value of the silver in a silver dollar was but $.67 in 1892), 
and the parity of the two kinds of money would be 
destroyed. The United States would then go to a silver 
basis, and a financial panic would ensue. 

Fear of the results thus predicted caused the hoarding Thep»n*» 
of gold by banks and individuals, and a severe financial gtoppag*. 
panic began in the summer of 1893. President Cleve- of silver 
land, who attributed these troubles to the continuance of 
silver purchases and the issuance of Treasury Notes, 
called a special session of Congress, requesting the repeal 

* Ihe gold reserve in the Treasury was as follows, on June 30 of the 
years indicated: 1890, $190,232,000; 1891, $117,667,000; 1892, $114 342^ 
000; 1893, $95,485,000; 1894. $64,873,000. Dewey, Financial History of 
the United States. 442 



482 



American History 



of the silver purchase clause of the Sherman Act. Thiy 
was accomplished, after a bitter struggle in the Senate 
(November, 1893). The gold reserve continued to de- 
cline,* and in 1894 and 1895 four bond issues were made 








v./"\ ^j-^^^^^^>*^ 



i i Republican 27 
\ \ Democratic 




Election Map of 1896 



The silver 
issue in 
the elec- 
tion of 
1896. 



as a means of replenishing it. The National debt was 
thereby increased $262,000,000. 

The steps thus taken by Cleveland's adr.iinistration 
to maintain the gold standard aroused the bitterest en- 
mity in the silver-producing and agricultural sections of 
the country. The silver question became the main issue 
in the Democratic National convention at Chicago mi 
1896. The free-silver (Populist) wing of that part;^ 
gained control, nominating William Jennings Bryan of 

* There was a decrease in revenue receipts, due to the high protective 
duties of the McKinley Act, the decline of business during the panic, 
and the fear of tariff revision that might follow the Democratic victoiT 
of 1892- 



Industrial and Political Problems 



48t> 



Nebraska as their candidate for President and inserting 
m the platform this plank: "We demand the free and un- 
limited coinage of both silver and gold at the present legal 
ratio of sixteen to one, without waiting for the aid or con- 
sent of any other nation.** 



Bryan was the youngest manevernominated forthe Presidency, Williai 
Deing then but thirty-six years of age. He was a lawyer residing Bryan. 

at Lincoln, Nebraska. 
He had served in Con- 
gress for two terms. 
Bryan's victory in the 
convention over Rich- 
ard P. Bland, of Mis- 
souri, is partly attrib- 
uted to a brilliant 
speech in which he 
said: "We answer 
the demand for the 
gold standard by say- 
ing, *You shall not 
press down upon the 
brow of labor this 
crown of thorns. You 
shall not crucify man- 
kind upon a cross of 
gold.'" 

The Populist party 
ratified the nomina- 
tion of Bryan for the 
Presidency, but named 
their own ndidate 
for the Vice-*Presi- 
dency (Thomas Wat- 
son, of Georgia) in- 
stead of approving 
Ihe Chicago convention's nominee, Arthur Sewall, of Maine, 

A large section of the Democratic party, particularly in the Tl.b 
N"orth and East, was dissatisfied with the result of the Chicago "^^^ 
convention, and another Democratic ticket (the nominees being 
•John M. Palmer, of Illinois, and Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky) 
was placed in the field. This wing of the party declared for the 
'.jold standard : but many of the '' Gold Democrats " voted the 
'■^-pnublican tirket. 




William Jennings Bryan 

Froui a stereograph, copyright 1900, by Underwood 
& Underwood 



Dem» 
crats." 



484 



American History 



The Re- 
publican 
nomina- 
tions and 
platform. 



The free- 
silver 
argument. 



The single- 
standard 
argument. 



The Republicans, in their national convention nomm- 
ated William McKinley, of Ohio, and (.l. A. Hobart, of 
New Jersey. Their platform declared that the party was 
"opposed to the free coinage of silver except by inter- 
national agreement with the leading commercial nations 
of the T\ orld, which w^e pledge ourselves to promote, and 
until such agreement can be 
obtained the existing gold 
standard must be preserved." 
A great ''campaign of edu- 
cation" now ensued, the op- 
posing forces being divided 
sectionally (see map, p. 482). 

On the free-silver side the 
argument was in favor of " more 
money" ae a means of rehev- 
ing distress and bringing about 
prosperous times. More sub- 
stantial were theii contentions 
that the period of faUing prices 
was due to the use of gold alone 
as a measure of value; that this 
contraction of the basis upon 
which values rested wrought an 
injustice to debtors; and that the same cause produced business 
stagnation. They urged that the free coinage of silver by the 
United States alone would bring that metal to a parity with 
gold at the ratio of 16:1, and would satisfy the demand for a 
larger supply of full value money. 

The gold-standard argument attributed the decline of prices, 
and the consequent enhancement in the purchasing power of 
gold, to improvements in methods of production, through in- 
ventions and large-scale production; to the opening of new 
sources of raw materials; and to the lower cost of transportation 
It was claimed that the benefits of lower prices counterbalanced 
any injury to debtors. The rapid opening of new Western lands 
and the competition of grain from India, Russia, and the Argen- 
tine Republic were cited as the cause of low prices for agricult- 
ural products. Free-silver coinage would result in depreciated 
silver money. The great commercial nations of the world were 
bound to maintain the gold standard, and the United States 
must conform to this practice 




iam McKinley 



Industrial and Political Problems 485 

The campaign resulted in a decided Republican victory, Repubu- 
but the vote for Bryan was so large (6,200,000 as com- and'thf "^ 
pared with 7,100,000 for McKinley) that the free-silver decline of 
element took courage and looked forward to victory in cause/^^ 
1900. In this they were disappointed. Other events 
intervened (chapter 29) which greatly strengthened the 
Republican administration, and still others which were 
unfavorable to the silver cause (see p. 507). In conse- 
quence, the gold standard was again successful in 1900; 
and in that year, too, Congress enacts ' i law providing 
for its maintenance. 

Turning now to the important events of Cleveland's Hawaiian 
second administration (1893-1897) we note first his policy 
toward the Hawaiian Islands. At the close of Harrison's 
administration our relations with Hawaii were in an un- 
settled state. 

These islands were first visited by missionaries in 1820, and 
t.he natives became Christianized. Later, foreigners became 
I he predominant element; the industries were largely in the con- 
trol of Americans, who were, however, comparatively few in 
lumbers. Hawaii was originally an absolute monarchy; the 
i'oreign element had compelled the adoption of a constitution in 
5 887, and it was the attempt to abrogate this, in January, 1893, 
<hat led to a revolution, incited by Americans. Queen Liliuok- 
?tlani was deposed. The provisional government then formed 
ivas recognized by President Harrison, and a treaty of annexa- 
tion was drawn up and submitted to the Senate. 

When President Cleveland assumed his position (March Cleve. 
4, 1893) he withdrew the treaty of annexation and sent a Hawaiian 
special commissioner to investigate Hawaiian conditions, policy. 
He reversed his predecessor's policy, on the ground that 
the revolution had been assisted by United States troops 
from a man-of-war, and that the recogniticn had been 
hasty. While annexation was thus delayed, the Queen 
was forced to resign, and the Hawaiian Republic was 
formed, with a constitution that provided for future an- Theanne* 
nexation to the United States. After the succession of Hawaii. 
McKinley (1897), there was still lacking a two-thirds i^^^- 



486 



American History 



The A'en 
ezuelan 
luestion 



Olney's 
dispatch 
to 
Bayard. 



majority of the Senate favorable to the ratification of the 
treaty of annexation; but this step was accompHshed by 
a Joint Resolution (Ju?y, 1898). Hawaii was given the 
government of an organized territory.* 

Upon other questions of foreign poHcy, Cleveland's 
administration was independent and emphatic. England 
and Venezuela had for many years disputed over the 
boundary between the latter country and its neighbor to 
the east, British Guiana. It seemed that British territorial 
claims had been gradually extended westward until they 
threatened the control of the mouth of the Orinoco River. 
While the EngHsh government agreed with Venezuela 
Vpon the desirabihty of settling this controversy by arbi- 
tration, it decHned to include in the arbitration all of the 
territory which, according to Venezuelan claims, was 
actually in dispute. In other words, England, if brought 
to the iezi, would use force in excluding Venezuela from 
a portion of the disputed territory. The United States 
Government had at various times used its influence in 
favor of settling the question by arbitration; and now 
(November, 1895) in a dispatch sent by Secretary of State 
Richard Olney to our minister at London, Mr. Bayard, 
its position was announced in a most emphatic manner. 

The opinion was stated that the refusal of England to arbitrate 
the entire question called for intervention by the United States, 
on the basis of the Monroe Doctrine (see p. 288 ). England was 
endeavoring to exercise political control over an independent 
American power; the interests, welfare, and safety of the United 
States were thereby endangered. Secretary Olney stated the 
relations of the United States to the other American powers 
thus: "To-day the United States is practically sovereign on this 
continent, and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it con- 
fines its interposition." It is "master of the situation, and prac- 
tically invulnerable as against other powers." 

When the English Prime Minister, Lord Salisbury, re- 
fused to accept our Government's view and again refused 
the arbitration desired, President Cleveland sent (Dc 



♦ See Government in State and Nation. 276. 



Indiistrial and Political Problems 487 

cember, 1895) a message to Congress, recommending Cleveland^ 
that a commission be created, composed of United States his Threat 
citizens, to determine the true boundary between Venezuela of war. 
and British Guiana, and to report to Congress. He con- 
chided: ''When such report is made and accepted, it willj 
in my opinion, be the duty of the United States to resist by 
every means in its power, as a willful aggression upon its 
rights and interests, the appropriation by Great Britain 
of any lands or the exercise of governmental jurisdiction 
over any territory which after investigation we have de- 
temiined of right belongs to Venezuela." This was a 
distinct threat of w^ar, and it created a profound impression 
both at home and abroad. Opinions differed upon the 
policy of the administration; many high authorities* op- 
posed it as an undue extension of the Monroe Doctrine. 
Popular opinion supported it, however, and Congress 
appropriated $100,000 for the expenses of the commis- 
sion which was appointed by the President. Fortunately, 
the English Government receded from its position, 
consenting to the arbitration of all lands reasonably in 
dispute. The services of the Commission were not 
needed, and a Tribunal of Arbitration finally fixed the 
boundary line. 

The disagreeable danger of wd,r during the discussion Thearb* 
over this incident led to the negotiation of a treaty wdth 
England providing for the submission of future disputes 
with that country to arbitration. Although it was sup- 
ported by popular sentiment, this treaty was rejected by 
J he Senate. The need for such an agreement had been 
tiiore than once apparent. Two troublesome questions 
still unsettled involved the rights of American and Cana» 
dian fishermen on the Atlantic Coast, and the protection 

* See Woolsey, America's Foreign Policy, 223-238; also. Forum, 
February, 1896. On the contrary, Foster regards Olney's dispatch as 
embodying "the most complete and satisfactory statement of the Monroe 
Doctrine thus far made." A Century of American Diplomacy, 470. 
%ee post, D. 513. 



tration 
treaty. 



488 



American History 



Fisheries 
and sealing 
questions. 



The Cen- 
tennial 
Exposi- 
tion and 
the 

World's 
Fair. 



The ad- 
lance of 
ftomen 
nto new 
helds of 
s-<;tivity. 



of the seal fisheries of the Alaskan waters. The former 
of these assumed an acute stage during Cleveland's first 
administration, ; it an agreement was finally reached by 
the two governments. The claims of the United States 
to jurisdiction over seal-catching in the entire Behnng 
Sea gave rise to a sharp controversy and some use of 
violence. This question was submitted to a tribunal 
that sat at Paris (1893) and decided adversely to our 
Government's claim. 

The first great American exposition wsas held at Phila- 
delphia, in 1876, celebrating the centennial anniversary 
of our independence. This had an elevating and enlight- 
ening influence, stimulating greater interest in the artistic 
side of life, as well as spreading knowledge of new in- 
dustrial processes. The year 1893 saw the greatest of 
world's expositions, that at Chicago, in celebration of 
the discovery of America. With a total of twenty -seven 
million admissions, this "World's Fair" was an educa- 
tional and unifying force of great importance. Wliile 
its predominant features were, of course, industrial, it 
was no less impressive artistically. On the intellectual 
and religious sides the World's Congress, of which 
the ParHament of Religions formed a part, was a 
notable achievement. Here was the best evidence of 
that breadth of thought and tolerance of spirit which 
stand among the remarkable products of the nineteenth 
century. 

The Chicago Fair emphasized in various ways the recent 
advancement of women : their entrance into new industrial 
fields, the remarkable growth of women's organizations, 
and the beneficent work accomplished by women in moral 
and civic reform, as well as in the direction of self-culture. 
Accompanying these significant changes in the sphere 
traditionally occupied by women, was a growing rec- 
ognition by the general public of their right to higher 
education, and their ability to profit by it. This "was 
indicated by the more general admission of women to 



Industrial and Political Problems 489 

collegiate courses and the establishment of new women's 
colleges.* 

Other indications of educational advance in this time Educ£u 
were : the rapid growth of the number of students in col- pro^^ress ia 
leges and universities; the expansion of college courses colleges 
and the introduction of the elective system; the employ- mon 
ment of new methods of research by advanced students; schools, 
the improvement of high-school courses and equipment; 
and the increased attention paid to elementary education, 
especially in cities. These changes were accompanied 
by the greater study and appL "ation of the science of 
education. 

The great writers of the earlier period of our history The new 
(see p. 303) continued their work after the Civil War; and f^eric'ii 
a new group of authors arose, notable particularly for authors. 
originaHty and for their interpretation of purely American 
phases of life and character. Prominent among these were 
the novelists and short-story writers: Bret Harte, Henry 
James, Frank Stockton, F. Marion Crawford, C. H. 
(Joaquin) Miller, William D. Howe Us, and EUzabeth 
Stuart Phelps Ward. Among the poets there were Walt 
Whitman, Edmund C. Stedman, T. B. Aldrich, and R. 
W Gilder. There was a new group of critics, historians, 
and essayists: John Fiske, George W. Curtis, C. D. War- 
ner, T. W. Higginson, and Edward Eggleston, Humor 
and '* local color" were displayed in the works of Eugene 
Field, James Whitcomb Riley, E. W. C^Bill") Nye, 
and Samuel L. Clemens ('*Mark Twain"). For the 
first time in our history, the South was adequately rep- 
resented in the field of literature; prominent among its 
writers were Joel Chandler Harris, Paul Hayne, George 
VV. Cable, Thomas N. Page, and Sidney Lanier. On 
the whole the work of the writers in this period dis- 

*Vassar, 1861; Smith, 1875; Wellesley, 1875; RadcUffe, 1879: Bryn 
Mawr, 1885; Barnard, 1889; Mt. Holyoke, 1888 (established as a semin- 
ary by Mary Lyon in 1837). In 1900 one-third of the students in all the 
colleges t>f the country were women. 



490 



American History 



The popu- 
larization 
of litera- 
ture. 



Inventions 
and im- 
proved 
processes 
cheapen 
and multi- 
ply the 
products 
of manu- 
facture. 



Changes 
affecting 
agricul- 
tiure. 



played variety, freshness of spirit, and a truly American 
tone that mark this as an epoch in our intellectual 
history. 

There was a remarkable advance in the arts of photog 
raphy and illustration, accompanied by the multiplica 
tion of magazines and the enlargement and increased 
circulation of newspapers. American artists and archi- 
tects began to achieve marked success and raised the 
standards of artistic merit in this country. 

The period of industrial depression that followed the 
panic of 1873 was followed by a period of activity that 
grew in intensity toward the end of the century, though 
interrupted for a short time by the crisis of 1893. Before 
1865 the largest number of patents issued in a single year 
was about 5,000. Between 1867 and 1879 the average 
number annually was nearly three times that number; 
for each of the twenty years succeeding 1879 the average 
number was about 23,000. Some of the new processes 
and products in this period added greatly to the comf«:>rt of 
life; such were the systems of heating by steam and hot 
water, and new methods of sanitary plumbing. There 
came into use cheap processes of canning fruit, vegetables, 
and meats, and methods of ''packing" meats, both lead- 
ing to the establishment of immense industries and add- 
ing a great variety of foods to the dietary of all classes. 
The manufacture of artificial ice and the process of refrig- 
eration made possible the storage and shipment of many 
perishable food products hitherto unattainable at a dis- 
tance from their sources of production. 

The application of the roller process in flour manufac- 
ture, accompanying the opening of the new north-western 
wheat fields, revolutionized that industry The product 
of the local '^grist mills" of the central States, with their 
water wheels and millstones, was underbid by "patent" 
flour from Minneapolis. The fields of those States were 
now planted with corn, and stock-raising and dairying 
became the great industries of the central West. At the 



Industridf and Political Problems 



491 



same time creameries and cheese factories, with im- 
proved appliances,* sprang up. Oleomargarine was first 
manufactured in this period. 

Of labor-saving inventions we may enumerate the typewriter, 
sulky plough, self-binding reaper, compressed-air rock drill. The 
Hoe web printing press, the linotype, stereotyping, and improved 
methods of paper-making (the sulphite process of pulp manu- 
facture), rendered printing much cheaper and increased enor- 
mously the output of books, newspapers, and pamphlets. Travel 
was made more safe and comfortable by the Westinghouse air 



Some 

importam 

inventions. 




^^^ 



"^ide and front views of PeL 3 first Telephone 

The instrument shown at the Centennial Exposition 



brake, vestibuled trains, and systems of automatic signalling. 
Cable street-car lines and, later, trouey car systems stimulated 
the expansion of cities. Another class of inventions gave U3 
dynamite, smokeless powder, the magazine rifle, the Whitehead 
torpedo, and automatic guns. The bicycle, assuming its present 
form in 1875, became extensively used about 1890, and added 
much to the convenience and pleasure of thousands.' Improve- 
ments in passenger elevators, coinciding with the cheapening 

* Professor Babcock, of the University of Wisconsin donated to that 
State his milk-test invention, which has revolutionized the dairy business 
and added millions of dollars to the value of dairy farms throughout the 
world. 



492 



American History/ 



Th« tige 
of e»ec>. 

tricity" 



in processes of steel manufacture, and the application of the steel- 
cage method of constructing buildings, gave us the first "sky 
scrapers" of our great cities. 

The most remarkable industrial advance of this period 
was in the field of electrical appliances. By 1870 electric 
waa begun, dynamos had been made practicable, though their ex- 
tensive use came later, with improvements in the long- 
distance transmission of elec- 

trie currents. The Bell tele- 
phone was invented in 1876; 
later, the arc and incandes- 
cent lights* were introduced. 
Storage batteries and elec- 
tric-welding followed, and 
the trolley car became com- 
mon. Manufacture in all 
departments was facilitated 
and cheapened by standardi- 
zation (parts of machines be- 
ing made in standard sizes 
and shapes), and the conse- 
quent use of interehangeable 
parts. 

One of the most notable 
strikes in our history had its 

center in Chicago in 1894. Employees of the Pullman 
Palace Car Company struck for the restoration of wages 
that had been reduced. These workmen were members 
of the American Railway Union. f Although advising 
against the strike, the Union supported its members whcF 
the Pullman Compan;; refused to arbitrate the questions 



fhe Chi- 
cago strike 
«( 2894. 




Thomas A. Edison 



* Thomas A. Edison is the s- latest inventor in our loistorv. Before 
1900 he had registered 727 patents, among which were the incandescent 
lamp, phonograph, microphone, and kinetoscope. 

t The formation of this union was an attempt to counteract the influ- 
ence of the General Managers Association (1886) which unified ttie policies 
of moie than twenty railroads centering in Chicago. 



Industrial and Political Problems 493 

at issue, or to ''recognize" the Union. A sjTnpathetic 
strike was ordered, in which train men refused to move trains 
containing Pullman cars. Within a few days there was 
a general paralysis of commerce centering in Chicago. 
In spite of the efforts of city officers, state militia, and special 
United States marshals to maintain order, and to facilitate 
the movement of trains by non-union men, there was great 
danger to life and much destruction of property in Chicago. 
Finally, President Cleveland ordered Federal troops to the The use or 
scene, for the purpose of preventing the obstruction of mail fj-^Qp^g^' 
trains and interstate commerce. This was done against 
the protest of Governor Altgeld of IlHnois.* An injunction 
was issued by a Federal Court against the officers of the 
American Railway Union, forbidding them to issue further 
orders in pursuance of the strike. The President of the 
Union, E. V. Debs, and other officers, were convicted for 
disobedience of this injunction. f The strike was a failure, 
but a United States Commission of investigation con- 
demned the refusal of the Pullman and railroad officials 
to arbitrate. 

The Democrats having come into power in 1893 on the a Demo- 
tariff, issue, President Cleveland urged Congress to reduce tadi^law. 
customs duties. The ''Wilson Bill," as it passed the 
House of Representatives, accomplished a reduction and 
placed some raw products (sugar, wool, lumber, etc.) on 
the free list. This bill was radically amended in the 
Senate in the direction of protection, largely through the 
influence of Senator Gorman of Maryland. There were 
charges of corrupt influences used by the Sugar Trust and 
other favored industries. The amended bill passed Con- 
gress, but Cleveland denounced it and allowed it to be- 
come a law without his signature (1894). 

In this action and in the very large number of vetoes sent to 
Congress during his term, Cleveland showed a sturdy indepen- 
dence that won for him many friends outside his party. 

* See Government in State and Nation, 317-318. 
t Ihid, 203, 



494 



American History 



'■•le in- 
come-tax 
law. 



A Repub- 
lican high 
tariff 
measure. 



The Mor- 
mons and 
Utah. 



An unanticipated feature of the Wilson-Gorman law, and one 
showing the influence of the Populist element in the Democratit 
party, was an income tax; all incomes over $4,000 were to be 
taxed two per cent, upon the excess above that amount. Thi.« 
part of the law was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme 
Court on the ground that it levied a direct tax, which should have 
been apportioned among the States, instead of being made 
uniform.* 

Upon the resumption of power by the Republican.* 
under McKinley in 1897, another tariff revision occurred, 
this time in the direction of higher protection. The 
Dingley law marks the highest average of duties (o\er 
50 per cent.) in our history. Reciprocity was provided 
for by this law, and a few reciprocity treaties were con- 
cluded w^ith foreign governments. Other more important 
treaties were rejected by the Senate, the representatives 
of sections having protected industries refusing consent 
to any reduction of duties. The radical protective policy 
of the Umted States led to the enactment of retaliatory 
tariffs by some foreign countries. 

When the INIormons settled in Utah (p. 304), they hoped 
to remain isolated from governmental control. In 1S50, 
however, Utah was made a territory, with Brigham Young 
as governor. The Federal Government successfully 
maintained its authority over that territory, passed laws 
prohibiting polygamy (1862 and 1882), and dissolved the 
corporation of the Mormon Church because it supported 
that illegal practice. The enforcement of these laws, 
after much delay and opposition, was followed by the 
renunciation, by the church authorities, of the doctrine 
sanctioning polygamy (1890). Utah, though possessing 
in that year 207,000 population, was refused admission as 
a State. It was finally admitted, however, in 1896, after 
the adoption of a State Constitution prohibiting polygamy. 

The Civil Service Law, as originally passed in 1883 
(p. 463), placed about 14,000 Federal employees under the 



* See Government in State and Nation, 168, 169. 
I, section 8, clause 1 ; Article I, section 2 clause 3. 



Constitution, Article 



Industrial and Political Problems 495 

examination system. All of the Presidents after that date Progress 
extended this requirement to larger numbers of employees tgrvice" 
and to other branches of the civil service. By 1892, reform. 
43,000 officers were included in the merit system, and 
during Cleveland's administration this number was 
doubled, becoming 87,000. Mclvinley, however, in 1899, 
removed some 10,000 employees from the classified ser- 
vice, in order, it was stated, to rectify errors made in pre- 
vious extensions of the rules. 



reform. 



Under Harrison, Theodore Roosevelt made a notable record The bents- 
as a member of the Civil Service Commission. He stated the ^^f of tne 
argument for the merit system tersely, as follows: "They [offices] 
ca n no longer be scrambled for in a struggle as ignoble And brutal 
as the strife of pirates over plunder; they no longer serve as a 
vast bribery chest with which to debauch the voters of the 
country. Those holding them no longer keep their political 
life by the frail tenure of service to the party boss and the party 
machine; they stand as American citizens, and are allowed the 
privilege of earning their own bread without molestation so long 
as they faithfully serve the public."* 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Compare the Populist movement with the "wave of De- 
mocracy," in Jackson's time. How many of the Populist de- 
mands (p. 479) are now favored by their former enemies? 

2. On the silver legislation of 1890 and 1893, see Dewey, 
Financial History of the United States, 436-438, 440-447. 
Bogart, Economic History of the United States, 3-19-351. 

3. Compare the attitude of the great parties toward free silver 
with the position of Whigs and Democrats upon slavery issues. 

4. The election of 1896. Elson, History of the United States, 
885-889. Andrews, The United States in Our Own Time, 
773-787. Dewey, National Problems, chap. 20. 

5. Bryan's speech in the Chicago convention. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, IV, No. 171. 

6. Hawaii. Andrews, 700-706. 

7. The Venezuela boundary question. Andrews, 706-707. 
Olney's statement of the Monroe Doctrine. Hart, Con- 

* Atlantic Monthly, February, 1895. 



496 American History 

temporaries, IV, No. 179. Cleveland's Venezuelan message. 
Macdonald, Select Statutes, 413-418. Lamed, History for 
Ready Reference, United States, 1895; Venezuela. 

8. Did Monroe's message of 1823 (see pp. 288-289) contem- 
plate such a controversy as that over the Venezuelan boundary ? 

9. Why the arbitration treaty with England was rejected. 
Lamed, History for Ready Reference, United States, 1897. 

10. Mention a work or works by each of the authors men- 
tioned on p. 489. 

11. Give reasons why the United States surpasses all other 
countries in the number of inventions. 

12. Make a list of conveniences of this time which your parents 
could not have enjoyed in their youth. 

13. What is the economic reason for "sky-scrapers"? 

14. The electrical inventions. Andrews, 669-678. Sparks, 
National Development, 37-51. 

15. The Chicago strike. Andrews, 722-735. Wright, In- 
dustrial Evolution of the United States, 313-317. Dewey, 
National Problems, 291-296. 

16. The tariff of 1894. Dewey, Financial History of the 
United States, 455-458. 

17. The Mormons and Utah. Sparks, Expansion of the 
American People, 410^18. Andrews, 600-604. 

18. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 29. 



CHAPTER XXX 

THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR, 1898 

In the earliest period af American history, Spain's spam's 
colonial policy, like that of other nations, rendered her J.[,^oJj|![!"^ 
colonies dependent upon the mother country, and sacri- policy con. 
ficed their interests, when it was necessary, to bring this cuba^ ^'^ 
about (see pp. 23-26). The loss of all her colonies on the 
main land of the American continent, in the early part of 
the nineteenth century, did not teach S]:)ain the lesson in 
colonial management that was being learned by other 
nations. Her former policy was continued in the govern- 
ment of Cuba until the year 1898. 

1. Duties on goods imported into Cuba were so adjusted as 
to compel Cubans to purchase in Spain. 2. There was excessive 
taxation, levied by arbitrary methods, and bearing upon in- 
dustries that needed encouragement rather than repression, 
.3. The currency and banking systems of Cuba were cumber- 
some and inadequate. 4. The administration of Cuban affairs 
M'as in the hands of Spanish officers, native Cubans being dis- 
qualified. These officers were frequently but political parasites. 
Intelligent Cubans felt keenly their treatment as inferiors by 
the mother country. 

There were numerous conspiracies and uprisings against The ten 
the Spanish power, beginning in 1823. A formidable befnl^n^n 
rebellion lasted from 1868 to 1878. This was caused <^"''ii- 
by the Spanish refusal to grant reforms, including such 
ordinary political privileges as freedom of speech and of the 
press, besides the right of Cubans to hold office and to 
be represented in the Spanish Cortes. The cost of sup- 
pressing this rebellion ($300,000,000) was added to the 

497 



498 



American History 



Cuban debt, which continued to grow until in 1898 it 
amounted to $283 per capita — "more than three times the 
per capita debt of Spain and much larger than the per 
capita debt of any other European country.'* * 

At the close of the ten years' revolt, mentioned above, 
Spain extended the Spanish constitution and laws to 
Cuba, and thus technically granted the reforms that had 
been demanded, including representation in the Cortes 
But Cubans claimed that these reforms were merely on 



















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■i 














. , 




■ 


m 




t 


ii 


t 




i 1 " 




^ 


%' 


-4(1 


»i 


m 


sihUk 


gm 


^. 


% 


ppTtiirii 


'ii, 


«» "^ ~ 




"" 




.ST***" 






-Ur-»-i 
















*««_»-" 


*, 


















l" 


















'- 


















. 


















'll' 









































United States Battle-ship Maine entering Havana Harbor, January, 1898 
From a photograph. Copyright, 1898, by J. C. Heminent 



Spain's 
cruei pol- 
icy m sup- 
pressing 
'evoiution. 



paper and that practically the government of the island 
was as oppressive as before. 

The burden of taxation and bad economic conditions led 
to another insurrection in 1895. The United States de- 
clared a poHcy of strict neutrality, and President Cleve- 
land offered his ser\dces in mediation between Spain and 
Cuba, but without effect. Meanwhile, popular sympathy 
for the Cubans grew strong in the United States. This 
was increased, and to it was added deep indignation, 



* Report on the census of Cuba. War Department, 1899. 
«ient contains a summary of Cuban history. 



This docu- 



The Spanish-American War 499 

when the horrors of the ''reconcentration" policy became 
known. The non-combatant country population, who 
sympathized with the insur^ '^nts and gave them assist' 
ance, were compelled to leave their homes and move to 
the nearest towns, where thousands, including helpless 
women and children, died of starvation and disease. Sup- 
plies were voted by Congress, and also gathered from 
private sources, to be forwarded to the suffering Cubans. 
A "junta" of Cubans operated in the United States 
and succeeded in sending many filibustering expeditions 
with aid to the insurgents, though the United States 
Government exercised due diligence to prevent them. 

Public opinion in this country gradually became ex- The de- 
asperated with the apparent inability of Spain to conquer of^tj^g^'* 
the Cubans, and her unwillingness to grant terms that the Maine. 
latter would accept. Hostile feeling was increased when, 
on February 15, 1898, the American battle-ship Maine 
was blown up in the harbor of Havana, causing the death 
of two officers and 264 sailors. A Naval Board of In- 
quiry reported that the explosion came from outside, while 
Spanish officers, who also examined the wreck, declared 
that it was internal. 

President McKinley undertook by diplomacy to bring McKin- 
Spain and the Cubans to agree upon terms of peace, but J^g^t o^f^^^ 
without success; the latter would be satisfied with nothing reasons fo? 
less than complete independence.. On April 11, 1898, the 
President asked Congress for authority to take measures 
that would put an end to the war in Cuba. Said he: 
''The present revolution is but the successor of other 
similar insurrections which have occurred in Cuba against 
the dominion of Spain, extending over a period of nearly 
half a century, each of which, during its progress, has 
subjected the United States to great effort and expense in 
enforcing its neutraUty laws, caused enormous losses to 
American trade and commerce, caused irritation, annoy- 
ance and disturbance among our citizens, and by the ex- 
ercise of cruel, barbarous, and uncivilized practices of 



interven- 
tion. 



500 



American History 



The dec- 
Jaralion 
Hi war> 



War in the 
Philip- 
pines. 



The 

blockade 
3f Cuban 
ports. 




/fot?mo 



THE 

PHILIPPINE 
ISLANDS 



SOUTH 




v^i »» 'a X %! 

<^ M ^^ 4 



warfare, shocked the sensibilities and offended the liuniane 
sympathies of our people." 

On April 19, Congress demanded the withdrawal of 
Spain from Cuba, and authorized the President to use the 
army and navy, if necessary, to bring this about. A 
formal declaration of 
war followed. Cuba 
was recognized as 
free, but the United 
States disclaimed any 
intention ''to exercise 
sovereignty, jurisdic- 
tion, or control over 
said island, except for 
the pacification 
thereof." The war 
was thereby justified 
upon humanitarian, 
rather than selfish, 
grounds. 

On May 1, 1898, 
Commodore Dewey, 
who had been sta- 
tioned at Hong Kong, 
China, with an 
American squadron, 

captured or destroyed all of the vessels of the Spanish 
fleet in the harbor of Manila, Philippine Islands. Later, 
American troops captured the city of Manila. 

The American fleet in the Atlantic blockaded the port 
of Havana, Cuba, and watched for the arrival of the 
Spanish fleet, which, it was feared, might attack some of 
the defenceless coast cities. The enemy's fleet, under 
Admiral Cervera moved with secrecy, crossed the Atlantic 
and finally sailed into the harbor of Santiago de Cuba. 
The American squadron, commanded by Admirals Samp- 
son and Schley, kept guard, ready to attack when it ap- 



SEA ^^ ''Tf/Mf 

PALAWAN 1^ NEGRos i/|;::p 1^ 

^ SVLU SEA .y\J"^ \ 

Balabae Strait //f^^^i- '• \ 



The Philippine Islands 



The Spanish-American War 



501 



peared. Lieutenant Hobson uictcfe a daring attempt to 
blockade the narrow channel leading into Santiago harbor 
by sinking a vessel across it; but he was unsuccessful. 

While these events were occurring, the small regular army The In- 
of 26,000 men was supplemented by 200,000 volunteers. 
The War Department was entirely unprepared to cope 
with the problems of feeding, equipping, and transporting 
these troops. There resulted much suffering and loss of life 
in the American camps during the summer that followed. 



vasioH erf 
Cuba. 




• The West Indies and Adjacent Shores 

An army of 15,000, under General Shafter, was sent to 
Cuba, landing near Santiago. On July 1 and 2, 1898, the 
Spanish troops were defeated in the battle of San Juan. 
Conspicuous among the American troops was the cavalry 
regiment, known as the *' Rough Riders'' commanded by 
Colonel Leonard Wood. This regiment had been or- 
ganized by its Lieutenant-Colonel, Theodore Rooesvelt. 



502 



American History 



The Span- 
ish fleet 
destroyed. 



The treaty 
fil peace. 



The PhU- 

ippine 

•■fevolt.. 



On July 3, the Spanish fleet sailed out of Santiago harbor, 
was immediately attacked, and totally destroyed. Later, 
the Spanish forces at Santiago surrendered. It was now dis- 
covered that the Spanish fleet had been in a demoralized 
condition previous to its destruction. The American fleet 
however, was in an excellent slate of efficiency. 

Hostilities ceased in August. A treaty of peace was 
drawn up in Paris by commissioners of the two countries 
(December, 1898). This was proclaimed in effect April 
11, 1899. The treaty provided for the complete indepen- 
dence of Cuba. Porto Rico and the Philippine Archipelago 
"•ame into the possession of the United States, together 
with the island of Guam. The United States paid vSpain 
$20,000,000. By this treaty Spain lost the last of her 
American colonial possessions. The Government justi- 
fied its policy of acquiring the Philippines on the grounds 
that Spanish authority in the Islands had been destroyed 
by the insurgents, assisted by American troops; that for 
commercial reasons the Philippines should not fall into 
the hands of any other power; finally, that the Filipinos 
were incapable of self-government and hence must be 
ruled by adequate and humane authority. 

The Spanish war was supported with great popular 
enthusiasm in the United States. The volunteers greatly 
exceeded the ability of the Government to use them. 
The effect was a remarkable unification of sentiment 
throughout the country. Especially were old antagon- 
isms between North and South forgotten, when such Con- 
federates as Generals Fitzhugh Lee and Joseph Wheeler 
entered the military ser\ice of their country. 

The leader of the Filipino insurgents was Aguinaldo, 
who had been expelled from the Islands, but had returned 
soon after the battle of Manila. He commanded native 
forces which besieged INIanila before its capture by the 
Americans. He now set up a government and contended 
for Philippine independence. A war against the American 
authority ensued, which lasted for about three years, the 



The Spanwh-American War 



503 



Americans gradually bringing different islands under 
control. In the meantime, civil government was estab- Material 
lished, in the pacified sections, by the Philippine Com- JJJ^^^^^^j^ 
mission, headed by Judge William H. Taft. Schools and seif-gov- 
internal improvements, such as roads, telegraphs, and ^^'^°^^^''- 
mail facilities, were promoted. A Philippine Assembly, 
one-half of which was elected by the natives, met for the 




The Rough Riders 

first time in 1907. Thus these people began the process 
of self-government. 

During the period of American occupation in Cuba, Theoccu^ 
much attention was paid to sanitary improvements, cuba^nd 
especially in Havana. Throughout the island, and in the estab- 
Porto Rico, prisons, hospitals, and asylums were placed qj t^g 
upon a modern basis in equipment and management. RepubUc 
Public schools were established. A convention elected 
by the Cubans framed a constitution for the Cuban Re- 
public and this was adopted in February, 1901. Before it 
went into effect, the United States Government insisted 



504 



American History 



upon the Incorporation of certain provisions * safe-guarding 
its interests in Cuba. The RepubHc was then formally pro- 
claimed (May 20, 1902), with President Palma at its head, 
and the American troops were withdrawn from the island. 

In 1903 the United States entered into a reciprocity 
treaty with Cuba, admitting her sugar at a reduced tariff 
rate; while Cuba granted reductions on provisions and 
machinery from the United States. 

The proneness of the Cubans to engage in factional 
quarrels, running into violence, was shown after the 
second election of President Palma and his reinauguration 
in 1906. Accusations of fraud in the election were made, 
and Palma resigned. The Cuban Congress failed in its 
duty of electing his successor, and, there being danger of 
further disturbance, the United States Government sent 
troops to Cuba and assumed control. Secretary of Wai 
Taft was named as Provincial Governor. In January, 
1909, our Government again withdrew its control, a new 
Cuban administration having been established. 

In 1889 the United States signed the treaty of Berlin, 
engaging to- cooperate with England and Germany in 
the maintenance of peace and otder in the Samoan Islands. 
Insurrections against the native rulers continued after this 
date, however, and President Cleveland recommended the 
discontinuance of the arrangement. The situation was 
finally adjusted in 1899 by a treaty under which the Sa- 
moan Islands were divided between this country and 
Germany. Our Government acquired four islands, the 
largest being Tutuila, with a harbor, Pago Pago, which 
is one of the best in the Pacific. 

In these years other islands of the Pacific, hitherto un- 
claimed, were occupied by the United States. By the 
territorial acquisitions mentioned above, and the annex- 
ation of Hawaii, the commercial opportunities of the 
United States in the countries bordering upon the Pacific 
were distinctly increased. 

* See Gbrernment in State and Nation, 276. 




505 



506 American History 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Books dealing with the Spanish war. Draper, The Rescue 
of Cuba. Roosevelt, The Rough Riders. (See also articles in 
Scribner's Magazine, Vol. XXV.) Kennan, Campaigning in Cuba. 

2. Special references. Latane, America as a World Power, 
6-19. Elson, History of the United States, 889-902; Sidelights 
on American History, II, 352-401. 

3. Hart, Contemporaries, IV. Reasons for the Spanish 
War, No. 180. Dewey's report on the battle of Manila Bay, 
No. 182. Arguments against holding the Philippines, No. 191. 

4. Larned, History for Ready Reference, Cuba, 1897. The 
Constitution granted by Spain to Cuba, 1897-1898. Consul- 
General Lee's report on the " reconcentrados. " Ibid. The 
United States, 1898. Extract from the Report of the Court of 
Inquiry on the Maine. McKinley's message to Congress of 
April 11. 

5. In Scribner's Magazine, Vol. XXIV, are a number of illus- 
trated articles descriptive of the Spanish war, by various authors. 
See also, Century Magazine, New Series, Vols. XXXIV, XXXV, 
XXXVI. 

6. Compare the Cubans in their struggle against Spain with 
the English colonists in the Revolutionary War. Compare the 
latter with Aguinaldo's supporters in the Philippines. 

7. What are now the policies of the great political parties on 
the subject of Philippine independence? Which is right? 

8. On the Philippine and Cuban relations, see Government 
in State and Nation, pp. 321-324. On the power to acquire and 
govern territory, ibid., 325-327. References, ibid., 335. 

9. James and Mann, Readings on American History, chap. 30. 



CHAPTER XXXI 
THE OPENING OF A NEW ERA 

The period of industrial depression that began with the The ele: 
panic of 1893 was followed by one of the most remarkable i'9(5J)°' 
eras of prosperity that our country has known. This 
fact, and the popularity of the McKinley administration, 
due in part to the success of the Spanish w^ar, made the 
election of 1900 an easy victory for the Republicans. 
William McKinley was again their candidate. Theodore 
Roosevelt, who was candidate for the Vice-Presidency, *x 
had aroused popular admiration by his part in the Spanish 
war and deserved great credit for his work as Assistant 
Secretary of the Navy, in putting that branch of the service 
into a state of efficiency. The Republicans stood squarely 
upon the gold standard policy, while the Democrats re- 
peated their free silver plank of 1896; this was demanded 
by William Jennings Bryan as a condition of his acceptance 
of the nomination for President. 

It was apparent, however, that the silver issue was dis- 
appearing; for rich gold deposits had been discovered in 
the Klondike region of Canada and Alaska (1896-1897), 
and the influx of this metal resulted in an increasf^i supply 
of money. t Better prices and activity in all industries 

* Roosevelt had been elected Governor of New York. His nomination 
for the Vice-Presidency was insisted upon by "machine" politicians of 
that State who feared his influence and desired his removal to a station 
where he would have little power. 

t The amount of money in circulation rose from $22.82 per capita in 
1890 to $23.24 in 1895 and $26.93 in 1900. 

507 



lie Opening of a Neio Era 



509 



tollowed with the return of business confidence. In view 
of this fact, the Democrats announced that "imperiahsm" 
—i. e., the acquisition and permanent control of thePhihp- 
pines — was the paramount issue. They demanded the 

independence of 




T^'rom a photograph, copyright by Harris & Ewing 
Theodore Roosevelt 



our new posses- 
sions. The ap- 
peal to this issue 
failed to arouse 
enthusiasm, as 
both parties 
were divided 
upon it within 
their own ranks. 
The popular 
vote in this 
election was: 
Republicans, 
7,206,000 ;Dem- 
ocrats,6,334,000. 

Six months ThedeathI 
P . 1 • 1 of Presi- 

atter his second a^^t mc 
inauguration, i^i^iey 
President Mc- 
Kinley was shot 
(September 6, 
1901) by an an- 



archist, Czolgosz. This occurred at Buffalo, while the 
President was holding a public reception at the Pan- 
American Exposition, then in progress. His death oc- 
curred a few days later. 

McKinley had endeared himself to the people by personal 
qualities of graciousness and tact, and by his blameless private 
life. He was an astute politician, who won the respect of his 
opponents. His political fortunes had been under the guidance 
of Mark Hanna, a wealthy manufacturer of Cleveland, who 
brought " business methods " into the management of political 
campaigns. 



510 



American History 



The elec- 
tion of 
1904. 



doospveit'a Mr. Roosevelt soon displayed an aggressive individuality 
ooo'iianty. ^hjch placed him among the few remarkable men who have 
occupied the Presidency. His acts aroused sharp criticism. 
But he won popular adherence, such as few men in our 
history have been accorded, by his vigorous foreign policy, 
his efforts in the direction of official purity, his opposition 
to oppressive capitalistic combinations, and especially by 
his striking personality. 

To Roosevelt's popularity as the Republican candidate 
for President was largely due the overwiielming victory of 
that party in the election of 1904. The continuance of in- 
dustrial prosperity had removed the silver issue completely, 
and the Democrats did not mention it in their platform. 
The conservative Eastern wing of that party was now dom- 
inant, and Judge Alton B. Parker, of New York, became 
their candidate. On the question of imperialism there was 
slight difference between the parties. The country at large 
had accepted the colonial policy as inevitable for at least a 
considerable period of time; but both parties spoke for 
the ultimate independence of the Philippines. Both parties 
spoke also for revision of the tariff, the Democrats taking 
the more radical position. The Republicans classed com- 
binations of capital and labor together as subject to legal 
restraint when they became dangerous to private rights. 
The Democrats were especially emphatic against the 
trusts. In the election the Democrats carried only the 
Southern states. Their popular vote was 5,077,000; the 
Republican candidates receiving 7,623,000.* 

The Spanish war marks an epoch in the foreign relations 
of the United States; then began its increasing activity in 
international affairs and its recognition as a "world power." 

*The Social Democratic, or Socialist, party (1898) grew rapidly after 
the Populists declined, in the era of great industrial combinations. Its 
vote in 1900 was 87.000; in 1904, 402,000; and in 1908, 420,000. It had, 
in 1907. 1900 local organizations with 35,000 members and 30 periodicals. 
The Socialists believe in " the collective ownership of all industries which 
are organized on a national scale and in which competition has virtually 
failed." This includes railroads, telegraphs, steamboat lines, mines, 
quarries, oil wells, forests, water powers, and all land. 



The Opening of a New Era 511 

Our country had not previously been without influence in 
foreign affairs, and its attitude had already begun to be 
aggressive in purely American relations (p. 470). But our new 
the brilliant achievements of our navy in the war with foreign 
Spam and the recent impressive growth of our industries 
(see p. 517) served to call attention to our position as a 



policy. 




Machine wiiich Reaps, Threshes, and Bags Grain at the Same Time 

nation of great power in world politics. This power was 
exerted first in the Orient, following logically upon the 
acquisition of the Philippines. This acquisition had been 
made chiefly in view of the industrial situation in China. 

Our manufacturers had there a great market for their cotton The con« 
goods, which they were desirous of extending. At this time l^^^} ^^ 
Btrife arose among European nations for trade advantages in 
China. England, France, Russia, Germany, and Italy were de- 
manding for their citizens concessions, leases, franchises, and 
special trade privileges in various parts of that country. Gradu- 
ally, "spheres of influence" covering certain regions were ac- 
quired, and it seemed probable that China would be partitioned 



China,, 



512 



American History 



flay's de- 
mand for 
the "open 
door." 



Influence 

exerted in 

Oriental 

politics. 



fn the 

Peace Con- 
ferences. 



among the European powers, as Africa had been in fhe previous 
decade. This would be a blow to our export trade. Now, the 
acquisition oi the Philippines gave us a vantage-point from 
which we could consistently exert influence in Oriental affairs. 

In September, 1S99, Secretary of State John Hay ad- 
dressed a note to the European powers interested, asking 
recognition of the policy of the ''open door"; i. e., that no 
power should exclude the citizens of other nations from 
equal trade rights within its sphere of influence in China. 
Without winning complete acceptance from all the nations, 
the justice of this policy was in the main approved. 

During the following year came the Boxer Rebellion, 
in which there were massacres of Europeans and Amer- 
icans. "When the legations of the civiHzed nations were 
besieged in Peking, troops of the United States took part 
in the expedition that marched to their rehef. Seizure of 
Chinese territory as indemnity might have followed, but 
Secretary Hay brought the influence of this country to bear 
in securing guarantees of the territorial integrity of China 
and equal trade rights in its ports. 

At the outbreak of the war between Japan and Russia, 
in 1904, the United States secured pledges from those 
nations that Chinese neutrality would be observed, and that 
the operations of the war would be confined to Manchuria. 
In 1905, President Roosevelt appealed directly tc the 
belligerents in favor of a cessation of the war. With great 
diplomatic skill he brought them to begin negotiations for 
peace, and his personal influence was exerted in bringing 
to a successful termination the peace negotiations at Ports- 
mouth, New Hampshire. 

The United States sent representatives to the Peace 
Conference called by the Czar of Russia, which met at The 
Hague in 1899,* and also to the second Conference in 1907. 
Upon these occasions our policy favored the widest possible 
appHcation of the principle of international arbitration. 
The first dispute to be appealed to the permanent Tribunal 
* See Government ic State and Nation. 304-307- 



The Opening of a Neiv Era 513 

uf Arbitration was one between the United States and 
Mexico (1902). More recently treaties have been made 
between our country and Great Britain, France, and a 
number of other nations, to submit certain disputes to 
arbitration by the Hague Tribunal before resorting to 
force.* 

In the above events we see the beginnings of a foreign 
policy which has been exerted in favor of justice, humanity, 
and peace in international relations. Great Britain has 
supported our Governm.ent in this policy, and the relations 
of these nations have become more friendly in consequence. 
The acquisition of the Philippines and our ''open door" 
policy have been distinctly favorable to England's com- 
mercial interests. 

In its relations with other American powers the United The new 
States has maintained its leadership. A second Pan- Doctriao. 
American congress was held in the City of Mexico, in 1901, 
followed by another at Rio Janeiro (1906). At various 
times European nations have engaged in controversies 
with South American states over the payment of debts 
due the citizens of the former. The question has then 
arisen, to what extent shall the United States permit the 
use of force against the debtor nations ? 

The wider application of the Monroe Doctrine under President 
Cleveland (p. 486), looking toward the maintenance of the rights 
of the weaker American nations, has been followed by recogni- 
tion of our obligation to secure the performance of duties by 
those nations. Said President Roosevelt (1905): "We cannot 
permanently adhere to the Monroe Doctrine unless we succeed in 
making it evident, in the first place, that we do not intend to treat 
it in any shape or way as an excuse for aggrandizement on our 
part at the expense of the RepubHcs to the south of us; second, 
that we do not intend to permit it to be used by any of these Re- 
publics as a shield to protect that Republic from the consequences 

* 'Eighteen years ago international arbitration was little more than 
a hope; to-day it is an accepted policy; and since this country has 
already made twelve specific special agreements for arbitration, there 
is every ground to believe that as time passes the Senate will view thif 
policy more and more broadly." The Nation, 86:390. 



514 



American History 



of its own misdeeds against foreign nations; third, that inasmuch 
as by this doctrine we prevent other nations from interfering on 
this side of the water, we shall ourselves in good faith try to help 
those of our sister Republics, which need such help, upward 
towafd peace and order." 

Early The history of the Panama Canal exemplifies the ne\v 

Canai^^'^" aggfcssive policy of this country in its world relations, aa 
projects, well as our expanding industrial interests. In 1850, by the 



T <ri VITEI) *iTATi:s C ' 




VXAL STRIP 




'V-. / 



9. S 




Panama 






Panama Canal and United States Canal Strip 



Clayton-Bulwer treaty (p. 335), the United States and 
England agreed to renounce the right to acquire indepen- 
dent control of any isthmian canal route, ks, early as the 
administration of President Hayes this policy was con- 
demned by officers of our Government. When, in the 
next decade, a French company began the construction 
of a canal at Panama,* the demand for a canal under the 
control of this country became urgent. Efforts to bring 
about the formal abrogation of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty 
were unsuccessful. Several surveys were authorized, how- 
ever, especially with a view to establishing a route through 

♦.Projected by Ferdinand De Lesseps. who constructe*' che Suez Can&i. 



The Opening of a New Era 515 

Nicaragua. Then occurred the Spanish war, during which 
the warship Oregon was obhged to make its long journey 
from San Francisco around Cape Horn in order to join the The 
Atlantic Squadron. This incident attracted attention to demand 

for Si CAQAli 

the difficulty of defending the two coasts of our country, 
and the demand for a canal became irresistible. 

In 1899, the Isthmian Canal Commission was appointed 
to examine routes, and they recommended that through 




At Work on the Panama Canal in the Culebra Cut 

Nicaragua. In the meantime, an American company had 
acquired the property of the French Panama Canal Com- 
pany, whose undertaking had ended some ten years earUer obsta<aea 
in bankruptcy. This property was now offered for sale removed. 
to the United States. Secretary Hay, after much diplo- 
matic delay, and the rejection of one treaty, finally secured 
the abrogation of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty (1901). The ' 

United States was now free to proceed to construct and 
own an Isthmian canal which should be free to the use of 
all nations, both in peace and in war. As this country 
alone was to guarantee the neutral use and the defence of 
the canal, it is practically unrestricted in its control 



516 



American History 



Negotia- 
tions with 
CJoiombia 
md the 
Panama 
revolution. 



A'period 
of great 
industrial 



Congress now passed the Spooner Act (1902), providing 
for the construction of the Panama Canal on the condition 
that favorable terais could be secured from the canal 
company and from Colombia, through whose territory it 
was to run; otherwise, the Nicaragua route was to be used. 

A treaty was next made with Colombia, providing for ? 
$10,000,000 payment and an annuity of $250,000 in con 
sideration for the control by the United States of a six- 
mile strip across the Isthmus. This treaty was rejected 
by the Colombian Congress, evidently as a means of ob- 
taining better terms. This occasioned a revolution among 
the disappointed inhabitants of the province of Panama; 
they declared themselves independent of Colombia, and 
set up a government. Their independence was recog- 
nized by President Roosevelt three days later.* Within 
two weeks a treaty was made with the new Republic of 
Panama, by which our Government secured control in 
perpetuity of a ten-mile strip across the Isthmus. The 
Panama Canal property was purchased for $40,000,000. 
The estimated cost for the completion of the work being 
$144,000,000 additional. Congress appropriated $10,000,- 
000 at once and authorized the issuance of $130,000,000 
in bonds. A Canal Commission was appointed, and the 
work of putting the Canal Zone into sanitary condition and 
of digging the canal proceeded at once. 

The reign of prosperity already referred to (p. 507) 
affected all branches of industry. Farmers received better 
prices for their crops, manufacturers turned out an in- 



* Severe criticism was launched against the administration for this 
hasty recognition and for the sending of United States troops to prevent 
the use of force by Colombia in the vicinity of the canal. Roosevelt 
based his action upon a treaty of 1846 between the United States and 
Colombia (then New^ Granada) by which the former was to guarantee 
the freedom of the canal route from hostile demonstrations that would 
prevent its free use. He justified it further upon the ground that Co- 
lombia's attitude was mercenary, and that the interests of the civihzed 
world demanded the immediate construction of the Panama Canal by 
the United States. 



The Opening of a New Era 



517 



creased product, laborers were paid better wages and thus 
furnished demand for still more products of all kinds. 
With this demand, prices rose and the cost of Hving in- 
creased greatly. A most striking evidence of our in* 
dustrial growth was found in the exportation of our manu- 
factures to European countries, whose markets were thus 
invaded. The United States then took rank as the greatest 
exporting nation of the world. 

Besides the wealth of our natural resources and the Further 
energy of our people, the remarkable capacity of the tSn^o?'^^ 
American people for business organization accounts for industry 




The Vanderbilt Railroad System 



this result. The principle of concentration in industry 
(see p. 472) was now carried to its greatest extent. Every 
effort was made to economize in production by eliminating 
waste and unnecessary duplication at all points. Be- 
ginning in 1898, there seemed to be a mania for the forma- 
tion of trusts and combinations. Indeed, this tendency 
went to extremes, and the stocks of many fraudulent 
"syndicates" were sold to the public. 



518 



American History 



The greatest combination formed was the United States Ste J 
Corporation, with a capitalization of $1,400,000,000, unifying 
the interests of eight corporations owning 149 plants and pro- 
ducing three-fourths of the steel product of the country. The 
same tendency was seen in the consolidation of all the important 
railroad lines in the country into a few great "systems." 

These combinations indicated not only concentration of owner- 
ship, but, more especially, concentration of control. For while 
the great corporations had thousands of stockholders, yet their 
control rested in the hands of a comparatively few men (such as 
Rockefeller, Carnegie, Morgan, Rogers, Gould, Vanderbilt, Hill, 
and Harriman), who thus possessed immense influence over the 
business interests of the country.* 

The progress of capitalistic combinations was met by 
greater efforts to prevent trusts and by the passage of laws 
in various States controlling railroads more strictly and 
fixing their rates. Under President Roosevelt, especially, 
the Government actively prosecuted violators of Federal 



U.S. 

GERM. 
GT.BRIT. 
FRANCE 
RUSSIA 



/5 

1/ PI 
1/ .-. 



OF THE U.S. 



Steel Productions, 1903 



laws upon these subjects and secured favorable decisions 
in some important cases, notably those of the Northern 
Securities Company f and the beef trust. There were 
numerous convictions under the anti-rebate law, the most 
important being that under which fines aggregatiiii^ 
$29,240,000 were imposed upon the Standard Oil Company 
by a United States District Court presided over by Judge 

* It is said that the men oomposing the board of directors of the 
United States Steel Corpc/ration had (1908) controlling influence in 
corporations that own one-twelfth of the wealth in the United States. 
World's Work, VII, 4259. 

t A corporation uniting the Northern Pacific, Great Northern, and 
BurUngton Railroads under one management. 



The O'pening of a New Era 



519 



Landis and sitting at Chicago.* In 1906, Congress passed 
a new Interstate Commerce Law, reorganizing the Com- 
mission and giving it the power to fix rates, though the rail- 
roads retain the right of appeal to the courts. Pipe lines, 
sleeping-car companies, and express companies were made 
subject to the provisions of this law. Railroad companies 
were forbidden to engage in any other business. 

Labor now made its greatest progress in the direction of The prog 
organization. The American Federation of Labor (see 
p. 453) acquired a membership in 1905 of 2,000,000. Its 
poHcy was soon directed to^'_v^J securing favorable labor 
legislation by exerting political influence for the defeat of 
candidates who opposed their demands. A department 
of Commerce and Labor was established by Congress in 
1903. t 



ress of 
labor or- 
ganiza- 
tions. 



1902. 



The United Mine Workers, including 147,000 men working in The coal 
the anthracite coal-fields, struck, in 1902, for higher wages and strike of 
better conditions. The mine-owners % refused to arbitrate the 
question in dispute. A coal famine seemed inevitable. Presi- 
dent Roosevelt voiced the demands of public sentiment, which 
was becoming outraged at the prospect, and the operators finally- 
agreed to submit the controversy to settlement by a commission 
appointed by him. The decision was a victory for the miners. 



Another aspect of the country's labor problem is seen in 
the increase and changed character of immigration. In 1903, 
Congress increased the head-tax upon immigrants, and 
enacted stricter regulations excluding undesirable classes, 
especially anarchists. Later, ability to read and write was 
required of immigrants who wished to become naturalized, 
and the process of making cicizens was more carefully 
regulated. 

* The judgment in this case was reversed by the Circuit Court of Appeals. 

t Government in State and Nation, 256-258. 

% Some six railroad companies own the greater part of the anthracite 
coal deposit and control the price absolutely. The President of the 
United Mine Workers was John Mitchell, "the ablest labor leader America 
had produced." Equally able and influential was Samuel Gompers, presi- 
dent for twenty years of the American Federation of Labor. 



Immlgr»* 

tion. 



520 



American History 



Industrial 
awakening 
In the 
South. 



The negro 
popula- 
ioa. 




In 1905 and succeeding years the number of immigrants 
b» "^me more than one million annually. Of these nearly 
three-fourths came from southern and eastern Europe. The 
country is thus confronted by a great problem in the proper 
distribution and complete assimilation of these peoples. 

The industrial advance of the South was a striking 
feature of the period under review. The vast mineral, 
coal, and forest resources 
of the Southern States, 
and its water power, were 
now exploited as- never 
before. jNIanufactures 
increased fifty per cent, 
between 1900 and 1906. 
In cotton manufacture, 
especially, the advance 
was rapid, the South con- 
verting one-third of its a Cotton Mill, Augusta, Ga. 

crop into finished prod- 
ucts. The entire Piedmont region, from Virginia to 
Georgia, was rapidly becoming a manufacturing section. 
There began, too, the more complete occupation of the 
soil, and more intelligent farming, the raising of garden 
produce and fruits receiving particular attention. The 
South also entered upon a period of educational improve- 
ment. 

The negro felt the effects of the changes noted above. 
The industrial relations of blacks and whites were im- 
proved by the influence of industrial schools for negroes. 
Chief among these is Tuskegee Institute (Alabama), under 
the principalship of Booker T. Washington, the acknowl- 
edged leader of the negro race. The social relations be- 
tween whites and negroes w^ere frequently disturbed by 
''race riots," some of which occurred in Northern States. 
Politically, the negro continued to be debarred from voting 
and office-holding. Beginning in 1890, most of the 
Southern States adopted constitutions requiring educa- 



The Opening oj a New Era 521 

^onal and property qualifications for suffrage.* Thus the 
observance of legal forms took the place of the violence of 
former times (see pp. 432-433). 

In the Far West, this period witnessed the rapid growth The Fai 
of cities and substantial industrial advance. The cattle ^^^^' 
ranch was supplemented by intensive agriculture and fruit 
raising. This was encouraged by the irrigation of arid 
lands. Besides private and State irrigation systems, Con- 
gress provided for the construction of reservoirs and ditches 
with the proceeds from the sale of public lands. f 

Congress authorized the formation of two new States in Okiahom*. 
the West, by the union of New Mexico and Arizona, and ^^°^* 
of Indian Territory and Oklahoma. The inhabitants of 
the latter territories agreed to this plan, and the State of 
Oklahoma was admitted in 1907. 

Accompanying our great industrial advance, the public Reform in 

conscience has been awakened to demand remedies for industrial 
., , , . , . , methods. 

abuses that are possible under our present industrial 

system. Laws have been enacted in many States limiting 
the age and conditions of child labor; and a demand has 
been raised for Congressional action upon this subject. 
Legislation prohibiting food adulteration and the false 
labelling of packages, and providing for the inspection of 
factories and packing-houses, has been general. In 1905 
there was an investigation by the State of New York of 
the methods used by the great Hfe insurance companies. 
This resulted in revelations of loose and pernicious busi- 
ness methods (not, however, confined to this class of com- 
panies), fonnerly winked at, but now condemned by public 
opinion. In this period, then, we have seen the beginnings 
of a higher standard of business moraUty. 

In political matters, as well, public standards have been Politicai 
rising. About 1890 the use of the Australian ballot system measure*. 
became general, and thus the purchase of votes became 
more difficult. But this reform did not eliminate the evils 

* See Government in State and Nation, 122. 
t See Government in State and Nation, 284. 



522 



American History 



Business 

and 

politics. 



Educa- 
tional 
move- 
ments. 



of machine politics. State laws were extended to the con- 
trol of party affairs, with severer punishments for corrupt 
practices, the control of lobbying, and the requirement of 
publicity for campaign expenses. In a few States tlie 
primary election system was put into operation. Public 
officers won popular approval, in numerous States and 
cities, by their activity in reveahng ''graft" and by their 
fearless enforcement of the law. iNIunicipal government 
improved greatly in this period. 

These reforms were made possible by the increase of in- 
dependent voting in State and city politics. Politicians 
must now reckon, as never before, with the demand of the 
average citizen for honesty in public service. The influ- 
ence of corporations in governmental affairs has received a 
check, and there is a growing demand for the more com- 
plete control of public utilities, and for the public owner- 
ship of them in cities. The prominence of the moral ele- 
ment in the business and political reforms mentioned above 
characterizes this as an era of "awakened civic conscience." 
Both moral and economic considerations may be seen in 
the protest against the excessive use of liquors that has 
resulted in the prohibition of liquor selling in a number of 
States and parts of States, especially in the South 

Educationally, the past decade has seen increased atten- 
tion paid to the industrial and practical aspects of school 
work. Courses in manual training and domestic science 
are now believed to be necessary for the complete develop- 
ment of mind and body. Commercial courses and trade 
schools fit for definite careers. Physical education receives 
greater attention. And the mass of people now seek out- 
door life and recreation as never before in our history. 
The establishment of public libraries, aided by the munifi- 
cent gifts of Andrew Carnegie, has been rapid. The rural 
free delivery system and the increased use of telephones 
and interurban car lines have revolutionized farm life and 
have added greatly to the comfort and intelligence of the 
masses = 



The Opening of a New Era 



523 



In December, 1907, the Atlantic fleet of our navy, com- The great, 



prising sixteen war-ships and a flotilla of torpedo-boats, 
began a cruise around the world. No such array of war- 
vessels had ever before been sent upon so long a voyage. 
The conduct of the fleet constituted an excellent test of its 
efficiency; and the event was considered as significant of 
America's position in world politics. 



Tne following statistics indicate the growth of manufactures: 




ESTABLISH- 
MENTS 


CAPITAL 


PERSONS 
EMPLOYED 


VALUE OF 
PRODUCT 


1890 
1900 

i9oa 


355,000 
512.000 
533,000 


$6,525,000,000 
9,817,000,000 
13,872,000,000 


4,712,000 

5,705,000 
6,723,000 


$9,372,000,000 
13,004,000,000 
16,866,000.000 





IRON AND STEEL 




PRICES 




MANUFACTURES 


TOTAL EXPORTS 


(dun's INDEX 




EXPORTED 




numbers) 


1890 


$25,000,000 


$884,000,000 


91.55 


1895 


32,000,000 


807,000,000 


81.:.2 


1900 


121,000,000 


1,394,000,000 


91.41 


1905 


134,728,000 


1.518.000,000 


98.31 


1907 


181,000.000 


1,880,000,000 


108.95 



In May, 1908, there met at Washington, upon the re- 
quest of President Roosevelt, a conference to consider the 
conserv^ation of our natural resources. It included the 
governors of the States and other eminent men. This 
movement was a recognition of the extremely wasteful 
methods that have been employed in the use of our soil, 
mines, forests, and water supply. Having now definitely 
passed beyond the pioneer stage of our history, we must 
conserve our natural resources; our industries must be 
developed intensively, rather than extensively. Included 
in this movement is the proposal to improve our water-ways, 
as an undeveloped resource, and as a means of competi- 
tion with railroads. A ship route between Lake Michigan 
and the Gulf of Mexico is especially favored. 

Anticipating the Presidential election of 1908, there 



naval 
cruisa. 



Our 

natural 

resourcea. 



524 



American History 



The elec- 
tion of 
1908. 



Party 

nomina 

tions. 



The plat 
forms. 



was a strong popular demand that President Roosevelt be 
nominated for a third term. This he most emphatically 
declined, but instead exerted influence which resulted in 
the nomination of his Secretary of War, WilHam H. Taft, 
by the Republican convention at Chicago. Roosevelt and 
Taft represented an element 
of their party which de- 
manded "progressive" or 
^'reform'* legislation; the 
other wing of the Republicans 
(known as ''standpatters'') 
were represented upon the 
ticket by James S. Sherman 
of New York, candidate for 
Vice-President. 

The main portion of the 
Democratic party rallied to 
the support of Bryan, who 
had retained remarkable pop- 
ularity, especially in the West. 
He had profited by the defeat 
of his party in 1904, when it William H. Taft 

was under the dominance of 

it? Eastern conservative wing. Bryan was nominated on the 
first ballot of the Democratic convention at Denver, and 
John W. Kern of Indiana was made candidate for Vice- 
President. 

The Democratic platform was more radical than the 
Republican in its demand for tariff revision and in its- 
concession to the demand of labor unions for anti-injunction 
legislation.* It demanded the pubhcity of campaign ex- 
penses t in National elections, an income tax, and the 
Government guaranty of deposits in National banks. Both 
parties favored emergency currency, but differed slightly 
as to the method of its issuance. 

* See Government in State and Nation, 95, 96. 

t Both candidates for the Presidency were emphatic in advocatini? 
this policy. 




The Opening of a New Era 525 

In the fall of 1907 a financial stringency had occurred in New Emergencj 
York City, and all the business centers of the country were soon currency 
affected. A decided check to business followed. This "panic" 
was attributed to the fact that the supply of money could not be 
expanded quickly in response to the demands of trade. Con- 
gress passed a law (1908) providing for the issuance, by National 
banks, of emergency currency; this was subject to a tax which 
would cause its withdrawal when the supply of money was ade- 
quate. 

The election of 1908 was a Republican victory, Taft securing 
321 Electoral votes, while Bryan had 162. 



Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Andrews, The United States in Our Time, treats the fol- 
lowing topics: The Pan-American and St. Louis Expositions, 
885-895; McKinley's death and character, 897-904, 907-910; 
The Boxer Rebellion, 905-907; The formation of the United 
States Steel Corporation, 918-921; The anthracite" miners* 
Strike, 924-926. 

2. An estimate of Mr. Hay's diplomacy is found in The Out- 
look, 73: 271-272. 

3. Does the foreign policy of this country include the making 
of treaties of alliance with other nations? Has this ever been 
done? 

4. What are the present political relations of the United States 
with Japan ? with England ? 

5. Why was the voyage of the American fleet an event of 
international importance ? 

6. Do you approve of the policy of enlarging the navy ? What 
are some arguments for and against that poHcy ? 

7. Make a list of the unsettled problems referred to in this 
chapter. Classify them as National, State, or local. Whose 
duty is it to find solutions for these problems ? Point to facts in 
our history that will aid in solving any of them. 

8. The industrial advance of the South, World's Work, 9. 
5488-5498. Also, several articles in volume xiv (June, 1907). 
Review of Reviews, 33: 177 190. 

9. The Hague tribunal, World's Work, 9: 592S-5932. 

10. What is the positive side of the Monroe Doctrine ? Inde- 
pendent, 55: 9-11. 



526 American History 

11. The most prosperous period of our histor}'. Review of 
Reviews, 34: 677-686. 

12. Methods of regulating immigration. Review of Reviews, 
33: 33&-339. 

13. Conditions of child labor. Independent, 55: 375-379. 
Outlook, 73:637-641; 921-927. 

14. The number an value of Carnegie libraries. World**" 
Work, 9: 6092-6097. 

15. The prohibition v^ve in the South. Review of Reviews 
36:328-334. 

16. Negotiations with Colombia and the Panama Republic; 
Latane, America as a World Power, 208-221. 

17. The Panama Canal. Independent, 55: 764-770. Re- 
view of Reviews, 35: 66-73. 

18. Additional references upon the above and other important 
current topics may be found in great abundance in weekly and 
monthly periodicals. 

19. What do you believe to be the essential difference between 
the Republican and Democratic parties at the present time? 
What other political parties had candidates in the last Presidential 
election? What did each stand for, and how many votes were 
cast for each ? Platforms and election statistics may be found ii'i 
newspaper almanacs. 

20. Further "headings in James and Mann. Readings iu 
American Histoi,^ ^p. 31. 



CHAPTER XXXII 
RECENT EVENTS— 1908-1915 

In the last chapter it was said that the ten years fol- 
lowing the Spanish-American War constituted " the open- 
ing of a new era." The events of the years from 1908 
to 1915 continued to justify this characterization. Few 
periods in American history have seen more significant 
National movements. The decade 1898-1908 had been 
a time of great material prosperity, and this ccnditicn, in 
the main, continued. 

The value of manufactures rose rrom $16,000,000,000 in 1905 
to $20,000,000,000 in 1910; our exports were $1,800,000,000 in 
1908, and $2,400,000,000 in 1913. The exports of iron and 
steel were valued at $183,000,000 in 1908, at $30-1,000,000 in 
1913, and $251,000,000 in 1914. (Compare these figures with 
those on p. 523.) In agriculture, also, the tim.e was one of un- 
excelled prosperity, the production of standard crops reaching 
unprecedented figures. 

But there is a darker side to the picture. For many 
yeai-s before this era of material prosperity, there had ap- 
peared in our social, industrial, and political systems cer- 
tain evils and abuses against which some leaders of public 
opinion cried out loudly (see p. 478). These so-called 
"prophets" had been ridiculed, 'and the evils had con- 
tinued to grow. Some reforms had, indeed, been begun 
(see pp. 521-522) ; but there were radicals and conservatives 
in both of the great political parties. The lines between the 
political parties were not sharply drawn* We see in this 
era the culmination of these great problems and the for- 

* Compare this situation with that existing when some persons in both 
the Whig and Democratic parties were trying to fight slavery (pp. 323, 
334) ; when the tariff was the leading issue between parties (p. 467) ; 
and when the question of free silver was before the country (pp. 479- 
480). 

527 



528 American History 

mation of a clearer division between the groups in each 
party that were to struggle for mastery. 

One unhappy aspect of our industrial situation was 
seen in the continued rise in the cost of living.* 

Wage-earners did not get their due share of the in-= 
creased production, for wages did not advance as rapidly 
as the prices of the articles they consumed. The great 
influx of immigrants continued (see p. 520) ; this and the 
employment of women and children in factories filled the 
labor market with workers. When, therefore, a slacken- 
ing of industry came, in 1913-1915, the problem of the 
unemployed loomed larger than it had before for twenty 
years. 

This period is notable for the number of strikes, and the fierce- 
ness of these contests. Those occurring at Lawrence, Mass. 
(1912), and Paterson, N. J. (1913), and in the Colorado mining- 
camps (1913), were especially hard fought. Prominent in these 
strikes were the Industrial Workers of the World, who believe 
that labor and capital have nothing in common, and that the 
contest between them must continue until the laborers own all 
the means of production. 

Many of these bad social and industrial conditions were 
of such a nature that only the States could deal with 
them. So in several States laws were passed making it 
possible for workmen who were injured to obtain com- 
pensation from their employers without bringing suit in 
a court; many industrial concerns introduced pension 
systems for their employees; a minimum-wage system 
was established in a few States; in others there was pro- 
vision for a mothers' pension that would help widows to 



* Bradstreet's index numbers showing prices are 


as follows: 


1908 8.00 

1909 8.51 


1910 8.98 

1911 8.71 


1912 9.18 

1913 9.20 


1914.... 8. 89 



Compare these figures with those on p. 523. 



Recent Events— 1908-1915 529 

support their families. Something was also accomplished 
in the direction of limiting the hours of labor for women 
and children, and improving factory conditions with re- 
^loect to safety and hygienic appliances. 

Such were some of the measures enacted as a means of 
curtailing the waste of human life that exists under our 
industrial system when unchecked by humanitarian regu- 
lations. The fact of this waste was becoming a clear 
conviction in the minds of the people at the same time 
that they awoke to that other source of incalculable loss 
— the destruction of our natural resources (see p. 523). 
The most tangible evidence of this loss is seen in the dis- 
appearance of forests and the consequent rise in the 
price of lumber. Such terrible floods as those that occur 
in the valleys of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers emphasize 
another result of deforestation and lack of river control. 
The rapid disappearance of the public domain that is 
suitable for tillage shows the necessity of guarding more 
closely the public lands that contain deposits of coal, oil, 
and other mineral products. We see, too, the increasing 
value of water-power sites, following the development 

of electrical long- Urban 12.5^ 
,. ^ , HHI Ru ral 87.5^ 

distance trans- i850^^^ — 1 



mission. 

Another o-rpat Urb an 20.9 ^ 

i\noiner j^ieau fMHHI Rural 79.1^ 

problem that was 1870 ^^^^ I 

outlined more 

1 1 ^ +1.:^ Urban 29.2^ 

clearly at this ■■^■■i Rural 70.8?f ^_____ 



time than ever 18901 
before was that „ ^ ^^ , . 

Urban 46.3^ 

of monopoly con- Mp p— 1^— Rural 53.7^ 

trol. With the ^910 ' > 

rising cost of liv- ^^^^^^^^ °^ ^^^^^ Population 

ing; with the concentration of capital in large indus- 
tries; with the concentration of people in cities,* where 

* The accompanying graph shows this tendency. (From Sanford's 
America-n History Maps. A. J. Nystrom and Co., Chicago.) 



530 American History 

the\' are often dependent upon private corporations for 
their supply of water, lights, and transportation; with 
the threatened disappearance of our natural resources — 
people began to ask, who is getting the benefit of all 
this? and why are living conditions for the masses be- 
coming harder instead of easier? The period now under 
review revealed more clearly than had been seen pre- 
viously the contrast between the rapid accumulation of 
wealth in the country as -a whole and the unsatisfactory 
conditions that caused a rising tide of discontent.* 

Certain events of President Taft's administration 
(1909-1913) brought important questions to an issue. 

William Howard Taft's long experience in public positions 
is shown bv the following record: Solicitor-General of the United 
States, 1890-1892; Federal Circuit Judge, 1892-1900; Presi- 
dent of the Philippine Commission, 1900-1901; first Civil 
Governor of the PhiUppines, 1901-1904; Secretary of War, 
1904-1908. 

In the campaign of 1908, the Republican platform 
called for a revision of the Dingley tariff of 1897 (see p. 
494), and it was understood that this was to be a down- 
ward revision. In a special session of Congress (1909) 
the Payne-Aldrich law was passed, which included some 
reductions, but also some increases that seemed to favor 
influential interests. A customs court was established to 
decide disputes over valuations; a tax of 1 per cent, 
was imposed upon the net incomes of corporations; and 
a tariff board was created to investigate and to gather 
data for use in future tariff legislation. Great indigna- 
tion was felt by many against the Payne-Aldrich law, 
especially in the West, whose opposition to a high tariff 
had been growing for some years. It was claimed that 
the law violated Republican platform pledges. When 

* One authority (Beard, Contemporary American History) speaks 
of tnis as "the revival of dissent," referring to the PopiUist movement, 
many of whose proposals were now renewed and enacted into law 



Recent Events— 190S-191 9 531 

President Taft, in a speech at Winona, Minn., defended 
the law, saying that it was "the best customs law ever 
passed," the opposition became intensified. Here was the 
beginning of a serious breach in the Republican ranks. 

Matters were not improved when, in 1911, Mr. Taft made an 
agreement with the Canadian Government for reciprocity be- 
tween the two countries. This would allow free trade in many 
products, especially food-stuifs, and considerable reductions in 
duties on manufactures. Westerners felt that the farmers' in- 
terests would not be favored by this arrangement. Congress 
adopted the plan, but an election in Canada went against the 
party that favored it, so it failed there. 

Much bitterness of feeling was also aroused during this 
administration over the matter of conservation. Presi- 
dent Roosevelt had been very active in withdrawing public 
lands from the privilege of entry by persons wishing to 
acquire them, when he believed they contained deposits 
of minerals or valuable water-power sites. He may have 
exceeded his authority in this respect, through the ab- 
sence of laws that should have existed to protect public 
interests. 

A great evil had iong existed, under which the Government 
(or, rather, the people of the United States) had been robbed 
of immense wealth. In some cases where the law allowed an 
individual to acquire only 160 acres of land, capitalists had 
"dummy" claimants make adjacent entries in large numbers; 
thus vast tracts of timber, grazing, or mineral lands and water- 
power sites had come into possession of men of wealth and of cor- 
porations. Governmental officials had been known to connive 
at these frauds. 

When some capitalists (known as the Cunningham 
group) planned to acquire coal lands in Alaska,* their ap- 
plication seemed likely to have the approval of the Sec- 
retary of the Interior, R. A. Ballinger. Gilford Pinchot, 
Chief of the Forestry Bureau of the Department of Agri- 
culture, made a vigorous protest, and the entire matter was 

* The Government price of the land was $10 an acre, but the property 
was really worth millions of dollars. 



532 American History 

opened for public discussion. Pinchot, who was a close 
friend of Roosevelt, was dismissed from office, and Presi- 
dent Taft vigorously defended Ballinger when the latter 
resigned in 1911. As a result of investigations, the Cun- 
ningham claims and man^^ others were later disallowed. 
In 1910 Congress authorized the President to withdraw 
public lands from entry, and provided that mineral de- 
posits might be reserved by the Government when lands 
were acquired for agricultural purposes. 

Under President Taft the prosecution of trusts was 
more vigorous than it had ever been before. In 1911 the 
Supreme Court decided that the Standard Oil Company 
and the American Tobacco Company were organized in 
violation of law, and both w^ere ordered dissolved into 
their constituent members. 

For two reasons not much satisfaction came from these legal 
victories. First, the public secured no relief in the matter of 
prices. Second, the court held that combinations were illegal 
only when they exercised an unreasonable restraint upon trade, 
or when their dii-ect and necessary effect was to stifle competi- 
tion. Since Congi-ess had previously refused to enact into law 
the provision that only unreasonable combinations were to be 
forbidden, it was felt by many persons that the court had usurped 
a power that was granted by the Constitution to Congress alone 
— ^in a word, that it was making or amending a law. 

During these years a growing breach was becoming 
apparent between those who stood for decided tariff re- 
duction, a strong conservation policy, and stronger con- 
trol of trusts, on the one hand, and on the other a con- 
servative group, including many who represented the 
moneyed interests, and who feared that radical policies 
would "hurt business." This controversy showed itself 
plainly in the fight of a group of Republican "insurgents"* 

* Prominent among them were Senators La Follette (Wis.), Cum- 
mins and DoUiver (la.), Beveridge (Ind.), Bristow (Kan.), and Clapp 
(Minn.); also Representativas Murdock (Kan.), Noiris (Neb.), Cooper 
(Wis.), and Fowler (N. J.). For an account of the new House rules, 
see Government in Stote and Nation, 154-157. 



Recent Events~l 908-19 15 533 

in the House of Representatives against the arbitrary 
power that had gradually come to be exercised by the 
Speaker. In 1910 the insurgents rebelled against Speaker 
Jaseph G. Cannon ("Uncle Joe") and united with the 
Democrats in amending the rules of the House. The 
Speaker's power of recognition was curtailed; the power 
of appointing committees was taken from him, and com- 
mittees are now elected; the most powerful committee, 
that on Rules, is no longer appointed by the Speaker, 
and he is not a member of it. 

Progress toward greater control of common carriers was 
made by the Interstate Commerce Act of 1910. Express 
and sleeping-car companies were brought under the same 
control as railroads; a Commerce Court was established 
to hear appeals from the decisions of the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission (but this court was discontinued in 
1913), and the Commission was authorized to suspend 
for ten months rate increases proposed by the railroads, 
pending investigation. 

Two other important bills were enacted: the postal 
savings bank law (1910), that had been opposed by cer- 
tain banking interests, and the parcels post law (1912), 
that had been urged for many years by postmasters- 
general, but had been successfully fought by express- 
company lobbies. 

The elections of 1910 were an index of discontent with the 
Republican administration. The Democrats secured a majority 
in the House of Representatives. With the aid of the insurgent 
Republican Senators, they sometimes controlled the Senate. 
The attack on the tariff was carried out by the passage of several 
biUs amending particular schedules : for instance, one bill placed 
agricultural implements, meat, flour, etc., on the free list, others 
lowered rates on wool and wooUens, cotton manufactures, and 
metals. When passed by both houses, these bills were vetoed 
by President Taft, partly on the ground that Congress should 
await information that was being gathered by the expert tariff 
board referred to above. 

For many years previous to the time now under dis- 



534 American History 

cussion, there had been strong movements in various 
States aimed at securing greater control cf raih-oads, 
pubhc utihties,* and trusts, with the purpose of securing 
greater freedom for small industries and lower rates and 
prices. The same forces had contended for such srcial 
legislation as that referred to on p. 456, for the im- 
provement of the living conditions, safety, and health of 
wage-earners. t Everywhere it was felt that capitalistic 
interests were opposed to these new measures. " Big 
business" everywhere, it was claimed, was exerting its 
influence to keep matters as they were, or to gain more 
"special privileges" through the action of city, State, 
and National governments. Corrupt means, it was 
charged, were sometimes used to bring about these results. 
With almost unlimited financial resources, " the interests " 
often endeavored to block "progressive" measures. 

In our political machinery, either house of a legislative 
body may check the other; the executive (Mayor, Gov- 
ernor, or President) may by his veto check the legislature; 
finally, the courts, even when most removed from corrupt 
influences, have been found to favor old interpretations 
of the law, and to disregard the new social conditions in 
the light of which old laws should be interpreted. J 
Furthermore, our system of political parties makes pos- 
sible the boss and the machine, through whom private, 
rather than public, interests ma\' be promoted. 

Because of these conditions, there had arisen a strong 
demand for more direct control of the Goxeriiment by the 
people. This demand was embodied in primary election 
laws that had been enacted in all but a few States before 
this time, and in stricter corrupt practices acts for the 

* The term public utilities includes such businesses as those furnish- 
ing street-car facilities, water, light, heat, and power. 

t In 1912 a children's bureau was created in the Department of 
Commerce and Labor, and in 1913 a separate Department of Labor, 
whose Secretary is a member of tiie President's Cabinet, was created. 

t Thus courts declared illegal laws restricting the hours of Avomen's 
labor, and laws providing for workmen's compensation. 



Recent Events— 1908-1915 535 

control of elections.* The reform was now pushed a step 
farther in the enactment of the initiative, referendum, 
and recall t in several States. There was also the advo- 
cacy of the "short ballot," especially in cities: i. e., the 
election of fewer officials with the purposes of making 
the government more simple and of holding officers more 
strictly responsible to the people. With these ends in 
view, more than three hundred cities adopted the com- 
mission form of government. t Accompanying these 
changes was an increasing recognition of the part that 
women might play in bringing about good government, 
especially' when social questions are involved; hence the 
adoption of full woman-suffrage in several States. § In 
line with these demands and changes was the adoption of 
the Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Con- 
stitution (May 31, 1913), providing for the election of 
Senators by popular vote, instead of by State legislatures. [1 
In opposition to the movement for greater popular con- 
trol of government was the argument that our system 
was originally, and should remain, representative rather 
than purely democratic. This means that leader rather 



* See Government in State and Nation, 48-52. In 1907 eorpsra- 
tions were forbidden by Congress to make campaign contributions In 
elections held imder its authority. Many States had made pubUcity 
of campaign expenses compulsory, and had limited the amoimts that 
might be expended. 

t See Government in State and Nation, 13-14, 37. The question of 
the recall was made prominent when Arizona and New Mexico were 
asking admission to the Union. President Taft, who was most posi- 
tively opposed to the recall of judges, insisted that Arizona should 
not be admitted with this system in its Constitution. The provisioa 
was removed, but it was re-enacted after Arizona became a State. 

+ Government in State and* Nation, 22, 36. 

^ To the first woman-suffrage States, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, 
and Idaho, Avere added Washington and Cahfornia in 1911, Arizona, 
Kansas, and Oregon in 1912, and Illinois, for a part of its officers, ia 
1913. Woman-suffrage was rejected by popular votes in a ntmiber of 
other States. 

II The amendment is printed on p. 573. The case of Senator Lorimer, 
of Illmois, in which bribery of legislators was proved, was the climax 
of similar incidents in our history. 



536 American History 

than the masses, are most fit to govern and should deter- 
mine policies; but that, of course, they should be re.sponsi- 
ble to the people, through frequent elections. 

A review of these matters is necessary to an under- 
standing of the issues involved in the election of 1912. 
The agitation for the popular measures mentioned was 
the basis of the progressive inorement that had been gather- 
ing force for some years. Among its leaders were such 
Republicans as Robert M. La Follette, who, as Governor 
of Wisconsin (1901-1905), had been a pioneer, and Gov- 
ernor Hiram Johnson, of California. The Democratic 
Governors of Missouri, Joseph M. Folk, and New Jersey, 
Woodrow Wilson, stood for the progressive ideas in their 
respective States. The insurgents previously mentioned 
were other prominent progressives. 

While he was President, Mr. Roosevelt haa ^dded to 
his great personal popularity by denunciation of evils 
connected with the wrong use of wealth in industry and 
politics. It was thought that Mr. Taft would pursue 
like policies (see p. 524); but while his administraiion 
shows a good record for some reform measures,* it was 
felt by many that through his tariff and conservation 
policies he had allied himself with the conservative or 
"stand-pat" element of his party. Upon Mr. Roosevelt's 
return from Africa (in March, 1910), where he had been 
fc«* a year, the breach between the two men became evi- 
dent, and widened the breach already existing between 
the two wings of the party. Mr. Roosevelt now came for- 
ward with his announcement of "The New Nationalism" 
as a policy; this meant the extension of national func- 
tions to help in the solution of- such social problems as 
the States seemed unable to cope with, because of the 
lack of uniformity in their laws, and because they lack 
authority over interstate business. 

In 1911 a Progressive Republican League was formed, 

* Mr. Taft's extension of the civil-service merit system sbould be 
jnentioned with other measures already discussed. 



Recent Events— 1908-1915 



537 



which had for its leader and prospective Presidential can- 
didate Senator La Follette. In February, 1912, a ma- 
jority of the Progressive leaders shifted their support to 
Mr. Roosevelt, who, they felt, was less radical and more 
popular than La Follette. Other Republican candidates 




From a photograph, copyright 1915, by Moffett 
Woodrow Wilson 



for the nomination were President Taft and Senatoi 
Cummins. 



Mr. Roosevelt announced that he vv^ould abide by the decision 
of Prcsi'hntial-preference primaries. In eleven States (and partly 
in three others) the voters were permitted to express preferences 
as to the nominees for their respective parties. The result 
among Republicans in these States was strongly in favor of Mr, 



538 American History 

Roosevelt. In the Republican National Convention, which met 
at Chicago in June, his managers contested more than 200 seats 
claimed by Taft delegates, mainly from the Southern States. 
When, with few exceptions, the Taft contestants were seated, 
the Roosevelt men denounced the result as "theft," and 343 
delegates, in protest, subsequently refrained from voting upon 
the adoption of the platform. They also refused to place Mr. 
Roosevelt's name formally before the convention, and finally 
seceded entirely. Mr. Taft was nominated on the first ballot.* 
Thus there was brought about a definite split in the Repub- 
lican ranlvs. This was followed by the formation of the 
National Progressive party, which held a convention at Chicago 
in August, and nominated Roosevelt and Johnson amid great 
enthusiasm. 

The antagonism between progressives and conservatives was 
apparent also in the Democratic convention that met in Balti- 
more, June 25. Here the favorites were Harmon, of Ohio; 
Champ Clark (Speaker of the House), of Missouri; Woodrow 
Wilson, of New Jersey; and Underwood, of Alabama. Mr. 
Bryan refused to be a candidate, but threw his influence strongly 
for Wilsen when he deemed that certain moneyed interests and 
the Tammany influence were supporting other candidates. The 
result was a long and bitter contest, Mr. Wilson being nominated 
on the forty-sixth ballot. Governor Thomas IVIarshall, of In- 
diana, was named as candidate for Vice-President. 

In their platforms aU three of these parties stood for certain 
reforms (pubhcity of campaign contributions, parcels post, con- 
servation, and the merit system). Upon the tariff question, 
the Progi-essives occupied a position between the extreme views 
of the other parties. The Democrats and Repubhcans came 
near agreeing upon the policy of breaking up trusts; while the 
Progressives favored the policy of regulation. Both Democrats 
and Progressives favored an incor^e tax and the direct election 
of Senators. The latter had in addition an extensive programme 
of reform measures: the initiative, the referendum, the short 
ballot, laws favoring the welfare of working men and women, 
and woman-suffrage. They also favored the recall of judicial 
decisions, i. e., a popular vote in certain cases when the courts 
have declared laws unconstitutional. 

* Most of the La Follette men adhered to him, but some followed 
Hoosevelt. When the latter arrived in Chicago, dm'ing the progress 
©f the convention, and was asked how he felt, he replied: "Like a 
l)ull-moose." His party later came to be known as the Bull-moose 
party. 



liccent Events — 1 U08-1D15 



539 



The result of the election, as shown by the accompany- 
ing map and statistics, was the election of Mr. Wilson 
by a very large plurality. 



Previous to his election, Mr. 
Wilson had been a member of 
the faculty of Princeton Univer- 
sity, later its president (1902- 
1910) and Governor of New 
Jersey (1911-1913). 



When the sixty-third Con- 
gress was called in special 
session, soon after the inaugu- 
ration of the new President, 
the Democrats were in pos- 
session of the legislative and 
the executive branches of the 
Government. Urged on by 
Mr. Wilson, this Congress 
passed a series of remarkable 
laws. 

1. The Underwood tariff (1913) made decided reduc- 
tions, so that the estimated average rate of duties would 
be less than 30 per cent. 




Jane Addams. Head of Hall House, 
Chicago, since 1889. Most promi- 
nent of the women delegates to the 
Progressive Convention. President 
of Women's Peace Party (January, 
1915) and of International Con- 
gress of Women. 



Its objects were: (a) to reduce the cost of living by allowing 
the free importation of some necessities — among them food- 
stuffs, boots and shoes, lumber, and sugar (the last after May 1, 
1916); (6) to induce foreign competition by reducing about 
one-half the duties on' many articles, such as metal products, 
woollen and cotton goods; (c) to aid the farmers by admitting 
free of duty manufactures used on farms. To supply any 
deficit in revenue an income tax was enacted, bearing upon the 
net incomes of both individuals and corporations. Before the 
law was passed the Constitution had been amended so that the 
apportionment of this tax among the States according to popula- 
tion would not be necessary (see p. 404). .\mendment Sixteen, 
printed on p. 573, was adopted in February, 1913. 




|l^';'f^^r^9??7-;Wi^'?^^,V ,„ 




L ■/■/< I "-ME 

ELECTION OY 1908 '' 

l^^Republican 321 
U?S?s\ Democratic 162 



:r 



r/ 




TIT 






ELECTION UF liuiT \ ■ TEXAS 

[ "1 Republican 8 \ /--'•. 

[ - [ Democrdtic 435 \ / 

^^^ Progressive 8S V.j 



y" 



-I 



X 



Republican . . . , 
Democratic — 

Progressive 

Socialist 

Prohibition 



Elect 


on Statistic 


, 




1908 


191 


2 


Popular 
7,678,000 
6,409,000 

■ ■426,666 
253,000 


Electoral 
321 
162 


Popular 

3,484,000 

6,293,000 

4,119,000 

901,000 

207,000 


^Jectoral 
8 
435 
88 



|54» 



Recejit F.venU— 1908-1915 541 

2. An epoch-making law was the Federal Reserve Bank- 
ing Act, intended to cure the two great evils that had for 
many years rendered our monetary and banking systems 
unscientific and dangerous to the financial welfare of the 
country: viz., lack of elasticity in our money supply, and 
lack of co-operation among banking institutions. 



For several years the Aldrich Monetary Commission had 
studied this problem, and their report thr^sv much light upon 
the situation. Under this law twelve Regional Reserve Banking 
Associations were formed, each having a bank located in a large 
city, whose stock is owned by the national banks of its district 
(together with such State banks as choose to join). These re- 
serve banks are the official depositories and financial agents of 
the Federal Government.* They distribute the reserves in their 
charge according to the needs of the various sections of the coun- 
try. Moreover, they may issue notes to the National banks, 
which in turn use them in business, after depositing with the re- 
serve banks approved promissory notes of their customers. 
Thus the money supply of the country can be increased when 
the demand is great; and any surplus of federal-reserve notes 
may be withdrawn later. These notes are gradually to super- 
sede the National bank notes. Each Regional Reserve Associa- 
tion has a board of directors, and there is a Federal Reserve 
Board at Washington supervising the entire system. 



3. The Clayton Anti-Trust Act was designed to sup- 
plement the Sherman Act (see pp. 472-473), which was 
so general in its terms that the Government experienced 
great difficulty in securing satisfactory results from prose- 
cutions. 



The n€fw law specified certain practices as illegal: (a) price 
discriminations, through which large industries might drive 
smaller ones out of business, thus lessening competition and tend- 
ing to create monopoly; (6) exclusive trade agreements, by which 

* Thus the independent treasury system is finally abolished (see 
pp. 314, 328). The new system is virtually a retiu-n to the principles 
upon which the first and second United States Banks were founded. 
See pp. 220. 272. 



542 American History 

one concern may shut off the competition of its rivals; (c) inters 
locking directorate.^, a method of combining several corporations 
by having certain persons act as directors upon the boards of 
each; (d) holding companies, another device for facilitating 
combination. 

4. A Federal Trade Commission was established, whose 
function is to investigate corporations doing an inter- 
state business, and to assist the Government in the prosecu- 
tion of such as violate any of the anti-trust laws. 

5. Another important act was that strictly regulating the 
importation and sale of habit-forming drugs, thus suppressing 
the illegitimate use of them. 

6. A law organizing the Territory of Alaska had been passed 
in 1912; and now the importance of its proper development 
was recognized in a law appropriating $35,000,000 for the con- 
struction by the Government of a thousand-mile railroad in that 
Territory. Coal lands in Alaska are either to be reserved for 
Government use or leased to the highest bidders in small tracts. 

Several bills of importance failed of enactment in this Con- 
gress: one imposing a literacy test upon immigrants was vetxjed 
by President Wilson; another was aimed to restrict the employ- 
ment of child labor in industries. A proposed amendment to 
the Constitution which would prohibit the manufacture and 
sale of intoxicating liquors passed the House by a majority vote, 
but less than the necessary two-thirds.* 

The completion of the Panama Canal (it was opened 
to regular traffic in August, 1914) marks an epoch in our 
history. At last the dream of Columbus is fulfilled, and 
a way through the barrier continent on the route to India 
has been found (see p. 11). Freight charges between 
Atlantic and Pacific points were greatly reduced, and 
the way opened for the growth of unprecedented South 
American trade. 

* This is one indication of the anti-liquor wave that has swept the 
•ountry in recent years. Legal prohijDltion in eighteen States (1916) 
and many local units has placed more than one-half the population 
of the country under this system. 



7^ 32 PACIFIC POSSESSIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 

Steamship Routes \ia Panama Canal „ .^^ 

Pacific Submanne Cables 

PANAMA CANAL ZONE 

DISCON-ERI OF THE NORTH AND SOLTH POLES 




i 1 




Pacific Ocean and Adjacent Continents, Showing Trade Routes via Panama Canal 
From Sanford American History Maps 



543 



544 



American History 




An act of 1912 provided a permanent government for the 
Panama Canal Zone; the Commission (see p. 516) was abolished 

and the zone was placed in 
control of a Governor, with sub- 
ordinate officers. To this po- 
sition the President appointed 
Colonel (now Major-General) 
George W. Goethals, who as head 
of the Commission had prose- 
cuted the work of construction 
in a most successful manner. 
The remarkable feature of this 
work, costing more than $350,- 
000,000, is the demonstration of 
efficiency shown by the Federal 
Government in completing it 
upon a sound business basis. 

In making provision for the 
tolls to be charged, Congress 
exempted from such payment 
all vessels engaged in the coast- 
wise trade of this country. Since 
only vessels of United States reg- 
istry can engage in such trade, 
it was claimed by the Government of Great Britain, and by 
many persons in this country, that this exemption violated a 
provision of the Haj^Pauncefote treaty of 1901 (see p. 515), 
which stated that the canal was to be open to vessels of all 
nations upon equal terms. The Democratic Congress repealed 
this exemption. 

Troubles in Mexico, beginning in 1911, gave Presidents 
Taft and Wilson much concern. President Porfirio Diaz 
had ruled Mexico in a despotic manner since 1876. Order 
in that country had thereby been secured, but the masses 
of the people were much oppressed. Revolutionary move- 
ments forced Diaz to resign (1911) and Francisco Madero 
was elected President. He in turn was opposed by insur- 
rectionists, who kept the country in turmoil until Taft 
threatened intervention. General Victoriano Huerta, pre- 
viously an adherent of Madero, next gained the upper 
hand and imprisoned Madero, who was soon after mur- 
dered. President Wilson refused to recognize Huerta, 



From a photograph by G. "V. Buck, Washinirtoii, D. C. 

Major-General George W. Goethals 



Recent Events— 1908-1915 545 

and the latter was finally driven from Mexico by his 
enemies, under the leadership of Villa and Carranza. In 
the course of Wilson's policy of so-called "watchful 
waiting," instead of intervention, some sailors from a 
United States gunboat were arrested in Tampico (April, 
1914), but were immediately released. When a salute 
demanded by Rear-Admiral Mayo, by way of apology, 
was refused, marines were landed at Vera Cruz. They 
were fired upon, and nineteen were killed. Some 9,000 
regular troops were then placed in charge of the city. 
They were withdrawn six months later. 

A peace conference was held at Niagara Falls, Ontario, includ- 
ing delegates from the so-called ABC nations (Argentina, Brazil, 
and Chile). This, however, failed to end the dissensions in 
Mexico, and disorder continued. After the enemies of Huerta 
had forced him to leave the country, they used their armies 
against each other, in jealous efforts to secure control. Much 
property belonging to foreigners was destroyed, and not a few 
foreigners were killed. In June, 1915, President Wilson notified 
the warring leaders that they must get together and promote a 
settled government in Mexico. 

The outbreak of the terrible European war in August, 
1914, placed new obligations upon our people and Govern- 
ment, and raised new and troublesome problems. An 
appropriation was made by Congress and used by our rep- 
reswitatives abroad for the aid of American citizens who 
were endeavoring to leave the countries involved in war. 
Later, unprecedented generosity on the part of our people 
was displayed in the contributions of food, clothing, and 
money to the suffering inhabitants of Belgium, Servia, 
and Poland. Congress found it necessary to enact 
(October, 1914) a stamp tax to make up for the loss of 
revenue due to the decline of imports from the warring 
nations. 

Since the merchant marine of the United States carried only 
about 10 per cent, of the goods handled in our foreign trade, 



546 American History 

the question now arose, should we not take advantage of the 
lack of merchant vessels, during the war, to build up this in- 
dustry? The registry of foreign-built American-owned vessels 
was now allowed (August, 1914). Since private capital was slow 
to invest in ship-building enterprises, President Wilson lu-ged 
Congress to enact a Shipping Bill, which provided for the Gov- 
ernment's participation in buying or building merchant ships. 
But Congress refused to pass the bill. 

At the outset of the war the Government assumed a 
position of strict neutrality, and awaited eagerly an op- 
portunity to assist the countries at war to begin p>eace 
negotiations. In connection with its efforts to enforce 
the rights of American citizens under international law, 
many difficult questions arose.* 

(a) The belligerent nations extended the definition of contra- 
hand to cover more articles than previously; so American copper 
and oil were detained in foreign ports, {h) The belligerents, 
especially Great Britain, also detained cargoes of innocent goods, 
such as cotton and food-stuffs, bound to her enemies, whether 
directly or by way of neutral nations, (c) Both Great Britain 
and Germany proclaimed icar zones covering the waters about 
the British Isles, and warned neutral vessels away. Against 
these policies our Government made repeated formal protests. 

The most serious case was that of the British merchantman, 
Lusitania, torpedoed by a German submarine off the coast of 
Ireland on May 14, 1915, without notification of attack, and 
without opportunity being given its passengers to escape. About 
1,600 passengers, including more than 100 Americans, lost their 
hves. President Wilson made a strong protest against this viola- 
tion of international law, and demanded that Germany cease her 
submarine poUcy under which such events become possible. 
Disagreeing with the President upon the nature of his negotia- 
tions with Germany, Secretary of State Bryan resigned on June 8. 

The self-control of the American people and their devo- 
tion to the principle of peace have been displayed by their 
attitude of moderation during the course of these trying 
events. 

* The important principles governing neutral rights in time of war 
are stated in Government in State and Nation, pp. 302-303. 



Recent Events — 1908-1915 547 



Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Why Canada defeated reciprocity is stated in Independent, 
71 : 709-71 1. Outlook, 98 : 100-102. 

2. The provisions and purposes of the tariff of 1913. World's 
Work, 27:9-10. Review of Reviews, 48:515-517. Outlook, 
105:305-308. Independent, 76:66-68. 

3. Which is better, representative or direct government? 
Atlantic Monthly, 108:454-465; 109:122-131. 

4. Is the recall of judges a wise policy? North American 
Review, 193:672-690. Century Magazine, 84:15-21. Inde- 
pendent, 71:384-385. 

5. The story of the insurgents and the revision of the House 
rules is told in World's Work, 19: 12805-12. Outlook, 94:289- 
292, 639-640, 750-754. North American Review, 191:510-516. 

6. Progressive laws in many States. Review of Reviews, 48: 
86-87. 

7. The argument for conservation is given in World's Work, 
21 : 13607-1 1 , 23 : 593-595, 25 : 246-249. The other side is stated 
in North American Review, 191:465-481. 

8. A full account of the Pinchot- Ballinger controversy is 
found in Outlook, 95:6-7, 43-47, 233-235, 288-295. 

9. The election of 1912. Nominating conventions, Review of 
Reviews, 46:191-196. Presidential primaries, Outlook, 101: 
56-58,102-103. Issues, Outlook, 102:271-272. Personal plat- 
forms of candidates. World's Work, 24:20-24. Independent, 
73:930-958. The Progressive party, Review of Reviews, 46: 
197-200. Character sketch of Wilson, Review of Reviews, 46: 
177-184. Cartoons of the Campaign, ibid., 46:169-176. 

10. For maps showing the progress of woman-suffrage and 
State prohibition down to June, 1915, see Outlook, 110:366-367. 

11. Debate over the immigration literacy test bill of 1915. 
Survey, 29:419-420, 497-499. 

12. Different views of the Panama tolls question are given 
in (.:entury Magazine, 84:792-793, and Outlook, 101:755-756; 
102:243-244. 

13. Ci.lonel Goethals, the builder of the canal. World's Work, 
24.389-402. A series of articles on the history of the canal, 
written by Colonel Goethals, began in Scribner's Magazine, 
March, 1915. 



548 American History 

14. The United States army in Vera Cruz. Outlook, 107: 
233-234. Review of Reviews, 49:666-673. 

15. Good discussions of American neutrality are found in 
Outlook, 108:903-904, 614-615; 109:75-78. North American 
Review, 201:241-247. Independent, 80:80-82, 277-279; 81: 
39^0, 147-148. 



CHAPTER XXXIII 

FROM PEACE TO WAR, 1915-1917 

A CONDITION of civil war resulted from the rivalry 
of Carranza and Villa in Mexico. American citizens who 
remained in Mexico in spite of the repeated warnings of 
our Government to depart lost their property and in 
many cases their lives. There were border raids into 
our territory in which similar injuries were inflicted. 

In October, 1915, our Government gave formal recog- our army 
nition to Carranza as head of the Mexican Government. ^^ Mexico 
An attack by bandits from Villa's army upon Columbus, 
New Mexico, in March, 1916, led to the invasion of Mexico 
by several thousand of our troops under General Per- 
shing. This expedition failed to capture Villa. Its pres- 
ence in Mexico aroused animosity there and Carranza 
insisted upon its withdrawal. This took place several 
months later. 

Meanwhile, border raids continued, and in June Presi- and on 
dent Wilson ordered the National Guard of all the States the border, 
to mobilize and prepare for service on the Mexican border. 
Within a few weeks some 100,000 troops were assembled 
there. They were gradually withdrawn during the fol- 
lowing autumn. A Joint Commission was appointed by 
the American and Mexican Governments to adjust our 
differences, but without important results. 

At the same time the administration was troubled by Theraii- 
an important internal problem. Four "Brotherhoods," ^^^^^^ 
or unions, of railway employees, numbering 400,000 men, troversy. 
demanded pay upon the basis of an eight-hour instead of 
a ten-hour day, with pay for overtime at a rate fifty per 
cent, higher. A conference between the executives of 
the "Brotherhoods" and a committee of railway man- 

549 



550 



American History 



agers resulted In failure to agree. The employees refused 
to submit the issue to arbitration and voted to strike 
unless their demands were granted. Another fruitless 
conference, in August, 1916, was followed by White House 
conferences between the heads of the contending factions 




The Koute of General Pershing's Troops into Mexico. Villa and 
His Forces Fled to the Mountains 



and President Wilson. The latter pressed for acceptance 
of the eight-hour day, without pay at a higher rate for 
overtime, but the railways claimed that this was merely 
a demand for higher wages, which they could not afford 
to pay. A strike was ordered for Labor Day, Septem- 
ber 4. Knowing that a general "tie-up" of the railways 
of the entire country would involve great disaster, the 
President then addressed Congress, urging the enact- 
ment of an eight-hour law. This was accomplished in 
the Adamson law and the great strike was averted. 

Action was soon l^rought in the courts to test the legal- 
ity of the Adamson law. In March, 1917, it was de- 



From Peace to War 551 

dared constitutional by the Supreme Court. A commis- 
sion was appointed to watch its workings and to report 
to Congress. 

The presidential campaign and election occurred in the The eiec- 
midst of these controversies. It was taken for granted i^fg^ 
that Mr. Wilson would be the Democratic candidate and candidates 
he was duly nominated at St. Louis in June. The Demo- ^"^^ ^^^^' 
cratic platform indorsed his foreign policy, under which 
this country had been kept out of war, and praised the 
various strong measures that had been passed since 
March, 1913 (see pp. 539-542). The Republican plat- 
form condemned the foreign policy of the President as 
vacillating, and as timid in its failure to furnish protec- 
tion to the lives and property of American citizens abroad. 
Both platforms urged stronger measures for military and 
naval preparedness and advocated that a larger merchant 
marine be fostered, though by different methods. 

There was much debate over the selection of a Re- 
publican nominee before the meeting of the convention 
in Chicago. The Progressive ("Bull Moose") party 
held its convention in the same city and upon the same 
date, its purpose being to use influence toward the nom- 
ination by the Republicans of a candidate of progressive 
tendencies. It nominated Theodore Roosevelt as its 
candidate. Mr. Roosevelt telegraphed his declination 
and later the Progressive National Committee indorsed 
the Republican candidate Mr. (Charles E. Hughes, who 
meanwhile had been nominated. 

Mr. Hughes was at this time a justice of the Supreme Court, Wilson 
but he immediately resigned. His reputation had been made re-elected. 
as prosecutor in certain insurance cases (see p. 521) and later as 
a vigorous and fearless governor of New York State. The 
campaign of 1916 was on the whole a quiet one. For several 
days after the November election the result was in doubt, be- 
cause a few of the States (especially Minnesota, New Hamp- 
shire, and California) gave narrow majorities that might have 
turned the scale. Finally Mr. Wilson's re-election was assured 
by the majority of 21 votes in the electoral college. 



552 



American History 



Anti- 
liquor 
legislation. 



Other im- 
portant 
laws. 



Treaties 
regarding 
American 
relations. 



The closing year of Mr. Wilson's first administration 
was remarkable for important legislation upon internal 
affairs. The progress of woman-suffrage and prohibition 
in the various States continued (see pp. 535, 542). The 
latter movement was greatly aided by a decision of the 
Supreme Court upholding the Webb-Kenyon law, which 
prohibits the shipment of liquors into prohibition States. , 
Congress also enacted prohibition for the District of 
Columbia and Alaska. 

Fostering rural activities Congress enacted three im- 
portant laws. The Smith-Lever Act (1914) made large 
appropriations to aid the States in maintaining an agri- 
cultural expert in every county. The Farm Loan, or 
Rural Credits, Act estabhshed a system of banking 
associations through which the borrowing of money 
by farmers is made easier and cheaper. The Rural 
Roads Act made large appropriations to assist the States 
in building good roads. Another law gave Federal aid 
to States that maintain vocational schools, where students 
and teachers are trained in agriculture, domestic science, 
and manual arts, A new immigration law (1917) was 
passed over the veto of the President, establishing a 
literacy test for immigrants. 

Congress fostered our merchant marine by a Shipping 
Law (1916) that established a board controlling a capital 
of $50,000,000 and having power to build or buy ships. 
The government is principal owner in this enterprise. A 
permanent Tariff Commission was provided for by another 
law. 

In our relations with neighboring countries, the protection 
of our government was extended by treaty to Haiti, as had been 
done previously in Santo Domingo, when that republic showed 
its inabihty to maintain order and financial responsibility. 
The United States Government now collects the customs duties 
in those countries and guarantees stable governments and 
peaceful relations with other nations. We also entered into a 
treaty with Nicaragua guaranteeing our right to build a canal 
through that country. By another, treaty we acquired from 



From Peace to War 



553 



Denmark a group of West Indies islands east of Porto Rico, 
valuable as naval stations. They were named the Virgin Islands. 
The announced and strongly debated Democratic policy of 
granting independence to the Philippines within a few years was 
modified so that no date for its consummation was set. Mean- 
while, the suffrage was greatly extended in the Philippines and 

both legislative houses were 
made elective, the Philippine 
Commission being abohshed. 

Foreign relations with the 
combatants of the great Eu- 
ropean war were of over- 
whelming importance in the 
years 1915-1917. We con- 
tinued diplomatic protests 
against Great Britain's pol- 
icy toward neutral shipping 
(see p. 546). Moreover, 
Britain extended her control 
of trade so that direct ship- 
ments to Germany were en- 
tirely stopped. She also 
limited shipments to Nor- 
w^ay, Sweden, Holland, and 
Denmark in an attempt to prevent supplies from reach- 
ing Germany through these neutral countries. Mails en 
route to and from the United States were stopped and 
inspected in England. We made no effort beyond pro- 
test to enforce the obser\'ance of neutral rights in these 
cases. An arbitration treaty with Britain already pro- 
\ided means for the settlement of damages when these 
were not satisfactorily adjusted in the prize courts. 

Our relations with Germany and Austria began to 
assume a different aspect when it became apparent that 
systematic campaigns were being conducted in this 
country for the injury of the enormous commerce that 
had grown up with Great Britain and her allies. Plots 
were discovered for the issumg of fraudulent American 




Contro- 
versy with 
Britain 
over neu- 
tral rights- 



Copyright by Ednionston 

Robert Lansing 

Secretary of State 



Con- 
spiracies 
promoted 
by Ger- 
man and 
Austrian 
officials. 



554 



American History 



Germany's 
submarine 
policy. 



The 
breach 
with 
Germany. 



passports, for the destruction of bridges, of the Welland 
Canal, and of vessels carr^ang cargoes to the Allies; 
also, for the fomenting of revolts in India and disorders in 
Mexico. In some of these cases, officers connected with 
the German and Austrian embassies were found to be 
furnishing money and directing these movements. The 
German Government was asked to recall Captains Boy-ed 
and von Papen, attaches of its embassy. The Austrian 
ambassador, Dumba, was given his passports when it 
became known that he proposed to aid in fomenting strikes 
among laborers in munitions factories. 

But the sharpest controversy arose over the con- 
tinuance by Germany of the policy begun in the Lusitania 
case (May, 1915, see p. 546), of sinking merchant ships 
without warning. In spite of our protests other instances 
occurred during 1915 and 1916, involving the loss of Amer- 
ican lives.* Such was the German method of retaliation 
for the British blockade of her coast. It was a most 
flagrant violation of international law and involved ir- 
reparable loss of life. 

Finally, in March, 1916, when the French passenger 
steamer Sussex, with Americans on board, was sunk in 
the English Channel, President Wilson issued an ulti- 
matum to Germany threatening breach of diplomatic 
relations. The reply of Germany (May 4) was a reluc- 
tant promise that henceforth warning would be given to 
crews and passengers, who would thus have opportunity 
to escape. The violation of this promise came in the 
announcement that beginning February 1, 1917, all 
vessels carrying cargoes to Germany's enemies would be 
liable to submarine attack without warning in a large 
area of the ocean off the western coast of Europe. This 
resulted in the breaking of diplomatic relations with 
Germany when President Wilson handed Count Bern- 



* August 19, 1915, Arabia, 3 Americans lost. September 4, 1915, 
Hesperian, 1 American lost. October 28. 1916, Marina, 8 Americans 
lost. December 14, 1916, Russian, 17 Americans lost. 



From Peace to War 



555 



storff, the German ambassador, his passports and recalled 
our ambassador, James W. Gerard, from Berlin. 

Meanwhile, an important discussion had begun regarding Wilson's 
the possibihty of peace in Europe. President Wilson addressed P^^^^ i^^S" 
the belhgerent powers (December, 1916) asking them to state 22^%i7^' 




Submarine War Zone Proclaimed by Germany. 
February 1, 1917 

At A there was proposed a safety zone for American vessels in limited 1 

numbers carrying innocent cargoes; at B another safety 

line leading to Greece 



their terms of peace. Germany's suggestion of a conference 
was accompanied by the intimation that she would discuss 
peace from the standpoint of the victor in the war. The terms 
stated by the Allies could not be reconciled with Germany's 
ideas. President Wilson read before the Senate, on January 
22, 1917, a notable state paper laying down certain principles 
that he thought should prevail. Some of these were: a peace 



556 



American History 



without victory; the small nations to have the same rights as 
large ones; governments to be established by the consent of 
the governed; absolute freedom of the seas; limitation of arma- 
ments; a world Monroe Doctrine, no nation being allowed to 
force its government upon another. 



The "ruthless" German submarine policy gave rise 
to much discussion over the arming of merchantmen for 
defence. President Wilson 
went before Congress and 
requested that formal sanc- 
tion be given him (although 
he thought lie possessed the 
authority without this) for 
placing guns and gunners 
upon merchant ships and for 
using whatever measures he 
might think necessary for 
the defence of our commerce. 
As this was but a few days 
before the end of the 64 th 
Congress, and as he stated 
no intention of calling the 
new Congress into special 
session after March 4, his 

request aroused much opposition, especially in the Sen- 
ate. A small number of Senators pre\'ented the meas- 
ure desired by the President from coming to a vote.* 
However, the policy of arming merchantmen was soon 
thereafter begun. 

During the months of February and March, German 
submarines continued to sink American vessels with loss 
of our citizens' lives. It was also revealed that the For- 
eign Secretary of Germany, Dr. Zimmermann, had writ- 
ten to the German minister in Mexico stating that if 

* That this could readilj^ be done against the will of the majority, 
was due to the lack of means by which debate could be closed in the 
Senate. Early in its next session, the Senate adopted a "cloture" 
rule by wliich debate may be limited by a two-thirds vote. 




James W. Gerard" 



From Peaee to War 



557 



war ensued between Germany and the United States an 
alliance with Mexico was desired; also that an effort 
would be made to win the support of Japan. Mexico's 
reward for assisting in such a war was to be a slice from 
that part of our territory which once belonged to Mexico. 

President Wilson called Congress in special session on The dec- 
April 2 and addressed it, requesting the passage of a 
resolution declaring that because of Germany's aggres- 
sions a state of war existed between that country and the 
United States. The resolution was debated, and adopted 
in the Senate two days later by a vote of 82 to 6. It 
was adopted in the House on April 6, the vote being 373 
to 50. 



laration 
of war, 
April 2, 
1917. 



Thus our country faced a most dreadful war for which scarcely 
any preparation had been made. President Wilson, previously 
opposed to extensive military and naval systems, began in his 
message of December, 1915, to sound a note of warning. The 
Democratic Congress surprised the country by exceeding in its 
appropriations for the army and navy the expectations of the 
President. Both parties in the campaign of 1916 favored large 
military establishments. The mobilization of the National 
Guard in 1916 displayed the ineffectiveness for actual service 
of our entire mihtary system. Congress passed in that year an 
army reorganization bill which brought the National Guard un- 
der closer national control. 

Moreover, the business and economic resources of the country 
were lacking in any semblance of the organization that is neces- 
sary for war purposes. And, finally, the wasteful habits of the 
American people were a direct menace to our safety when a state 
of war demanded that extraordinary supplies be mobilized for 
the support of the Allies, beyond the requirements for home con- 
sumption. Consequently, our country saw within a few months 
such a revolution of ideas and practices in mihtary, business, 
and personal affairs as it had never before experienced in so 
short a space of time. 



Tardy 
prepara- 
tions for 
war. 



The prosecution of the war in close co-operation with War 
the Allies called for enormous appropriations for military ^^"*^- 
and naval purposes. To meet these expenses, Congress 
voted $7,000,000,000 in bonds, of which three billions 



558 



American Iliston/ 



The Con- 
scription 
law. 



American 
forces in 
Europe. 



were to be loaned to our European allies. The first call 
for two billions of this amount as a "Liberty Loan" was 
much over-subscribed. A taxation bill of correspondingly 
large proportions was also passed. This included heavy 
income and excess-profits taxes. 

Warned by the experience of Great Britain, Congress 
voted to abandon the time-honored volunteer system 
upon which we had always 
depended for raising a large 
army, and enacted a Con- 
scription law, requiring the 
enrollment of all males be- 
tween the ages of 21 and 30, 
inclusive. About ten mil- 
lion names were enrolled in 
June, and from them a draft 
of 600,000 was made by lot 
the next month. Mean- 
while many thousands had 
volunteered for service in 
the National Guard (soon 
called into Federal service) 
and the regular army and 
navy, which Congress had 

much enlarged. The navy at once began patrol duty in 
American waters and a squadron commanded by Admiral 
Sims arrived in European waters in May. The first con- 
tingent of United States regulars arrived in France June 
27, under the command of General Pershing, Thus this 
country began the first military action of its history on 
European soil. 




Copyright by V 

General Pershing 



Central 
control of 
industrial 
affairs ft)r 
war pur- 



Besides these military, naval, and financial preparations, the 
country saw in the early months of the war an unprecedented 
organization and centralization of our industrial affairs. A 
National Council of Defense (composed of six members of the 
cabinet and seven civilians) was authorized by Congress and 
brought to the service of the Governnient some of the leading 



From Peace to War 



559 



men of the country drawn from business, financial, railroad, and 
scientific pursuits. Allied to this Council were the boards and 
commissions dealing with such important matters as munitions, 
aircraft production, transportation, supplies, labor, raw ma- 
terials, medicine and sanitation, and scientific research. The 
Shipping Board began the construction of merchant ships in 
large numbers. Here was a grand effort in the direction of the 
co-ordination of all our resources and activities that were essen- 
tial to the prosecution of the war. 

By similar activity great sums of money were voluntarily con- 
tributed for the support of the Red Cross and other beneficent 
organizations. Meanwhile, through newspapers and other means 
of publicity, the masses of people were taught lessons in econ- 
omy, especially in the use of food, and were urged to great 
activity in gardening as a means of increasing the food supply. 

War conditions necessitated the exercise of extraordinary 
powers by the executive branch of the Government. (Compare 
Civil War conditions, pp. 391, 405.) The President was author- 
ized by an Emergency Act to commandeer munitions factories 
and war supplies, fixing fair prices for them. In the Espionage, 
or Spy, Bill Congress extended the powers of Federal officers in 
ways that seemed necessary to guard against the work of ene- 
mies within the country. In the Food Bill power was given to 
fix the prices of food, clothing, fuel, and other necessaries, to 
control their manufacture, storage, and sale, and to prevent 
speculation in them. This law prohibited, for the period of the 
war, all use of food materials for the manufacture of distilled 
Uquors. In July, the President assumed control of all exports, 
partly to guard our own supply and partly to prevent supplies 
reaching the enemy. 

The participation of the United States in the world war 
was signalized by the reception of commissions sent here by the 
various European governments with whom we were co-operating, 
and by our despatching to Russia a commission, headed by Ehhu 
Root, to assist that country in the establishment of its new 
repubhcan government. These events meant the abandonment 
by the United States of its traditional policy of isolation and its 
complete entrance into world politics. This, said President Wil- 
son in his war message, was necessary to secure the safety of the 
democratic countries of the world against the menace that 
threatened them from the autocratic empires of central Europe. 
Further, it was necessary in order to secure the future peace of 
the world. We entered th,s war, then, *'for democracy, for the 
right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their 
own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, 



Voluntary 
activities. 



Extraor- 
dinary 
executive 
powers 
author- 
ized. 



Why 
America 
entered 
the war. 



560 American History 

for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peo- 
ples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the 
world itself at last free." 



Suggestive Questions and References 

1. President Wilson's address upon peace of January 22, 1917, 
and his war message of April 2 should be familiar documents in 
every school. They may be obtained free in a pamphlet issued 
by the Committee of Public Information, Washington, D, C. 

2. The Virgin Islands, acquired from Denmark. Review of 
Reviews, 55 : 275-2S0. 

3. The citizens' training camp at Plattsburg, N. Y. Century 
Magazine, 94: 49-54. 

4. War work for women. World's Work, 34: 142-144. 

5. An excellent summary of our neutral riglits di^fcussion with 
Great Britain and Germany. Review of Reviews, 55: 268-274. 

G. Make a summary covering the progress of events during a 
given month just preceding or after the declaration of war. 
Draw facts from news accounts in such periodicals as Outlook, 
Literary Digest, World's Work, New Republic, Review of 
Reviews, etc. 



CHAPTER XXXIV 

THE UNITED STATES IN THE WORLD WAR, 

1917-1919 

In at least two ways, America's part in the great World New 
War made it necessary to adopt policies never before P'^^*^^*'*'- 
undertaken by our government or people. First, there 
was to be the closest possible cooperation between the 
Allied governments and our own; and second, there had 
to be a complete mobilization of all the resources of the 
country, not only military and naval but also industrial, 
agricultural, and commercial. Indeed, the responsive- 
ness of both the economic and the moral elements in our 
society were put to such a test as they never before had 
met. 

Even before the declaration of war, steps had been The con- 
taken looking toward the organization for war purposes Jj"°^^^^^ 
of our industrial and transportation systems through the 
medium of the National Council of Defense and the com- 
missions allied with it (see pp. 558, 559). As the war pro- 
gressed. Congress delegated more definite powers to the 
President and, one after another, official boards were con- 
stituted, each taking charge of a certain field of authority. 
Thus all the business of the country that was considered 
essential to the winning of the war was brought under the 
legal control of the central Government in a way hitherto 
unthought of. These special boards and commissions 
dealt with the vital matters of (1) food, (2) fuel, (3) mu- 
nitions and other military and naval supplies, (4) ships, 
(5) labor, (6) finance and credit. 

The appointment of Mr. Herbert Hoover as Chairman of Food con- 
a Committee on Food Supply and Prices was followed by f^?^^_ 
the Food and Fuel Control Act (August, 1917), under tion and 
which he became Food Administrator with large authority economy. 

561 



562 



American History 



Fuel. 



over these matters. The success of the AUied armies in 
Europe depended most directly upon our shipment of im- 
mense suppUes of food — and the need was becoming 
greater every month. This involved extraordinary stimu- 
lation of food production and also such economy as the 

American people had never 
before attempted. Much de- 
pendence had to be placed 
upon the voluntary coopera- 
tion of all the people in the 
measures announced as nec- 
essary. Educational and pub- 
licity methods were employed 
that reached every locality 
and probably every family in 
the entire country. Thou- 
sands of local boards and 
committees and all the com- 
mon schools cooperated to 
teach and carry out the les- 
sons of economy. By De- 
cember, 1917, 36,000,000 
bushels of wheat, and within the next year 85,000,000 
bushels additional, were saved from home consumption 
and shipped abroad. Similarly, in 1918, 500,000 tons 
of sugar and enormous quantities of meat were saved 
for export. Certainly no autocratic Government could 
have accomplished as much by a system of compulsory 
rationing. However, the authorities had power to com- 
pel, through systems of licensing, the sale and even the 
prices of food products. Hoarding and speculation were 
thus checked. The farmers were guaranteed by law the 
minimum price of $2.20 per bushel for the wheat crops 
of the war years. 

The importance of fuel for use in industry and trans- 
portation was not less than that of food. Mr. Harry H. 
Garfield was appointed Fuel Administrator. Produc- 




Copyright by Utidertvood &■ Under^vood 

Herbert Hoover 



The United States in the World War 



563 



tion was stimulated, distribution was regulated, and econ- 
omy was enforced. For certain days during the early 
months of 1918 much fuel was saved by the drastic means 
of closing all non-essential manufacturing plants, as well 
as offices, stores, and theatres. 

There was great danger The 
that the entire economic sys- ^ontroi of 
tem ot the country would portation. 
break down on account of 
the inability of the railroad 
systems to furnish adequate 
service. Before this country 
entered the war the great in- 
crease of exports had caused 
freight congestion in the 
Eastern cities. Between 
April and December, 1917, 
the railroad managers volun- 
tarily cooperated to remove 
some of the obstacles to effi- 
ciency that are involved in 
the operation of a large 
number of independent systems. Conditions were still 
bad in the latter month when, by proclamation based 
upon an act of Congress (August, 1916), President 
Wilson announced that the Government would assume 
control of the railroads and inland waterways. Secretary 
of the Treasury, William G. McAdoo, was made Direc- 
tor General. The country was divided into districts; 
Federal managers were appointed ; wages and rates were 
increased ; and the maximum efficiency was sought in the 
transportation of freight. Under a resolution passed by 
Congress in July, 1918, the telegraph and telephone lines 
of the country were taken over and placed under the con- 
trol of Postmaster General Burleson. 

One of the most essential matters that early received Thecon- 
the attention of the Council of National Defense was that industries. 




William G. McAdoo 



564 



American History 



Labor 
questions 
in war 
time. 



of securing an adequate supply of munitions and the 
countless other items of equipment needed by our army 
and navy and those of the Allies. Much valuable in- 
formation was accumulated concerning the ability of the 
industrial plants to turn out the desired products. Then, 

with the establishment of 
the War Industries Board 
(July, 1917), there began a 
system of stimulation and 
control that brought the in- 
dustrial capacities of the na- 
tion to a high point of efh- 
ciency. The board had legal 
authority over the furnishing 
of fuel and transportation 
facilities to any factory, and 
it had power to commandeer 
needed products. By the 
use of these powers it could 
exert pressure to stimulate 
certain plants and to check 
others. It fixed prices for 
raw materials and the finished products. It thus virtu- 
ally reorganized the industrial system of the entire coun- 
try in a remarkably short time. 

At the very beginning of the war it was seen that the 
industrial output necessary for the support of the war 
could not be realized without the cooperation of the 
laborers in our great industrial centres. Fortunately, 
President Samuel Gompers and other officers of the Amer- 
ican Federation of Labor announced (April, 1917) their 
conviction that the interests of all laborers were dependent 
upon the successful prosecution of the war. They be- 
lieved that there was no hope for democracy in industry 
if political autocracy should prevail in Europe. At first a 
committee of the Council of National Defense cooper- 
ated with the American Federation of Labor to spread this 




Copyright by Clinedinst 

Samuel Gompers 



The United States in the World War 565 

doctrine. Then labor leaders organized the American 
Alliance of Labor and Democracy. Finally, two impor- 
tant bodies were established: the War Labor Board and 
the National War Labor Policies Board. Through the 
first of these boards numerous wage disputes that threat- 
ened to cripple important industries were settled. The 
latter board drew up general rulings with regard to labor 
problems. 

Through these activities agreements were reached to which 
labor leaders, managers of industries, and government officials 
were parties. They may be summarized as follows: (I) All 
parties would cooperate to keep industry on a high plane of 
efficiency. (2) In labor disagreements neither party would take 
advantage of war conditions to force the other to lower its stand- 
ards. (3) Collective bargaining should prevail. (4) The eight- 
hour day and a living wage should be maintained. (5) The 
health and safety of laborers should be guarded as at other times. 

The supply of laborers in essential industries was maintained 
by the transference of men to plants where they were needed, 
by the War Department's plan of refusing deferred classifica- 
tion to men engaged in certain "non-essential" industries, and 
by the entrance of women into industries in large numbers. 

It is evident that all this extraordinary stimulation and "Ships 
reorganization of industry and transportation, all the ships?"" ^ 
economy of food and fuel, all the accumulation of muni- 
tions and supplies would be of no avail if there was an 
inadequate supply of ships or if the sea-paths to Eu- 
rope should be blocked. It was the belief and boast of 
Germany that American help to the Allies would be of 
small consequence because the ruthless submarine policy 
going into effect February 1, 1917, would cut off Atlantic 
transportation and so bring her enemies to their knees. At 
our entrance into the war the sea-going merchant marine 
of the LTnited States was very small indeed — before 1914 
the ships of other countries had carried nine-tenths of our 
foreign commerce. The establishment of the United 
States Shipping Board in 1916 (see pp. 552, 559) and its 



566 



American History 



How 

iinited 
support of 
the war 
was 
secured. 



assuming control of merchant-vessels early in 1917, were 
followed by the organization under its auspices of the 
Emergency Fleet Corporation, of which Charles M. 
Schwab became Director General. Congress appropri- 
ated hundreds of millions of dollars for the purchase of 
land, the construction of shipyards, and the making of 
contracts for the building of an unlimited number of 
merchant-ships. Cities of shipbuilders were begun and 
completely equipped within a few months' time. It was 
a race between American energy directed into a com- 
paratively new industry and German f rightfulness de- 
voted to the destruction of ships and cargoes. The fact 
that food and supplies continued to flow to Europe in 
uninterrupted and constantly increasing volume suffi- 
ciently indicates where the victory lay.* 

Through the programmes outlined thus far in this chap- 
ter almost the entire machinery of civil life became de- 
voted to sustaining the military objects of the war. This 
was possible for two reasons : First, there was unanimity 
among the departments of the Government. Disregard- 
ing politics, members of Congress voted for the necessary 
laws. Indeed, Congress yielded its judgment to that of 
President Wilson in a way unprecedented in our history. 
Second, the voluntary cooperation of citizens in the Gov- 
ernment's policies permitted the regulation of private af- 
fairs and secured for the Government the services of the 
strongest business and professional leaders. The mass of 
the people were educated concerning the vital issues of 
the war and were informed as to methods of rendering 
individual support to war enterprises by means of pub- 
licity campaigns conducted through newspapers, period- 
icals, pamphlets, and posters. 



* Wood, steel, and concrete were the materials used in ship construc- 
tion. The number of shipyards increased from 61 to 341. The Amer- 
ican sea-going merchant fleet grew from 1,614 ships of 3,569,000 gross 
tons to 2,112 ships of 5,514,000 gross tons between April 6, 1917, and 
November 11, 1918. In the latter year an average of one wood ship 
a day was being pi'oduced. The Historical Outlook, June, 1919. 



The Ufiited States in the World War 567 

The Committee on Public Information secured a kind of cen- 
sorship through the vokmtary cooperation of newspapers; it 
issued 18,000,000 copies of its pamphlets; it organized 15,000 
^'Four-Minute Men" as speakers in public places; it furnished 
pictures and films. Thus, by the agencies of press, pulpit, school, 
and theatre the pubUc was enlightened and stimulated to pa- 
triotic effort. 

Still another factor was necessary to the successful 
prosecution of the military and naval operations that are 
soon to be described. This factor, which always plays so 
large a part in any war, was the financial one. Most for- 
tunately, two great measures had been previously adopted 
which aided greatly in making possible a good financial 
policy. These were the Federal Reserve Banking Sys- 
tem (see p. 541) and the Income Tax Amendment (see 
Govcrnmeiit in State and Nation, 168-169). Without the 
former it is easy to conceive that war conditions might 
have thrown business into a panic; without the latter the 
Government would have had difficulty in securing ade- 
quate revenue. 

The extra session of the 65th Congress, sitting from UnUmited 
April to October, 1917, made appropriations amounting g^^^^^^f 
to $19,000,000,000. There was no object for which the the war. 
President, the Departments, and the special agencies re- 
quested money that met refusal, and there was no amount 
that seemed too large for willing support. Two great 
revenue acts were passed (October, 1917, and February, 
1919). 

The outstanding features of these laws were the taxes upon in- 
comes and upon excess profits. The normal rates on incomes 
were doubled and surtaxes running as high as fifty per cent, on 
large incomes were included. The excess profits taxes ran from 
twenty to sixty per cent, on profits that exceeded the average 
profits for the years 1911-1913. Thus the great business pros- 
perity of recent years was made to bear a fair share of the tax 
burden and "profiteering" was to some extent checked. There 
were besides new taxes upon articles of luxury and upon admis- 
sions to places of amusement. Postal rates were increased and 
new stamp taxes were added. 



568 



American History 



As a matter of course bond issues were necessary, and a series 
of "Liberty Loans" was carried out that tested and fully demon- 
strated the practical unanimity of the people in the support of 
the war. 



WAR BOND ISSUES 











NUMBER 


DATE OF ISSUE 


RATE 


AMOUNT 


AMOUNT 








AUTHORIZED 


SUBSCRIBED 


SCRIBERS 


1917— June 


3>^% 


$2,000,000,000 


$3,035,000,000 


4.000,000 


1917 — October . 


4 % 


3,000,000,000 


4,617,000,000 


9,400,000 


1918— April 


4><% 


3,000,000,000 


4,176,000,000 


18,376,000 


1918— October . 


4y; % 


6,000,000,000 


6.989,000,000 


22,000,000 


1919— May. . . . 


4^% 


4,500,000.000 


5,249,000,000 


12,000,000 



The fourth Liberty Loan has been characterized as " the 
largest and most important financial operation of the kind 
in the history of the world." (American Year Book, 
1918.*) 

The fifth bond issue was known as the "Victory Loan.'* 
Over $8,000,000,000 were lent to the Governments of the 
AUies in Europe. 

The success of these bond issues may be attributed in part to 
the minutely organized system of committees for Federal Re- 
serve Districts, States, and counties, all composed of volunteer 
workers. These committees conducted publicity campaigns 
and listed all persons in their respective locaHties who were sup- 
posed to be able to purchase bonds, assigning to each his quota. 
Thus, through the pressure of public opinion, a force was created, 
stronger than any legal action could attain, by which the com- 
paratively few indifferent or reluctant citizens (known as "slack- 
ers") were made to feel their duty to their country. 

The War Saving Stamp system was organized by the Treasury 
Department and placed under the special direction of Mr. 
Frank A. Vanderhp. It resulted by December, 1918, in the 
formation of 150,000 War Saving Stamp Societies and the pur- 
chase by about thirty-one million persons of nearly $900,000,000 
worth of stamps. Much more valuable than the financial sup- 

* Make comparisons between these figures and the finances of our 
previous wars: Revolution, pp. 174-175; War of 1812, 261; Civil War, 
387, 388, 413. 



The U7iited States in the World War 569 



port thus given the Government was the much-needed training 
in thrift that came to the milhons of children and poorer citizens 
Through the Government's War Finance Corporation capital 
was furnished to industrial plants that were engaged in making 
essential products. Through the Capital Issues Commission 

control was exercised 
over the issuance of se- 
curities by important 
corporations. Thus, 
just as the Government 
controlled the produc- 
tion of manufactures 
and directed their 
transportation, so it 
controlled the accu- 
mulation, flow, and use 
of capital. 

The operation of The work 




OyjbertyLoan 



A Liberty Loan Poster 



the American navy 
during the war has 
met with unstinted 
praise from all sides. 
It successfully per- 
formed three great 
tasks. (1) In the 
waters of¥ the west- 
ern coast of Europe it acted in complete cooperation 
with the Allied fleets. (2) In the waters off our own coasts 
it provided adequate defense. (3) In the work of convoy- 
ing fleets of merchant-ships and troop transports across 
the Atlantic its success exceeded expectations. While 
slightly less than one-half our troops were transported to 
Europe in American ships, our navy furnished eighty- 
three per cent, of the naval escort. Only one ship, bound 
for Europe, -was sunk (the Tuscania, February, 1918, off 
the north coast of Ireland), about 200 of our soldiers 
being lost. 

In April, 1917, our navy comprised 364 vessels and 69,000 men; 
in November, 1918, there were 2,003 vessels and 540,000 men. 



of the 
navy. 




BOWIE D*^ 

TEX A 

MCARTHUR^ 



MILITARY MAP 

OE THE 

"United. sTAFEj 

ON'a'Goiia'L-A.rmy ft^rmy Posts' 

Cantonments A.Aero Training^ 

ONational Guard Csmpjs Stations „^ 

•Jtegjilac Axmy Camps d>J/larine Barracks and 
Ports of Embarkation - > Training Stations 



570 




571 



572 



Amencan History 



How oiir 
army was 
created. 



From the beginning of our history the poHcy and feeling 
of our people has been anti-militari;>tic. Our standing 
army has always been insignificant in time of peace. Our 
enemies believed that we could not, or would not, raise a 
large army; that if one were raised it could not be trans- 
ported to Europe; that if an American army were actually 
placed upon the western front it could not be trained to 
fight in time to be of assistance to the Allies. The story 
of how all these predictions were defeated not only forms 
one of the most remarkable pages in our history l)ut is also 
the story of the most remarkable mobilization of military 
forces in the history of the world. 

The Conscription Act of May, 1917 (see p. 558), re- 
sulted in the enrollment on June 5 of nine and one-half 
million men with scarcely any resistance to its compul- 
sory terms.* The training of contingents drawn from this 
number began in August and September. Thus to the 
Regular Army^ which in April numbered 127,500, were 
added contingents to form the new "National Army" and 
the National Guard, which was called into service in 
August. By subsequent acts men who reached the age of 
twenty-one at later dates were required to enroll for service. 
Then\he "Man Power Act" of August, 1918, obliged 
the enrollment of all men between the ages of eighteen 
and forty-fivef who had not volunteered to Army or Navy 
service and who were not affected by the previous acts. 
Under all these laws a grand total of 23,709,000 men were 
enrolled. The army was increased to 3,()65,000. Of these 
2,075,000 were transported to France and 750,000 saw 
active service at the front. 



The 

Selective 
Service 
System. 



The policy enacted under the conscription acts was that of 
Selective Service, that is, a record was made of every man's ex- 
perience and capacity, so that he could be summoned for duty 

* Credit for the rapid execution of this new policy is due ISIajor- 
General E. H. Crowder, Provost ISIarshal General, whose plans had 
been prepared long in advance. 

t See Constitution, Article I, section 8, clauses 12 and 15 Gov- 
ernment in State and Nation, 202. 



The Ihiifrd States w the World War 573 

at the kind of work for which he was best adapted; or he could 
be left to perform his civilian work as the best means of serving 
his country. The enrollment of the men was carried on by thou- 
sands of local and district draft or exemption boards. The 
drilling and training of the new army was conducted in numer- 
ous camps and cantonments scattered throughout the country. 
These were quickly constructed, each a city capable of housing 
from 30,000 to 60,000 men. Officer training-camps for all 
branches of the service gave opportunity for men of ability to 
obtain commissions. 

In the army camps, naval stations, and training-schools the 
Government undertook a new policy through its Commission on 
Training Camp Activities. Recognizing that recreation is 
necessary to the maintenance of military efficiency, athletics and 
other forms of entertainment were provided. Measures were 
taken for safeguarding health and morals in the army and navy 
through the prohibition of the use of liquor by men in uniform 
and in other ways. The work of volunteer agencies in and about 
the camps was encouraged. Theoe agencies at first received sup- 
port through popular subscriptions made to each separately. In 
the fall of 1918 they joined in conducting a United War Work 
Campaign, by means of which $200,000,000 was subscribed for 
use in this country and France by the following organizations: 
American Library Association, Jewish Welfare Board, Knights 
of Columbus, Salvation Army, Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tion, Young Womens Christian Association, and War Camp Com- 
munity Service. The American Red Cross Society, an indis- 
pensable part of our military equipment, also received generous 
financial support and enlisted thousands of volunteer workers. 

The pay of private soldiers was raised to $30 a month ($33 
abroad). A War Risk and Insurance system was inaugurated, 
destined to replace the less just and somewhat discredited pen- 
sion system. Finally, the Government undertook to pay $30 a 
month and expenses to every man called into service under the 
Man Power Act who would enroll as a college student or enter a 
vocational school. This Student Army Training Corps was dis- 
solved before the end of 1918. 

Secretary Baker and the War Department were subjected to 
criticism with reference to certain parts of our military pro- 
gramme. The production of airplanes and machine-guns was 
disappointing and seemed to involve waste of both time and 
money. On the whole, the enormous activities and expenditures 
of the Government were conducted with great efficiency and free- 
dom from taint of corruption. 

There was a small degree of opposition to the Government's 



in France. 



574 American History 

war programme on the part of the "pro-Germans." Other groups 
who caused the Government trouble were the pacifists, some of 
the Socialists, and members of the Industrial Workers of the 
World. 

These persons were dealt with under the Espionage 
Act (p. 559) and a more drastic Sedition Act passed in 
May, 1918.* 
Our army During the year that passed after our declaration of 
war against Germany, f American troops in France were 
mingled in small units with those of the Allies at various 
places. Meanwhile the great drive of the German arm^" 
toward the Channel ports and Paris had begun on March 
21, 1918, and was making steady progress. The military 
collapse of Russia had made possible the concentration 
of more divisions on the western front. The Allied armies 
were in danger of being overwhelmed, and the French 
Government prepared to leave Paris as they had done in 
1914. It seemed that America's forces had arrived almost, 
if not quite, too late. Then came the decision of the Allies 
to unify the command of all the armies under the control 
of Marshal Foch (March 28) and General Pershing's offer 
to place his forces at the complete disposal of this com- 
mander. Consequently, more units were brigaded with 
the French and British regiments, with whose assistance 
they received their final training near and at the front. 

The following brief account must fail to do justice to 
the conduct of the American Expeditionary Force on the 
western battle front. If not in technical training, certainly 
in spirit, hardihood, and devotion they proved them- 

* This provided severe punishment for those who wilfully made false 
statements intended to interfere with military or naval operations, to 
obstruct enlistment, to curtail the production of war materials, or to 
favor the cause of the enemy. It also punished the use of abusive lan- 
guage directed against the Government, the Constitution, or the mili- 
tary or naval forces, and intended to bring them into contempt and 
disrepute. 

t On December 7, 1917, under the advice of President Wilson, Con- 
gress made a declaration of war against the Austro-Hungarian Empire. 
There was no declaration of war against either of the other Central 
Powers — Turkey and Bulgaria. 



The United States in the World War 



575 



selves equal to the best troops with whom they were as- 
sociated. Repeatedly they attacked and defeated the 
best troops of the veteran German army. 




The first independent attack of American forces was made Cantigny. 
(May 28) by the 28th Infantry, a part of the 1st Division, at 
Cantigny, in the Montdidier sector. Here our troops received 
their first test and demonstrated American fighting qualities to 
the satisfaction of the AlHed commanders. They took the vil- 
lage with more than two hundred prisoners. 



The terrific German drive toward the Marne in the chateau- 
latter part of May and June brought their army to within J^^""^ 
forty miles of Paris. The 2d and 3d American Di- BeUeau 
visions had not yet completed their training, but they Wood, 
were at once put into the front, the Third helping the 
French stop the German advance at Chateau-Thierry. A 
little farther north a brigade of marines of the 2d Division 
in a fierce battle drove picked German troops from their 



576 



American History 



The great 

AUied 

offensive. 



strong position in Belleau Wood — an achievement which 
at once made them famous. The rest of this division 
took Vaux and 500 prisoners. 

On June 9 the Germans attacked strongly on both sides 
of Soissons, but failed to advance. On July 15 began their 
final attempt to break through the Allies' resistance, by 
fierce drives on both sides of Rheims, toward Epernay 
and Chalons. The 4th American Division aided the 
French in breaking this attack. 

The effectiveness of American military strength had 
been demonstrated, and fresh troops were arriving in 
France at the rate of 200,000 or 300,000 each month. 
Consequently Marshal Foch was now ready to take the 
offensive, instead of waiting until the spring of 1919, as it 
was thought might have to be the case. Beginning July 
18 there was no halt in the Allied and American attacks 
and the enemy's retreat until the signing of the armistice 
on November 11. 



The American 1st and 2d Divisions attacked with the Freneh 
south of Soissons, helping to drive the German army from the 
Marne salient. These, with the 26th and a part of the 32d Di- 
visions, pursued the enemy back to the Vesle River. This phase 
lasted sixty days. 

In August the First American Army was created, and on Sep- 
tember 12 it began the first independent attack under American 
command. By a forceful surprise movement it drove the enemy 
from the St. Mihiel salient in two days. 



The great 
Meuse- 
Argonne 
battle. 



Then came the final action in which Pershing's First 
Army helped materially to bring about the final defeat of 
the Central Powers. This was the greatest battle in 
American history. Our forces were stationed along a 
twenty-five-mile front between the Meuse River and the 
Argonne Forest. Our advance along the eastern margin 
of this forest and a simultaneous French advance on the 
western side were to drive the enemy from this position, 
which was impregnable to direct attack. And this was 
accomplished. Beginning on September 26, with nine 



The United States in the World War 



577 




divisions on our front and six in reserve,* Pershing's army 
advanced against three (and in some places four) strongly 
defended German lines that they had been holding for 
four years. The defense was skilful and our losses were 

*The nine were: First Corps (left), 77tli. 28th, 35tli; Fifth Corps 
(centre), 91st, 37th, 79th; and Third Corps (right), 33d, 80th, 4th. 
The reserve divisions were the 1st, 2d, 3d, 26th, 32d, 42d. . 



578 



American History 



The nnal 
victory. 



President 
Wilson 
in Europe. 



great, but our divisions continued to advance until the 
last line was broken. 

Then began the rapid French and American advance 
toward the final objective of this great battle, i. c, the 
railroad lines on both sides of Sedan, which were the chief 
reliance of the enemy for supplying a large portion of the 
western front. Elsewhere the Allied armies, with the as- 
sistance of American divisions, were steadily pushing the 
enemy back, and when it became apparent that his re- 
serves were exhausted and his lines of communication were 
broken, nothing remained but to ask for an armistice 
(November 11).* 

In accordance with the terms of the armistice an Amer- 
ican force next advanced into that portion of the occupied 
area of Germany in the vicinity of Coblenz and covering 
the bridgehead thirty kilometres beyond. The rest of 
our army was rapidly transported back home and as 
rapidly demobilized. 

On December 4 President Wilson sailed for France to 
take part in the Peace Conference that was to consider 
the complicated world problems now open for settlement. 
The other members of our delegation were Secretary of 
State Lansing, Colonel E. M. House, Honorable Henry 
White, and General Tasker H. Bliss. After receiving a 
most enthusiastic reception in France the President vis- 
ited England and Italy, where also the people gave every 
evidence of affection and gratitude for the part America 
had played in the war. When the Peace Conference began 
its regular sessions. President Wilson was one of the Coun- 
cil of Four, together with Premiers Lloyd-George, Clem- 
menceau, and Orlando, upon whom all important decisions 
primarily rested. 

* In tliis Meuse-Argonne battle, lasting forty-seven days, American 
forces faced some 400,000 enemy troops. The casualties are estimated 
as German 100,000, American 115,000. We captured about 16,000 men 
with thousands of cannon and machine-guns. The French and British 
aided in supplying our partially trained and equipped troops with a 
portion of the necessary artillery, machine-guns, motor transport, tanks, 
and planes. 



TJie United States in the World War 



579 



When the first draft of the Constitution for the League The com- 
of Nations was completed the President returned home P^^^^io^of 
(February 24). His strong advocacy of that measure and tiations. 
his insistence that it be made a part of the treaty of peace 
arojused opposition in many quarters. After his return 
to Paris in March the provisions of the Constitution were 
amended to meet these criticisms. Then upon the final 
signing of the Treaty by the German delegates at Ver- 
sailles, June 28, 1919, the President again returned and ' 
submitted the document to the Senate for ratification. 

Meanwhile the debate, especially over the League of Nations, 
was proceeding in the press and upon public platforms through- 
out the country. Societies for promoting the cause of permanent 
international peace were already in existence, prominent among 
them being the League to Enforce Peace, headed by ex-Presi- 
dent W. H. Taft. 

America's participation in the World War constitutes 
an epoch in her history the importance of which can hardly 
be estimated at the present time. However, certain re- 
sults and new tendencies are apparent either as direct 
products or as by-products of the entire war period. 



(1) The American traditional poHcy of "isolation," though 
still held in theory, had many times before 1914 been practically 
infringed. Now, it was openly and frankly abandoned, as new 
world conditions made this necessary. 

(2) The defeat of autocracy in Europe gave new emphasis to Democ- 
democracy everywhere. In the United States the tendency be- ''^^y- 
came apparent especially in connection with labor questions. 

Steps were taken through which workingmen received greater 
consideration and more opportunity for participation in deter- 
mining industrial conditions. 

(3) The effort to unite public opinion for the support of the America) 
war resulted in a most important movement for Americanization, ization. 

(4) Great emphasis was placed upon education as fitting men Educatic 
for positions in leadership in both civil and military life. The 
vocational side of education was brought into prominence, es- 
pecially as a need and an opportunity for the masses. 

(5) Never before had the health of an army been so successfully Health. 



580 



American History 



Woman 
suffrage. 



Prohibi- 
tion. 



guarded. Public health movements were extended, the Federal 
Government aiding in many ways. 

(6) Woman suffrage received its long-delayed recognition, 
partly as a step toward more complete democracy and partly in 
recognition of the very important part played by women in the 
war — through the work of voluntary societies, in the nursing 
service, and in industrial plants. President Wilson urged em- 
phatically the passage of the woman suffrage amendment as a 
war measure. This was done in the special session of the 66th 
Congress (June, 1919), and the amendment went to the States 
for ratification. 

(7) The progress of anti-hquor legislation (see pp. 542, 552) 
was much accelerated by war conditions. Many additional 
States enacted prohibition. The need of economy in foodstuffs 
led directly to the prohibition of their use in the manufacture of 
distilled liquors. Later, the manufacture of beer and wine was 
stopped on May 1 and their sale after July 1, 1919, this condition 
to continue until after demobilization was complete. Mean- 
while Congress enacted a prohibition constitutional amendment 
and submitted it to the[^States. The thirty-sixth State ratified 
the amendment January 16, 1919, which was to go into effect 
one year after that date. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Among the best publications dealing with the war causes and 
conditions are the pamphlets issued by the Committee on Public 
Information, the National Security League, and the League to 
Enforce Peace. 

2. President Wilson's speech stating the "Fourteen Points" 
desirable as a ba«is for peace may be found in Literary Digest, 56, 
11-14. Outlook, 118, 136-137, Current History Magazine, Feb- 
urary, 1918, 273-276. Independent 93, 99-100. 

3. Some important operations of the American Army. Belleau 
Wood, Current History Mag., July, 1918, 65-69. Chateau- 
Thierry, ibid., 62-65. Cantigny, ibid., 57-62. St. Mihiel, ibid., 
October, 1918, 41-48. Independent, 95, 418-419. 

4. The Argonne battle. Independent, 94, 17-19. Review of 
Reviews, 57, 480-491. World's Work, April, May, June, 1919. 
Outlook, 120, 129-122. 

5. General Pershing's Report. Review of Reviews, 59, 59-65. 

6. President Wilson and the Peace Conference. Literary Di- 
gest, 59, 14-15. World's Work, 37, 132-133. Review of Reviews, 
59, 66-68, 258-259. 



APPENDIX I 

THE CORRELATION OF AMERICAN HIOTORY AND 
GOVERNMENT 

In many schools it seems desirable to teach American History 
and Civics in close correlation. As a guide in carrying out this 
plan, tne authors have prepared the following outline of topics, 
with references to the pages where they are treated in the text 
"Government in State and Nation" by James and Sanford. 
There is included, also, a list of topics in Civics with which 
there is little opportimity for correlation in the study of Ameri- 
can History. 

An Outline Showing the Correlation of American Histort 
WITH Civics, 

1. COLONIAL HISTORY 

Histtnry Topics Civics Topics 

" Government 
in State and 
(a) Local Governments Nation." 

PAOB 

Town type in New England Town organization of to-day 5 

A^ristocratic County type in County Organization in 

the South Southern States ^ 9 

Combined town and demo- Towns and counties in all 

cratic county type in the Western States o-% 

Middle Colonies 

(b) Colonial Governments 

Colonial House of Repre- State House of Representa- 

sentatives tives or Assembly ll-jj 

Colonial Governor's Council State Senate 11 

Colonial Governor and Courts State Governor and courts 18-1» 

Colonial Charter State Constitution 10 

581 



582 



Appendix I 



(c) British Empire 



Control of foreign affairs, 
peace and war, Indians, 
ungranted land, and com- 
merce, by Parliament 

Privy Council 



rAGB 

Control of same affairs by 
Congress See Index 



United 
Court 



States Supreme 



261 



2. REVOLUTIONARY AND CRITICAL PERIODS 



The formation of State gov- 
ernments; adoption of 
State constitutions 
Continental Congresses 
Articles of Confederation 
The impotence of Congress 
Prominence of State feeling 
Attitude of foreign nations 



The existing States and 

State constitutions 10-11 



The Central Government 

Our strong central powers 
The National spirit 
Position of the United 
States to-day 



American History and Government 583 



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588 Appendix I 

Extra Constitutional Topics Treated in American History 

The following topics show the actual workings and policy of 
the National government, although no part of the Constitution 
is directly involved in any one of them: 

" Government 
History Topics Civics Topics in State and 

Nation." 
Comparison of early and Methods of selecting presi- pa.q« 
later Presidential elections dential electors. Methods 

of nominating candidates 
for President and Vice- 
President 222-228 
Tenure of office act. Quarrel Senatorial courtesy 236 
between Garfield and 
Conkling 
Whiskey Ring Methods of collecting Inter- 
nal Revenue 165-166 
Presidency of Arthur Presidential succession 228-229 
Monroe's message. Clayton- Monroe Doctrine 
Bulwer treaty. French in 
Mexico. Pan-American 
Congress. Cuban War. 
Panama Canal Policy 
Treaty of Washington International Arbitration 304-307 
International Peace Confer- The Hague Tribunal 306 
ences 

Subjects Not Treated in the Correlation of American 
History and Civics 

1. National Government 

While, as the preceding outline shows, the study of American 
History brings before the pupil the more important parts of the 
Constitution, and also some of the extra-constitutional workings 
of the National government, yet there are many features of our 
government which do not arise naturally in the discussion of any 
event of American history. A list of such topics follows: 

" Government 
(a) Congress in State and 

Nation." 

PAGE 

Times of elections and sessions 123 

Present apportiormient and personnel of Congress . 128-129 

Contested seats 140-141 

Gerrymandering 134-135 

Method of voting in Congress 150, 156 

The Committee system 146-148 

Comparison with English Cabinet system . . . 157-160 

Popular election of United States Senatars . . . 133-134 

Reduction of the tariff 164 



American History and Government 589 

(b) Executive 

Methods employed in collecting taxes . . ... . 163,'l66 

Statistics of revenues, appropriations, and public debt 171-172 

Postal system and deficit 193-196 

Status of army, navy, and militia ...... 200-203 

Consular reform - 289 

Military and naval schools 250, 251 

Pension policy and statistics 253-254 

Weather bureau 256 

(c) Judiciary 

Present organization of courts 262-263 

Process of trial 266-269 

2. State and Local Governments 

General versus special and private legislation . . . 12-13 

Restrictions upon State legislatures 12-13 

Lobbying and corruption of legislators .... 13 

Referendiun and initiative 14-15 

Proportional representation 14-16 

Important and recent legislation upon public health, 
insurance, general labor conditions^ labor of women 

and children, liquor traffic, etc Chaps. 10, 11 

(^ty Government — general organization, administra- 
tive departments; police corruption; home rule; 
party politics in city affairs; municipal ownership; 
reform movements .... .... Chap. 4 

Election processes and problems — educational qualifi- 
cations; boss and machine rule; primary reform; 

Australian ballot; voting machine Chap. S 

Taxation methods and problems — corporation taxes; 
mortgage tax; income and inheritance tax; faults 

of property tax Chap. ( 

Penal and charitable legislation and institutions . Chap. 8 
Educational legislation and school systems . . . Chap. 9 
Judicial organization — processes of trial; workings 

of jury system Chap, f 



APPENDIX II 



CONSTITUTION 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

We the people of the United States, in order to form a moM 
pftTfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro- 
vide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and 
secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do 
ordain and establish this Constitution for the United Stateg ol 
America 

ARTICLE I. 

Section I. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested 
in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate 
and a House of Representatives 

Sect. II. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed 
of members chosen every second year by the people of the several 
States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications 
requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State 
Legislature. 

2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have 
attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a 
citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be 
an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. 

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among 
the several States which may be included within this Union, accord- 
ing to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by add- 
ing to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to 
service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three 
fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made 
within three years after the first meeting of the Comgresa of iiim 

590 



Constitviion of the United States of America 591 

United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, Zsl 
■uch manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Repre- 
•entativea shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each 
State shall have at least one representative ; and until such enu- 
meration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be enti» 
tied to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Provi- 
dence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six. New Jersey- 
four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia 
ten. North Carolina five. South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 

4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State^ 
the Executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill 
such Tuoaneies. 

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and 
other officers ; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 

Sect. IH. 1. The Senate of the United States shall be com- 
posed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the legislature 
thereof, for six years ; and each Senator shall have one vote. 

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of 
the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into 
three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be 
Tacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at 
the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the ex- 
piration of the sixth year, so that one third may be chosen every 
second year ; and if vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise, 
during fche recess of the legislature of any State, the Executive 
thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting 
of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 

3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to 
the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United 
States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that 
State for which he shall be chosen. 

4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of 
the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 

5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a 
President pro tempore^ in the absence of the Vice-President, or 
when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States 

6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeach*^ 
ments. "When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or 
affirmation. "When the President of the United States is tried, the 
Chief Justice shall preside : and no person shall be convicted witb- 
•ot the concurrence of two thirds of the members present. 



592 Appendix Tl 

7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend furthef 
than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy 
any office of honor, trust or profit under the United States : but 
the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to iu-^ 
dictraent, trial, judgment and punishment, according to law. 

Sect. IV. 1. The times, places and manner of holding elec- 
tions for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each 
State by the legislature thereof ; but the Congress may at any time 
by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of 
choosing Senators. 

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and 
inch meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they 
■hall by law appoint a different day. 

Sect. V. 1. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, 
returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of 
each shall constitute a quorum to do business ; b«t a smaller num. 
ber may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel 
the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such 
penalties, aa each house may provide. 

2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, pun- 
ish its members for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence 
of two thirds, expel a member. 

3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from 
time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their 
judgment require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the members 
of either house on any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of 
those present, be entered on the journal. 

4. Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without 
the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to 
any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. 

Sect. VI. 1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a 
compensation for tlieir services, to be ascertained by law and paid 
out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases 
except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from 
arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective 
houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for any 
speech or debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in 
any other place. 

2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which 
he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority 
ef the United States, which shall have been created, or the emolu' 



OonstUution of the United States of America 593 

ments whereof shall have been increased, during such time ; and 
no person holding any oflfice under the United States shall be a 
member of either house during his continuance in otfice. 

Sect. VII. 1, All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the 
House of Representatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur 
with amendments as on other bills. 

2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representa- 
tives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to 
the President of the United States ; if he approve he shall sign 
it, but if not he shall return it with his objections to that house 
in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at 
large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such 
reconsideration two thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, 
it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other house, 
by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and, if approved by two 
thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all such cases 
the votes of both houses shall be determined by veas and nays, 
and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall 
be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill 
shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays 
excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall 
be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress 
by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not 
be a law. 

3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of 
the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except 
on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President 
of the United States ; and before the same shall take effect, shall 
be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be re- 
passed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, 
according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 

Sect. VIII. The Congress shall have power 

1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay 
the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare 
of the United States ; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be 
anifonn throughout the United States ; 

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; 

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the 
several States, and with the Indian tribes ; 

4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform 
iawe oB the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United Statet; 



594 Appendix II 

6. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreigrn 
coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures ; 

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the 8ecuritie» 
and current coin of the United States ; 

7. To establish post offices and post roads ; 

8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts by secu^ 
ing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right 
to their respective writings and discoveries ; 

9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court ; 

10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on tJie 
high seas and offences against the law o^ nations ; 

11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and 
make rules concerning captures on land and water ; 

12. To raise and support armies, but no appropriation ef monefr 
to that use shall be. for a longer term than two years ; 

13. To provide and maintain a navy ; 

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of ttie laad 
and naval forces ; 

15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws 
of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions ; 

16. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the mili- 
tia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in 
the service of the United States, reserving to the States respective- 
ly the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the 
militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress; 

17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over 
such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of 
particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat 
of government of the United States, and to exercise like authority 
over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the 
State, in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, maga- 
zines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings; — and 

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for 
carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers 
Tested by this Constitution in the government of the United States; 
or in any department or office thereof. 

Sect. IX. 1. The migration or importation of such persons ba 
any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit shall not 
be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808 ; but a tax or 
duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding $10 for 
Mu;h person. 



Ccmstitutiork of the United States of America 595 

2. The privilege of the writ of habea^ corpus shall not be iiMK 
pended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public 
fafety may require it. 

3. No bill of attainder or ex post jacto law shall be passed. 

4. No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in pro- 
portion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be 
taken. 

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported^ from any 
State. 

6. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce 
or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another : nor 
shall vessels bourd to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, 
clear, or pay duties in another. 

7. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in con- 
Bequence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement 
and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money 
shall be published from time to time. 

8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States : and 
no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, 
without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolu- 
ment, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, 
or foreign state. 

Sect. X 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or 
confederation? grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money} 
emit bills of credit ; make anything but gold and silver coin a ten* 
der in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto 
Jaw, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title 
of nobility. 

2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any 
imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be ab- 
solutely necessary for executing its inspection laws : and the net 
produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or 
exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States; 
and all such laws snail be subject to the revision and control of 
the Congress. 

3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty 
of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter intc 
any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign 
power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or ia such US' 
Bunent danger as will not admit of delay. 



596 Appendix II 

ARTICLE II. 

Section I. 1. The executive power shall be vested in a President 
of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the 
term of four years, and together with the Vice-President, chosen 
for the same term, be elected as follows : 

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature 
thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole num- 
ber of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be en- 
titled in the Congress ; but no Senator or Representative, or per- 
son holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, 
shall be appointed an elector. 

[The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by 
ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an in- 
habitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make 
a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for 
each ; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to 
the seat of government of the United States, directed to the Presi- 
dent of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the 
presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the 
lertificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person hav- 
ing the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such 
number be a majority of the "whole number of electors appointed; 
and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have 
an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall 
hnmediately choose by ballot one of them for President ; and if no 
person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the 
said house shall in like manner choose the President. But in 
choosing the President the votes shall be taken by States, the rep- 
resentation from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this 
purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of 
the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a 
choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person 
having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the 
Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have 
equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by baUot the Vioe- 
President. ] 

3. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, 
and the day on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall 
be the same throughout the United States. 

4. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of th« 



Constitution of the United States of America 597 

tJnited States, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall 
^ eligible to the office of President ; neither shall any person be 
eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of 
thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within th« 
United States. 

6? In case of the removal of the President from office or of his 
death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties 
of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and 
the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, 
resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President, 
declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer 
shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a Presi- 
dent shall be elected. 

6. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, 
a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished 
during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall 
not receive within that period any other emolument from the United 
States, or any of them. 

7. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take 
the following oath or affirmation : — " I do solemnly swear (or af- 
firm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the 
United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect 
and defend the Constitution of the United States." 

Sect. II. 1. The President shall be commander in chief of the 
army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the 
several States, when called into the actual service of the United 
States ; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal 
officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject re- 
lating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have 
power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United 
States, except in cases of impeachment. 

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of 
the Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators 
present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice 
and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public 
ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other 
officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein 
otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law : but 
the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior 
officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of 
Uw, or in the headf of departments. . 



598 Appendix It 

3. The President shall have power to fill up all racancies that 
may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commis- 
sions which shall expire at the end of their next session. 

Sect. III. He shall from time to time give to the Congress in- 
formation of the state of the Union, and recommend to their con-' 
fiideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; 
he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either 
of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect 
to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as 
he shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors and other pub- 
lic ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully exe- 
cuted, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. 

Sect. IV. The President, Vice-President and all civil officers 
of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment 
for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high Crimea and 
misdemeanors. 



ARTICLE III. 

Section I. 1. The judicial power of the United States, shall be 
vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Con- 
gress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, 
both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices 
during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their 
services, a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their 
continuance in office. 

Sect. II. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law 
and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United 
States, and treaties made or which shall be made, under their au- 
thority ; — to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public minis- 
ters and consuls; — to all cases of admiralty jurisdiction; — to 
controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; — to 
eontroversies between two or more States ; — between a State an^ 
citizens of another State ; — between citizens of different States ; 
— between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants 
of different States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, 
and foreign states, citizens or subjects. 

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and 
consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme 
Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before 
nentioned,^ tha Supreme Court shall have appellate JarisdicdoBy 



(kmstUution of the United States of America 599 

bodi as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such reg- 
olationfi as the Congress shall make. 

8. The trial of all crimes, except m cases of impeachment, shall 
be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said 
orimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed with- 
in any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Con- 
gress may by law have directed. 

Sect. III. 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only 
in ierying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, givin^j 
Ihem aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason 
unless on the testimony oi two witnesses to the same overt act, or 
on confession in open court. 

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of 
treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, 
or forfeiture except during the life of the person attainted. 



ARTICLE IV. 

Sbotion L Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to 
fehe public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other 
State. And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the man- 
ner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, 
and the effect thereof. 

Sect. II. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all 
privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 

2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other 
•rime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, 
(riiall on demand of the executive authority of the State from 
which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having 
jurisdiction #f the crime. 

8w No person held to service or labor in one State, under the 
laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any 
law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, 
bot shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such ser- 
▼ioe or labor may be due. 

Sbct. III. 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into 
bhlB Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within 
the Jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be formed by 
the Junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without th« 
cooMni of the legislatures of the States concerned as well as of 
theOHtgresB. 



600 Appendix II 

%, The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all 

needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other 
property belonging to the United States ; and nothing in this Con- 
Btitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the 
United States, or of any particular State. 

Sect. IV. The United States shall guarantee to every State in 
this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect 
each of them against invasion ; and on application of the legislature, 
or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened^ 
•gainst domestic violence. 



ARTICLE V. 

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem 
k neeesiary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, 
on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several 
States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, 
in either case shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of 
this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths 
of the several States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, 
as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by 
the Congress ; provided that no amendments which may be made 
prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any 
manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section ol 
the first article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be 
deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. 



ARTICLE VI. 

1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before tiM 
adoption of this Constitution, shail be as valid against the United 
States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. 

2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which 
shall be made in pursuance thereof ; and all treaties made, or which 
shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be 
the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall 
be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any 
State to the contrary notwithstanding. 

3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and 
the members of the several State legislatures, and all executive 
•ad judicial officers, both of the United States and of the BOTenl 



Constitution of tJie United States of America 601 

States, shall be bound by oath or aflarmation, to support this Con- 
•titution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualifl* 
cation to any office or public trust under the United States. 



ARTICLE VII. 

The ratification of the conventions of nine States, shall be sut 
ficient for the establishment of this Constitution betvreen the State* 
«o ratifying the same. 

Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the States pres* 
ent, the seventeenth day of September in the year of our Lord 
one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven and of the Inde- 
pendence of the United States of America the twelfth. In wit» 
ness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names. 



[Signed by] 

New HAMPSHraE. 
John Langdon, 
Nicholas Gilman. 

Massachusetts. 
Nathaniel Gorliam, 
Rnf us King, 

CONXBCTIOTJT . 



G" Washington, 
Fresidi and Deputy from Virginia. 



Pennsylvania. 
B Franklin, 
Thomas MiflBin, 
Robt. Morris, 
Geo. Clymer, 
Tho. Fitz Simons, 
Jared Ingersoll, 



Wm. Saml. Johnson, James Wilson, 



Roger Sherman. 

New York. 
Alexander Hamilton. 

New Jersey. 
Wil : Livingston, 
David Brearley, 
Wm : Paterson, 
Jooa ; Dayton. 



Gouv Morris. 

Delaware. 
Geo : Read, 
Gunning Bedford, 

Jun, 
John Dickinson, 
Richard Bassett, 
Jaco : Broom. 

Maryland. 
James McHenry, 
Dan of St. Thos. 

Jenifer, 
Dtnl Carroll. 

Attest : William Jackson, Seer e im9f» 



Virginia. 
John Blair, 
James Madison, Jr. 

North Carolina. 
Wm. Blount, 
Richd. Dobbs Spaigh^ 
Hu Williamson, 

South Carolina. 
X Rutledge, 
Charles Cotesworth 

Pinckney, 
Charles Pinckney, 
Pierce Butler. 

Georgia. 
William Few, 
Abr Baldwin, 



602 Appendix II 

ARTICLES IN Addition to and Amendment of the Constitutiom 

OF the United States of America, Proposed by Congress, 
AND Ratified by the Legislatures of the Several States, 
Purs ij ANT to the Fifth Article of the Original Consti- 
tution. 

Article I. — Congress shall make no law respecting an establish" 
went of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof ; or 
abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of 
the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government 
for a redress of grievances. 

Article II. — A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the se- 
curity of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear 
arms, shall not be infringed. 

Article III. — No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in 
any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, 
but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 

Article IV. — Tho right of the people to be secure in their per- 
sons, nouses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and 
•eizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue but upon 
probable cr.nse, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly 
describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to 
be seized. 

Article V. — No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or 
otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of 
a grand jury except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or 
in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public dan- 
ger ; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be 
twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled in 
any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived 
of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor 
shall private property be taken for public use without just compen- 
sation. 

Article VI. — In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall en- 
joy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of 
the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, 
which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to 
be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be con- 
fronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process 
for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of 
^ •oansel for his defence. 



Constitution of the United States of America 603 

Article VII. — In suits at common law, where the value in contro- 
versy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall b« 
preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-exam- 
ined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules 
of the common law. 

Article VIII. — Excessive bail shall not be required, nor exces- 
fiive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

Article IX. — The enumeration in the Constitution, of certaia 
rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained 
by the people. 

Article X. — The powers not delegated to the United States by 
the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to 
the States respectively, or to the people. 

Article XI. — The judicial power of the United States shall not 
be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or 
prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another 
State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state. 

Article XII. — 1. The electors shall meet in their respective 
States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of 
whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with 
themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for 
as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice- 
President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for 
as President, and of all persona voted for as Vice-President, and of 
the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and cer- 
tify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United 
States, directed to the President of the Senate ; — the President 
of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of 
Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then 
be counted ; — the person having the greatest number of votes 
for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority 
of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have 
fluch majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers 
not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the 
House of Representatives shall choose i«amediately, by ballot, the 
President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken 
by States, the representation from each State having one vote ; a 
quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members 
from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall 
be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives 
•hall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall de- 



604 Af'pendix 11 

▼olre upon them, before the fourth day of March next fotlowh^ 
then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the 
death or other constitutional disability of the President. — The 
person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall 
be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole 
number of electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, 
then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall 
choose the Vice-President ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist 
Cx two thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of 
the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person 
constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible 
to that of Vice-President of the United States. 

Article XIII. — Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary ear- 
Titude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall 
have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or 
any place subject to their jurisdiction. 

Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by 
appropriate legislation. 

Article XIV. — Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in 
the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citi- 
zens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No 
State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privi- 
leges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any 
State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due 
process of law ; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the 
equal protection of the laws. 

Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several 
States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole 
number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But 
when the right to vote at any election for the choice of Electors for 
President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives 
in Congress, the executive and jridicial officers of a State, or the 
members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male in- 
habitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age and citizens 
of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation 
in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall 
be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citi- 
Eens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one 
years of age in such State. 

Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in 
Conjfress, or Elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any 



OonsMtuUon of the Lfnited States of America 605 

office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, 
who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or 
as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legis- 
lature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support 
the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insure 
rection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the 
enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two thirds of each 
house, remove such disability. 

Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, 
authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pen- 
sions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or re- 
bellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor 
any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid 
of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim 
for the loss or emancipation of any slave ; but all such debts, ob- 
ligations, and claims shall be held illegal and void. 

Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropri- 
ate legislation the provisions of this article. 

Akticle X r^. — Section 1. The right of citizens of the United 
States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States 
or any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of 
servitude. 

Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article 
bj appropriate legislation. 

Article XVI. — The Congress shall have power to lay and col- 
lect taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived, without 
apportionment among the States, and without regard to any 
census or enumeration. 

Article XVII.— The Senate of the United States shall be 
composed of two Senators from each State, elected by the people 
thereof for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote. The 
electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for 
electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislatures. 

When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in 
the Senate, the executive authority of such State shall issue writs 
of election to fill such vacancies: Provided, that the Legislature 
of any State may empower the executive thereof to make tem- 
porary appointments until the people fiU the vacancies by elec- 
tion as the Legislature may direct. 

This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the 
election or term of any Senator chosen before it becomes valid 
as part of the Constitution. 



INDEX 



Abolitionism, 314-317 

Abolitionists, 392 

Acadia, 311 

Adams, Charles Francis, 402 

Adams, John. 150, 157, 179; elected 
President, 232 

Adams, John Quincy, Minister to 
Russia, 255; elected President, 
290, 291 

Adams, Samuel, 146, 149, 150, 151; 
attitude toward Constitution, 206 

Admunsen, Captain, 32 (note) 

Adolphus, Gustavus, 71 

Agricultural colleges, 389 

Aguinaldo, 502 

Alabama, under carpet-bag gov- 
ernment, 431 

Alabama, cruiser, 402 / 

Alabama claims, 438-439 

Alaska, 436, 449 

Albany Congress, 122 

Albemarle, settlement, 75 

Alexander VI, Pope, 11 

Alexandria, convention, 197 

Algonquin Indians, 70-71, 98 

Alien and Sedition laws, 235, 236 

Allen, Ethan, 155 

Alliacus, 3 

Altgeld, Governor John, 493 

Amendments, first ten, 217; 
eleventh, 217, 218; twelfth, 237; 
thirteenth, 410-411; fourteenth, 
421, 423-425; fifteenth, 427 

America, naming of, 11-14 

American alliance of labor and 
democracy, 565 

American Federation of Labor, 
453, 519, 564 

American Party, 352 

Amnesty, 433 

Amnesty oath, 417; proclamation, 
418, 419 

Anarchists, 455; of Chicago, 459 

Anderson, Major Robert, 372 

Andros, Sir Edmund, 74, 89; im- 
prisoned, 90; overthrown, 90, 103 

Annapolis convention, 197 

Anne, Queen, War, 113, 114 



Anthracite coal strike, 519, 525 

Antietam, battle, 390 

Anti-Federalists, 222 

Anti-Masonic Party, 308, 309 

Appomattox Court House, 410 

Appropriations, Congressional, 216 

Arabs, 7 

Arbitration, at Geneva, 439; in 
Venezuelan question, 487; treaty 
with England, 487-488, 496; in- 
ternational, 513 

Area of United States, (1790) 207 

Argonne, 576, 578 

Aristotle, 3 

Arkansas, reconstruction of, 418 

Armada, 34-35, 36 

Army, 572 

Arnold, Benedict, 157, 173, 177 

Arthur, Chester A., 460, 463 

Ashley, Lord, 75 

Assembly of Massachusetts Bay 
colony, 58; of Connecticut, 62; 
New Hampshire, 62-63; Penn- 
sylvania, 81; Virginia, 45, 48, 
49; Plymouth, 53; South Caro- 
lina, 78; Maryland, 48; in Philip- 
pines, 503 

Astrolabe, 4 

Atlanta, capture of, 405, 406-407 

Audiencias, 24 

Australian ballot system, 522 

Ayllon, Lucas Vasquez de, 19, 26 

Aztecs, 20 

Bacon, Nathaniel, 87 

Bacon's Rebellion, 87, 103 

Bacon, Roger, 3 

Bahamas, 10, 20, 76 

Baker, Newton D., secretary of war, 

573 
Balance of trade, 131 
Balboa, 17, 26 

Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 300 
Baltimore, Lord, 46, 47, 65, 90 
Bancroft, George, 358 
Bank, United States, established, 

220, 221; second, 272 
Banks, General N. P., 395 



607 



608 



Index 



Baptists, 59 (note), 93 

Barbadoes, 75-76 

Baibary Powers, war with, 249,. 250 

Barnburners, 334 

Beauregard, General P. Y. T., 377, 
383 

Beecher, Henry Ward, 359 

Belknap, William W., 446 

Bell, John, 365 

Belleau Wood, 575, 576 

Berkeley, John, 74 

Berkeley, Sir William, 65, 86-87 

Berlin, Treaty of, 504 

Bermuda, 38 

Bessemer process, 451 

"Bimini," 18 

Black coder, 420^21, 423, 435 

Black Warrior incident, 351 

Blaine, James G., 446, 460, 461, 
464-465, 470-471, 475 

Blair, Francis, 380, 430 

Bland, Richard P., 483 

Bland-Allison Act, 1878, 459, 479- 
480 

Bliss, Taskcr H., 578 

Blockade, Civil War, 375-376, 396, 
412 

Bonds, United States, 386-387, 
388, 400 

Boone, Daniel, 171 

Booth, John Wilkes, 411 

Boston, settled, 65; massacre, 150; 
evacuated, 156 

Bounty, Civil War, 309 

Boutwell, George S., 428 

Boxer Rebelhon, 512, 525 

Bradford, William, 50, 52 

Bragg, General Braxton, 384, 398- 
399 

Brazil, 12 

Breckenridgc, John C., Vice-Presi- 
dent, 353; candidate for Presi- 
dent, 364 

Bright, John, 401 

Bristow, B. H., 446 

Brock, General, 262, 263 

Brown, John, 363, 364 

Bryan, William J., 482-483, 485, 
495; campaign of 1908, 524 

Buchanan, James, President, 353, 
368, 372 

Buckner, Simon B., 483 

Buell, General Don Carlos, 3S2, 3S3 

Bull Run, battle of, 376-377; 
second battle of, 389, 396 

Bunker Hill, 155, 156 

Bureau of American Republics, 471 

Burgesses, House of, 45 



Burgoyne, General John, 165-167 
Burleson, Albert S., postmaster gen- 
eral, 563 
Burnside, General A. E., 392 
Burr, Aaron, Vice-President, 237; 

conspiracy, 250, 251 
Butler, General Benjamin F., 390, 
403, 428 

Cabot, John, 27, 31, 36 

Cabot, Sebastian, 27, 36 

Cabot voyages, 71 

Cabral, Pedro Alvarez de, 12 

Calhoun, John C., and war of 1812, 

259, 260; Vice-President, 290; 

and tariff of 1828, 293, 294; and 

Omnibus Bill, 337; 370 
California, admitted, 336 
Calvert, Cecil, 46 
Calvert, George, 46, 49 
Cameron, Simon, 374 
Cantigny, 575 
Capital of United States, location, 

219, 220 
Carnegie, Andrew, 518, 523; li- 
braries, 526 
Carolina, North, settlement, 75; 

life in, 76, 77 
Carolina, South, settlement, 75, 76 
Carpet-bag governments, 430-433, 

435, 448 
Carpet-baggers, 426 
Carteret, Sir George, 74, 75 
Cartier, Jacques, 29, 36 
Carver, William, 52 
Cass, Lewis, 333, 334 
Cathay, see China 
Catholics in Maryland, 90 
Cavaliers in Virginia, 65 
Centennial Exposition, 488 
Champlain, Lake, 105 
Champlain, Samuel de, 104-107, 108 
Chancellorsville, battle of, 392 
Charles I, 54, 55, 63, 66 
Charles II, 63, 73, 75, 79, F2, SS, 103 
Charles V, Emperor, 28, 29, 30 
Charleston, South Carolina, 75, 77 
Chase, Salmon P., 337, 347, 374. 

405 
Chalons, 576 
Chateau-Thierry, 575 
Chattanooga,' 383; campaign, 398- 

399; 408, 413 
Chesapeake and Ohio canal, 300 
Chesapeake, attack by Leopard, 252 
Chesapeake vs. Shannon, 264 
Chicago, anarchist riot, 455; strike 

of 1894, 492-493, 496 



Index 



609 



Chickamauga, battle of, 413 ^ 

Child labor, 521, 526 

China, 6; contest for, 511 

Chinese, 456; immigration, 459 

Chisholm vs. Georgia, 218 

Christiana, fort, 71 

Church of England, 55, 58, 88 

Cibola, seven cities of, 21, 26 

Cincinnati, founded, 190 

Cipango (Japan), 10 

Civil Rights bill, 423 

Civil Service reform, 445-446, 463- 
464, 475, 494-495 

Civil War, in England, 63, 88 

Civil War, in United States, Chap- 
ters XXIII, XXIV; industrial 
effects, 439-440, 449 

Claims, Western, 184, 185; cessions, 
185, 186 

Clarendon, Earl of, 75 

Clark, George Rogers, 173 

Clay, Henry, Speaker, 259; candi- 
date for President, 323; and 
Omnibus bill, 337 

Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 335, 336, 
514, 515 

Clemmenceau, Premier Georges, 578 

Cleveland, Grover, 464-466, 468, 
479; President, 485-487, 493; 
policy towards Cuba, 498 

CHnton, De Witt, 277 

CUnton, Sir Henry, 162, 178 

Cobden, Richard, 401 

Coblenz, 578 

Coeducation, 359 

Colbert, 107 

Cold Harbor, battle of, 401 

Colfax, Schuyler, 430 

Colleton, Sir John, 75 

Colombia, United States of, 516, 
526 

Colonial governments, 133, 134 

Colonies, life in (1690), 91-103 

Colorado, Territory, 373 

Columbia, South Carolina, 409 

Columbus, Bartholomew, map of, 
13, 27 

Columbus, Christopher, ideas as to 
earth, 3; in Portugal, 8; geograph- 
ical ideas, 8-9; early life, 9; in 
Spain, 9-10; character, 10; voy- 
ages, 10-11; references, 15-16 

Commerce, American, 37 

Commerce, eastern, 5-7, 15, 37 

Committee on Public Information, 
567 

Committees of Correspondence, 151 

Commonwealth, England, 63, 88 



Communal system, in Plymouth, 
52; in Virginia, 43 

Compass, 4 

Compensation Act, 390 

Compromise of 1850, 338, 339 

Compromises of the Constitution, 
201-202 

Concentration of industry, 452- 
453, 517-518 

Confederate States of America, 372; 
comparison with United States, 
377-379; reasons for defeat, 411- 
412; bonds of, 412; paper money, 
412; debts, 424 

Confederation, Articles of, drawn 
up, 168; adopted, 183; govern- 
ment under, 183, 184, 185; at- 
tempts to amend, 194, 195 

Confiscation Act, 390 

Conkling, Roscoe, 446, 461, 462, 475 

Connecticut, colony, 60-62, 88, 89; 
references, 67; Fundamental Or- 
ders of, 67 

Conscription, by U. S. A., 399, 412, 
558, 572 

Conservation, 531, 532 

Constitution vs. Guerriere, 263 

Constitution, signers of, 203; origin 
of, 204; ratification, 204, 205, 
206; 580 

Constitutional Convention, 198- 
204 

Constitutional Union party, 364, 
365 

Construction of the Constitution, 
221, 222 

Continental Congress, First, 154; 
Second, 155 

Continental system, 251 , 

Contraband of war, 390, 546 

Cooper, Peter, 46 

Copperheads, 405 

Cordova, Hernandez de, 18 

Cornwallis, Lord Charles, 164, 177, 179 

Coronado, Francisco de, 21-22, 26 

Corporations, 452, 472-473, 478 

Correlation of American History 
and Government, Appendix I 

Cortez, Hernando, 18-19, 20-21, 
26 

Cotton-gin, 239 

Cotton, John, 60 

Coureurs du Bois, 108 

Credit Mobilier, 446, 449 

Crevecoeur, 110 

Crisis of 1819, 272; of 1873, 444- 
445 

Cromwell, Oliver, 63, 85 



610 



Index 



Crusades, 5, 15 

Cuba, 10, 17, 18; attempts to an- 
nex, 350, 351; government by 
Spain, 497; rebellions, 497-499; 
war in, 500-502; occupation by 
United States, 503; Republic 
established, 503-504 ; govern- 
ment by Spain, 506 

Currency, emergency, 525 

Curtis, Benjamin R, 428 

Curtis, George William, 359, 445, 
463 

Custer, General George A., 474 

Cutler, Manasseh, 188, 189 

Dakota, Territory, 373, 374 

Dale, Sir Thomas, 42, 48 

Dallas, Alexander, 272 

Dalton, battle of, 495 

Dane, Nathan, 189 

Dartmouth College Case, 286 

Davis, Jefferson, 372-373 

Davis, John, 32 

Dawes bill, 474 

Debates, ElUot's, 198 

Debs, Eugene, 493 

Debt, National (1789), 218, 219 

De Grasse, Count, 178 

De Kalb, Baron, 168 

Delaware, colony, 81 

Delaware, Lord, 41 

Delaware, Swedes in, 71 

De Leon, Ponce, 86 

Demarcation, line of, 12, 19 

Democracy, Jacksonian and Jeffer- 
sonian compared, 297 

Democratic party organized, 2 

Denonville, Marquis de. 111 

De Soto, Ferdinando, 26 

Diaz, Porfirio, 544 

Dickinson, John, 146, 149, 157 

Dingley tariff, 494 

District of Columbia, slavery in, 
390 

Domain, National, beginning of, 
186 

Donelson, Fort, 381-382 

Dorr rebellion, 321 

Douglas, Stephen A., 340, 345-347, 
348, 361, 364, 365 

Draft, see conscription 

Drake, Francis, 32, 36 

Dred Scott decision, 359 

Dutch, settlement in America, 61; 
exploration, 68-69; trade with 
East, 68; wars with Spain, 68; 
trading posts, 69, 70; coloniza- 
tion, 69-74; wars with England, 



73; settlers, 81-82; commerce, 
85-86; relations with Indians, 
156; East India Company, 68-70; 
West India Company, 69, 71 

Early, General Jubal, 404 

Earth, geographical ideas concern- 
ing, 2-3 

East India company, 38 

Edison, Thomas A., 492 

Education, in New England colo- 
nies, 94; colonial, 103; college in 
eighteenth century, 133; in 1760, 
210-212; progress, 489; recent 
movements, 522-523 

Electoral Commission, 448 

Electrical inventions, 492, 496 

Electricity, 451 

Eliot, John, 100 

Elizabeth, Queen of England, 31, 
34, 53 

Emancipation Proclamation, 390- 
391, 401, 416 

Embargo, 1807, 253 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 359 

Emergency Fleet Corporation, 566 

Emigrant aid companies, 348 

England, rivalry with Spain, 32- 
35; church of, 54; wars with 
Dutch, 73; recognition of bellig- 
erency, 376; attitude during 
Civil War, 401, 413; and Venezu- 
ela, 486-487, 495-496; relations 
with United States, 513 

English, early voyagers, 27-28; 30- 
31, 32; colonization, motives fot 
33, 34, 39-40, 48, 91 

English, William H., 460 

Epernay, 576 

Era of Good Feeling, 285, 286 

Ericson, Leif, 2 

Ericsson, John, 384-385 

Erie Canal, 277, 278 

Espionage Act, 559, 574 

European war, outbreak of, in 1914, 
545 

Evarts, William M., 428 

Everett, Edward, 347 

Executive departments organized, 
216 

Fallen Timbers, Battle of, 230 

Farmers' Alliance, 477 

Farmer's Letters, 149 

Farragut, Admiral David G., 384, 

406 
Federal reserve banking system, 541, 

567 



Index 



611 



Federalist, The, 206 

Federalist party, 223 

Federalists, attitude toward Con- 
stitution, 205 

Ferdinand and Isabella, 9-10, 23 

Fiction, historical, Mexico, 26; 
Virginia, 49; New England colo- 
nies, 66, 67; Washington's ad- 
ministration, 225; Jefferson's ad- 
ministration, 258; War of 1812; 
270; early West, 254; Jacksonian 
period, 326; period of expansion, 
345; ante-bellum times, 367; 
Civil War, 397; reconstruction 
period, 436; Indian problems, 476 

Fillmore, Millard, Vice-President, 
334; President, 339 

Finances of the Confederation, 193, 
194 

Finns, 82 

Fish, Hamilton, 438 

Fisheries, Atlantic, 28, 31, 111; 
dispute over, 487 

Five Nations, see Iroquois 

Florida, 18, 21; purchase of, 286, 287 

Foch, Marshal Ferdinand, 574, 576 

Food and Fuel Control Act, 561, 562 

Foote, Commodore Andrew H., 382 

Force laws, 432 

Foreign affairs, under Confedera- 
tion, 191, 192 

Foreign relations, 1793-1801, 226- 
228 

Four-Minute Men, 567 

France, treaty of alliance with 
United States (1778), 168, 169; 
troubles with, 233, 234 

Francis I, King of France, 28, 29 

Franklin, Benjamin, 147; treaty 
with France, 169, 179; in Con- 
stitutional Convention, 198 

Fredericksburg, battle of, 392 

Free coinage of silver, 458, 482- 
485; arguments for and against, 
484, 495 

Free Soil party, formed, 334 

Freedmen, 415-416, 420-421, 426 

Freedmen's Bureau, 415, 416, 421, 
422, 431-432, 435 

Fremont, John C, 352, 390, 405 

French, early voyages to America, 
28-30; in America, Chapter VIII; 
colonization, first period, 104; 
second period, 107; third period, 
107-108; influence of wars, 111- 
112; compared with English, 
112; posts in Middle West, 114, 
115, 116; in Ohio valley, 121 



French and Indian war, 122-125 

French Revolution, 226 

Frobisher, Martin, 32 

Frontenac, Count, 108, 110 

Fugitive Slave law, 339 

Fulton, Robert, 249 

Fundamental Constitutions, Caro- 

linas, 77, 78, 83 
Fundamental Orders, Connecticut, 

61-62 
Fur trade, 97-98; French, 108, 111 

Gadsden, Christopher, 146 

Gadsden Purchase, 350 

Gallatin, Albert, Secretary of Treas- 
ury, 244 

Gama, Vasco da, 10 

Gardoqui, 192 

Garfield, Harry H., 562 

Garfield, James A., 460-463, 475 

Garrison, William Lloyd, 315, 316 

Genet, 226, 227 

Geneva Arbitration, 439, 449 

Geographical ideas of earth, 17 

George III, of England, policy, 150, 
151 

George, King, war, 115 

Georgia, colony, 138, 139 

Gerard, James W., ambassador, 
553, 556 

Germans, in colonies, 76, 82, 84, 
129, 139 

Germany, conspiracies, 553, 554, 
556; war with, 559 

Gettysburg, battle of, 393-394, 397 

Ghent, Treaty of, 267 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 33, 36 

Girls' education, 303 

Gold;, discovery of, in California, 
335 

Gold Democrats, 483 

Goethals, George W., 544 

Gomez, Estevan, 19, 26 

Gompers, Samuel, 519, 564 

Goodyear, Charles, 356 

Gorges, Sir Fernando, 63 

Granger movement, 455-456, 459, 
466 

Grant, Ulysses S., in Mexican War, 
332; General in Civil War, 382, 
394, 396, 398-399, 402, 408, 414, 
428; nominated for Presidency, 
430; President, 434, 445-446, 460 

Great Awakening, the, 133 

Great Britain and neutral trade, 
251; relations with United States 
(1783-1787), 191, 192 

Greeley, Horace, 358; 433-434; 435 



612 



Index 



Greenback party, 456-457, 359 
Greene, General Nathaniel, 176 
Greenville, Treaty of, 230 
Grenville, George, 144 
Grenville, Sir Richard, 34 
Griffon, The, 110 
Groseilliers, Sieur de, 108 
Guadaloupe Hidalgo, Treaty of, 

322 
Guiana, 38 
Guinea Company, 38 
Guiteau, Charles, 462 

Habeas Corpus, wkit of, 391 

Hague Conference, 512-513; Tri- 
bunal, 526 

Hail Columhia, comp'osed, 234 

Halleck, General Henry W., 382 

Hamilton, Alexander, recommends 
Philadelphia Convention, 197; 
member of Constitutional Con- 
vention, 198; views on govern- 
ment, 200; Secretary of Treas- 
ury, 217-222; death of, 250 

Hamlin, Hannibal, 365 

Hancock, Gen. Winfield S., 303, 
460 

Hansa towns, 31 

Harriman, E. H., 518 

Harriman, James, 518 
V Harrison, Benjamin, 468, 479 

Harrison, General William H., 257; 
President, 318, 319; in Northwest 
(1812), 262 

Hartford Convention, 268 

Harvard College, 64, 94 

Havana, 30 (note) 

Hawaii, 485-486, 495; annexation, 
504 

Hawkins, John, 32, 36 

Hav, John, Secretary of State, 512, 
515, 525 

Hayes, Rutherford B., 447-449 

Hayti, 10, 17, 20 

Head right, in Virginia, 43 

Hendricks, Thomas A., 446 

Hennepin, Father, 111 

Henrietta Maria, Queen of Eng- 
land, 46 

Henry, Fort, 381-382 

Henry IV, King of France, 104 

Henry V"II, King of England, 27 

Henry VIII, King of England, 31, 
53 

Henry, Patrick, attitude toward 
Constitution, 205, 206 

Henry, Prince, ( i Portugal, 7, 15 

Higher law, doctrine of, 338 



Hispaniola, 17 

Hobart, Garrett A., 484 

Hobson, Richmond P., 501 

Hoe, Richard M., 356 

Holland, 33, 50 

Holy Alliance, 288 

Homestead Act, 387, 441 

Hood, General John G., 408 

Hooker, General Joseph, 392 

Hooker, Reverend Thomas, 61 

Hoover, Herbert C, 561, 562 

Horn, Cape, 68 (note) 

House, E. M., 578 

House of Burgesses, Virginia, 45, 
65,86 

Houston, Sam, 322 

Howe, Elias, 356 

Howe, General William 162, 167 

Hudson, Henry, 68-69, 83 

Huerta, Victoriano, 544, 545 

Hughes, Charles E., 551 

Huguenots, attempted settlements, 
29-30; wars in France, 29; col- 
ony, 36; in English colonies, 74, 
76; in France, 104 (note) 

Hull, General William, 261, 262 

Hundred Associates, 107 

Hunkers, 334 

Hunter, General David, 390 

Huron Indians, 105 (note), 107 

Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, 58, 66, 67 

Immigration, 342, 456, 459, 519- 
520, 526 

Impeachment of President John- 
son, 428 

Imperial control, policy of, 89, 103 

Imperialism, 508, 510 

Implied powers of the Constitution, 
220, 221 

Impressment, right of, 252 

Income tax, 387; in Wilson bill, 
494 

Indentured servants, 43-44; in 
Maryland, 47, 95, 102 

Independence, gro'wi^h of, 156, 157; 
Declaration of, 157; causes for 
159, 160 

Independent Treasury, established, 
314; restored, 328 

Independents, in England, 54, 63 

India, 5, 6; route to, 8 

Indians, relations of Columbus 
with, 16; slaves, 18; in West In- 
dies, 20; in Mexico, 20; northern, 
23; conver.sion by Spanish, 25; 
of New Mexico, 26; Plymouth 
colony, 52; relations with colo- 



Index 



613 



nists, 98; subdivisions, 98, 99; 
political organization, 61, lOl; 
of Eastern North America, 98, 
99; relations with settlers, 100; 
French and, 105-107; of West, 
473-474, 476. See also Algon- 
quins, Hurons, Iroquois, Musk- 
hogean, Winnebago, Sioux 
, Indigo, 76 

Indiistrial methods, new, 521 

Inflation bill, 445 

Insurance companies, investigation 
of, 521; war risk, 573 

Internal improvements, 277; dur- 
ing administration of J. Q. Adams, 
292, 300 

Internal revenue laws, 388-389 

Interstate Commerce Act, of 1887, 
466-467, 475; of 1906, 519 

Inventions, 356, 490-492 

Iron and steel manufacture, 451 

Iroquois Indians, 70, 82, 98, 105- 
106, 107, 108 

Irrigation, 521 

Isthmian Canal, 514-515 

Jackson, Andrew, at New Or- 
leans, 267; President, 295; char- 
acter of, 297, 298; spoils system, 
305, 306; Indian policy, 308; re- 
elected, 309; United States Bank, 
309-311 

Jackson, General Thomas J., ("Stone- 
wall"), 392 

James I, King of England, 39, 45, 
54 

James II, King of England, 74, 82, 
89-90 

Jamestown, Va.^, 40, 41, 44, 48 

Japan, war with Russia, 512 

Jay, John, 179; treaty with Spain, 
192; Chief Justice, 217; treaty 
with England, 227-230 

Jefferson, Thomas, 179; Secretary 
of State, 217; Vice-President, 
232; President, 237; and civil 
service, 242; personality of, 241; 
re-elected, 250 

Jesuits, 107, 108 

Jews in Spain, 30; in colonies, 74, 
94 

Johnson, Andrew, Vice-President, 
405; President, 418-419; recon- 
struction policy, 419-422, 423, 
425, 427, 434-435; impeachment,' 
428-429, 435 

Johnston, General Albert Sidney, 
382-383 



Johnston, General Joseph E., 385- 

386, 395, 404, 410 
Joliet, Louis, 108-110 
Jones, John Paul, 175, 176 
Judiciary, organization of, 217, 218 

Kansas Emigration to, 348; Civil 
War in, 350 

Kansas-Nebraska Act, 346, 347 

Kearsarge, 402 

Kentucky, made a county of Vir- 
ginia, 171; admitted, 238 

Kern, John W., 524 

Key, Francis Scott, 256 

Kieft, William, 71 

King, Rufus, 189 

King's Mountain, battle of, 177 

Klondike, 507 

Knights of Labor, 453 

Know-Nothing party, 352 

Knox, Henry, Secretary of War, 217 

Ku Klux Klan, 432, 435 

Labor Unions, 302, 453-455, 459 

Ladrone Islands, 19 

Lafayette, General, 168 

Land in English colonies, 91-92; 
in Maryland, 47; in Virginia, 43; 
disputes with Indians, 100 

Lane, Ralph, 34 

Lansing, Robert, Secretary of State, 
553 

Las Casas, 26 

La Salle, Sieur de, 110-111 

Laud, William, Archbishop, 55, 61 

Laurens, Henry, 179 

Lecompton Constitution, 360, 361 

League of Nations, 579 

Lee, General Fitzhugh, 502 

Lee, Richard Henry, 157 

Lee, General Robert E., 375, 386, 
389-390, 392, 403-404, 410 

Legal tenders, see United States 
notes 

Leisler, Jacob, 90 

Lenox Globe, 13 

Levant Company, 38 

Lewis and Clark, expedition of, 248 

Lexington, battle of, 154 

Liberal Republican Party, 433 

Liberator, The, 316 

Liberty loan, 557, 558, 568 

Liberty Party, 318 

Lincoln, Abraham, candidate for 
senator, 361-362; elected Presi- 
dent, 365; inaugural, 370-371, 
373-374,396; President, 380-381; 
Emancipation Proclamation, 390- 



614 



Index 



391; criticisms of, 391-392; char- 
acter and policy, 405-407, 408; 
second inaugural, 409; assassina- 
tion, 411, 414; reconstruction pol- 
icy, 416, 418, 434 
Literature, recent, 489-490 
Lloyd George, Premier David, 578 
Local government, in Massachu- 
setts Bay Colony, 58; in New 
England, 94; in middle colonies, 
98; in Southern colonies, 96 
Locke, John, 77 

London Company, 38, 51; motives 
for founding, 39-40; settle James- 
town, 40; plans, 42; overthrow, 
45 
Longfellow's Skeleton in Armor, 15 
Lookout Mountain, battle of, 399 
Lopez, filibustering expedition, 351 
Lords of Trade, 87, 89 
Louisiana, ceded to France, 244, 
245; purchase, 245-247; explo- 
ration, 248; reconstruction in, 
418 
Louis XIV, King of France, 76 
Lovejoy, Elijah P., 316 
Lowell, James Russell, 358, 359 
Loyal Leagues, 431 
Lundy, Benjamin, 314, 315 
Lusitania, sinking of the, 546 
Lyon, General Nathaniel, 380 

McAdoo, William G., 563 

McClellan, Gen. George B., 385- 
386, 389-390, 392, 406-407 

MacDonough, Captain Thomas, on 
Lake Champlain, 266 

McCormick, Cyrus, 302, 356 

McCulloch vs. INIaryland, 286 

Machinery, use of, 452 

Mackinac, 108 

McKinley tariff law, 479 

McKinley, William, 484-485; policy 
toward Cuba, 499-500; second 
term, 507-508; assassination and 
character, 508 

Madero, Francisco, 544 

Madison, James, member of Con- 
stitutional Convention, 198; 
elected President, 253, 254; re- 
elected, 260 

Magellan, Ferdinando, 19, 26 

Magellan Straits, 32 

Maine, battleship, 499, 506 

Maine, colony, 63, 67 

Manassas Junction, see Bull Run 

Manila, battle of, 500, 506 

Man Power Act, 573 



Mann, Horace, 303 

Manufactures, centre of, 508 

Marbury vs. Madison, 243 

Marco Polo, 6, 10, 15 

Marion, General Francis, 176 

Marne, 576 

Marquette, Father, 108-110 

Marshall, John, 243 

Maryland, colony, 46-48, 49, 65 

Mason, James M., 381 

INIason, John, 63 

Massachusetts Bay Colony, 55-58, 
60, 66-67, 88-89 

Maximilian, Archduke, 437 

Mayfloiver, 51, 66; Compact, 51 

Mayo, Rear-Admiral, 545 

Meade, General George, 393 

Menendez, Pedro, 30 

Mercantile system, 142, 143 

Mercator, map by, 13 

Merchant marine, 442 

Merrimac, gunboat, 384-385, 397 

Meuse River, 576 

Mexico, exploration of, 18; natives 
of, 20; physical geography, 20 
Spanish in, 23, 25; city of, 26 
declaration of war against, 330 
French in, 437; troubles in, 544, 545 

Middle colonies, in 1690, industries, 
97-98 

Mint, establishment of, 222 

Minuit, Peter, 69-70 

Missionary Ridge, battle, 399 

Mississippi, under carpet-bag govern- 
ment, 431 

Mississippi River, discovery of, 22 
and note; exploration of, 108, 
110 

Missouri Compromise, 281-283 

Mitchell, John, 519 

Mobile, capture of, 406 

Monitor, 385, 397 

Monmouth, battle of, 170 

Monroe Doctrine, origin, 287-288; 
interpretation, 289; in Mexico, 
436-437; in Venezuelan question, 
487, 496; the new, 513 

Monroe, James, recalled from France, 
233; elected President, 285; re- 
elected, 286 

Montezuma, 20 

Monts, Sieur de, 104, 105 

Moors in Spain, 30 

Mormons, 304, 494, 496 

Morse, Samuel F. B., 324 

Morton, Oliver P., 446 

Mugwumps, 464, 465, 469 

Murfreesboro, battle of, 384 (note) 



Index 



615 



Muscovy Company, 38 
Muskhogean Indians, 98 

Nantes, Edict of, 76, 104 
Napoleon Bonaparte, duplicity of, 

254, 255 
Napoleon III, 401, 437 
Narvaez, Pamphilo de, 21 
Nashville, 408 
Nassau, Fort, 69 
National Banks, 399-400 
National Council of Defence, 558, 

559, 561, 563, 564 
National War Labor Policies Board, 

565 
Nationalism defined, 285; Supreme 

Court and, 286 
Natural resources, 523 
Naval cruise (1907-1909), 523 
Navigation Acts, 73, 78, 85, 87, 89; 

enforcement of, 143; of 1733, 150; 

of 1750, 150 
Navy in Spanish War, 507; in World 

War, 569 
Nebraska bill, 346 
Negro disfranchisement, 449 
Negro, in recent times, 520 
Negro suffrage, 426-427 
Neutrality, Proclamation of 1793, 

226 
Neutrals rules governing, 401-402 
Nevada, Territory, 373 
New Albion, 32 
New Amsterdam, 70 
New England colonies, early. Chap- 
ter V; after Restoration, 88-89; 

in 1690, 92-94 
New England Confederation, 64, 67 
Newfoundland, 27, 28, 38, 46 and 

note 
New Hampshire, colony, 63, 67 
New Haven, colony, 62-63; ab- 
sorbed by Connecticut, 64 
New Jersey, colony, 74, 89 
New Jersey Plan, 199-200 
New Netherland, 69-74; seized by 

England, 73; settlement, 69-70; 

government, 71, 83 
New Orleans, battle of, 266, 267; 

capture in 1862, 384 
New Sweden, 71 
New York City, 97 
New York, colony, 69, 89-90 
Nicolet, Jean, 108 
Non-Intercourse Act, 1809, 253 
Norse discoveries, 15 
North Carolina, 75-79, 83 
North, Lord, 151 



Northern Securities Co., 518 
Northmen, 1-2, 15 
Northwest Ordinance, 188-189 
Northwest Passage, 32 
Nullification, Jackson and, 307- 
308 

Occupations, in 1790, 209 

Oglethorpe, George, 139 

Ohio Company, 120 

Ohio Company of Associates, 188- 

190 
Oklahoma, Territory, 474; State, 

521 
Olney, Richard, 486, 495 
Omnibus bill, 337 
"Open door" policy, 512-513 
Orange, Fort, 69 
Ordinance of 1784, 188; of 1787, 

188, 189 
Oregon, 32; question of, 327, 328 
Oregon, battleship, 515 
Orlando, Premier Vittorio, 578 
Ostend Manifesto, 351 
Otis, James, 144, 146 
Owen, Robert, 304 

Pacific Ocean, 17, 19, 32 

Pacific railroads, 389, 449 

Palatinate, German, 76 

Palma, President of Cuba, 504 

Palmer, John M., 483 

Panama, 11, 17, 32 

Panama Canal, 514-516, 526, 542 

Panama Republic, 516 

Pan-American Congress, 470-471, 

476 
Pan-American Exposition, 508, 525 
Panicof 1837, 313, 314; of 1857,357, 

358; of 1873, 449 
Paper money, 387-388 
Paris, treaty of, 1763, 124, 125; 

treaty of, 1783, 179, 180; treaty 

of, 1898, 502 
Parish, English, 58 
Parker, Alton B., 510 
Parkman, Francis, 358 
Parliament, English, 54, 55 
Parole, Confederate, 417 
Parsons, Samuel, 188 
Parties, poUtical rise of, 222-223 
Patrons of Husbandry, 455 
Patroon system, 70 
Peace Conference, 1861, 373; 1899, 

512; 578 
Pemberton, General John C, 395 
Peninsula Campaign, 385-386, 397 
Penn, Admiral, 79-80 



G16 



Index 



Penn, William, in W. Jersey, 79; 
grant of land, 80; government 
by, 81, 82; references, 83, 84 

Pennsylvania, colony, 79-83; gov- 
ernment, 81-82; references, 83, 84 

Pension laws, 469 

People's Party, see Populist Party 

Perry, Oliver H., victory, 265 

Pershing, General John, 558, 574, 
576, 577 

Personal liberty laws, 339, 340 

Peru, 18, 23, 25, 32 

Petersburg, Va., 403, 410 

Petition, right of, 317 

Petroleum, 451 

Philadelphia, 81, 97 

Philip II, King of Spain, 30, 34 

Philippines, discovery, 19; attack 
upon, by Dewey, 500; acquired 
by United States, 502; revolt in, 
502; pacification of, 503; gov- 
ernment of, 500, 510, 512; ques- 
tion of independence, 508 

Phillips, Wendell, 422 

Physical geography, influence of, 1, 
23, 45, 46, 75, 92, 95, 118-119, 120, 
379-380, 398 

Pierce, Franklin, President, 340- 
341 

Pike, Zebulon, 248 

Pilgrims, 50-53, 66 

Pinchot, Gifford, 531, 532 

Pinckney, Charles C., minister to 
France, 233 

Pinckney Plan, 200 

Pineda, Alonzo de, 19, 26 

Pitt, William, his American policy, 
124 

Pizarro, Francisco and Gonzalo, 
22, 26 

Plantation system, in Virginia, 42, 43 

Plantations, 96 

Pliny, 3 

Plymouth Colony, 51-53, 89; ref- 
erences, 66 

Plymouth Company, 38-39, 40 

Pocahontas, 48-49 

Politics, reform of, 522 

Polk, James K., President, 323 

Ponce de Leon, 18 

Poor whites, 341 

Pope, General John, 389 

Popular sovereignty, 333, 346 

Population, center of, 508 

Population of United States, in 
1790, 207 

Populist Party, 478-479, 482 

Porter, Captain David, 264 



Porto Rico, 17, 30 (note); posses- 
sion of United States, 500; gov- 
ernment, 503 

Port Royal, Acadia, 105 

Port Royal, S. C., Huguenot settle- 
ment, 29 

Portsmouth, N. H., treaty of 1905, 
512 

Portugal, absorbed by Spain, 68 

Portuguese navigators, 7-8, 9; voy- 
ages, 12, 19; trade with the East, 
32 

Prescott, William H., 358 

"President" and "Little Belt," 256 

Presidential Succession Act, 466 

Primary elections, 522 

Princeton, battle of, 164 

Privateering, in sixteenth century, 
132; in Revolution, 164 

Privateers, American, 1812, 266 

Prohibition laws, 522, 526, 580 

Progressive party, 551 

Proportional representation, in Con- 
stitutional Convention, 201 

Ptolemy, Claudius, 3 

Pueblo, 20, 26 

Pulaski, 176 

Pullman strike, see Chicago strike 

Pure food laws, 521 

Puritans in England, 53, 56; Mass- 
achusetts Bay Colony, 56; church 
of, 58, 74, 75 

Putnam, Rufus, 188, 190 

Quakers, 59 (note), 74, 79-80, 88, 93 
Quebec Act, 152 
Quebec, founded, 105 

Radisson, Sieur, 108 

Railroads, building begun, 300; 
transportation, 354; construction, 
444; abuses, 455; restriction laws, 
356; unification of, 518, 523 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 33-34, 36 

Randolph, Edmund, in Constitu- 
tional Convention, 199; Attorney 
General, 217 

Reciprocity, 470; treaties, 494 

"Reconcentration" policy in Cuba, 
499 

Reconstruction, Chapter XXV; com- 
mittee on, 423; act of, 1867, 425- 
426; references, 434-435 

Reformation in England, 31, 53 

Refunding, 442-443 

Religion, in colonies, 102; in New 
England, 93; Southern colonies, 
96-97; middle colonies, 98 



Index 



617 



Religious activities, 1830, 304 

Removal of deoosits, 310, 322 

Renaissance, 431 

Representation, American, in Par- 
liament, 147 

Representative government, in Vir- 
ginia, 45; in Plymouth Colony, 
53; in Massachusetts Bay, 57; in 
Connecticut, G2; in Carolinas, 78 

Representatives, numbers of, 201 

Republican party, organized, 351- 
352 

Republicans, National, 295 

Resaca, battle of, 405 

Restoration, in England, 63, 73, 74, 
85 

Resumption of specie payments, 
443-444, 445, 457 

Retaliatory Acts, 152 

Revenue Acts, 567 

Revolution, American, finances of, 
165, 173, 174, 175; and France, 
165; weakness of Congress, 168; 
difficulties with army, 164; on 
the ocean, 176; treaty at close, 179 

Revolution, English, of 1688, 90 

Rhode Island Colony, 59-60, 88, 
89; references, 67 

Richelieu, Cardinal, 107 

Richmond, 410 

Roanoke Island, 34 

Robertson, James, 170 

Roberval, Sieur de, 29 

Rochambeau, General, 178 

Rockefeller, John D., 473, 518 

Roman Catholics, in ^Maryland, 48, 
49; in England, 53 

Roosevelt, Theodore, civil service 
commissioner, 495; in Spanish 
war, 501, 507; Vice-President, 
507; succession to Presidency, 
^ 508; character, 509; President, 

512, 513, 518, 521, 524 

Rosecrans, General William S., 384 
(note), 398 

Routes to the West, 273 

Rule of 1756, 227-228 

Russell, Earl, 402 
. Russia, mediator in 1814, 267; at- 
titude during Civil War, 437; war 
with Japan, 512; 574 

Sagas, Norse, 2 

St. Augustine, Fla., 30 

St. Clair, General Arthur, 190, 230 

St. Louis Exposition, 525 

St. Louis, Fort, 116 

St. Mary's. Md., 46 



St. Mihiel, 576 

Samoan Islands, 504 

Sampson, Admiral William T., 500 

Santiago de Cuba, 500 

Saratoga, battle of, 167; effects, 168 

Savannah, Sherman at, 407-408 

Scalawags, 426 

Schley, Admiral Winfield S., 500 

Schools, in West, 280 

Schurz, Carl, 463 

Schuyler, General Philip, 167 

Schwab, Charles M., 566 

Scientific societies established, 212 

Scotch-Irish, 129 

Scott, General Winfield, 265; war 
with Mexico, 331, 332; Presi- 
dential candidate, 341 

Seal fisheries, 488 

Secession, 368; arguments for, 370- 
372 

Sedan, 578 

Sedition Act, 574 

Seigneurs, in French colonies, 107 

Self-government, in eighteenth cen- 
tury, 138 

Seminole Indians, war with, 287 

Separatists, in England, 54 

Sfven Years' War, 124 

Sevier, John, 170 

Sewall, Arthur, 483 

Seward, William H., 337; "irre- 
pressible conflict," 363, 374, 381, 
436 

Seymour, Horatio, 430 

Shadrach, case of, 339 

Shafter, General William R., 501 

Shaftesbury, Earl of, 75, 77 

Sharpsburg, see Antietam 

Shays' rebellion, 194 

Sherman, James S., 524 ^ 

Sherman, John, 457, 460 

Sherman anti-trust law, 472-473 

Sherman silver coinage act (1890), 
472, 480-482 

Sherman, General William T., 394, 
.398, 404-405, 408-409 

Shenandoah Valley, 379 

Sheridan, General Philip, 407, 413 . 

Shiloh, battle of, 383 

Shipping law, 1916, 552; 565 

Siemens-Martin process, 451 

Sigel, General Franz, 403 

Silver issue, 507 

Silver legislation, 457-459 

Simms, William Gilmore, 358 

Single standard argument, 484, 495 

Sioux Indians, 108, 111 

Slater, Samuel, 238, 239 



618 



Index 



Slavery, negro, 25; influence on 
South, 342-343, 390, 412; aboli- 
tion of, 410, 411 (note) 

Slaves, in Virginia, 43; importa- 
tion prior to 1808, 202; number 
of, 1850, 341; fugitive, 390 

Slave trade, African, 32, 131 

Slidell, John, 381 

Smith, John, 41-42, 48, 69 (note) 

Smith-Lever, law, 552 

Socialists, 510 (note), 574 

Soissons, 576 

Solid South, 460 

Soto, Hernando de, 22 

South, in 1690, 94; physical influ- 
ences in, 95; industrial life, 95; 
society, 95-96; local govern- 
ment, 96; education, 97; indus- 
trial advance, 520, 526 

South America, 10, 17 

South American revolutions, 287; 
republics, 513 

South Carolina, colony, 76-79, 83; 
secession, 568, 370-371 

Southern colonies, (1690) 94-97 

South Seas, 17 

Spain, explorations and settle- 
ment, 17-19; conquests, 20-23; 
relation with Indians, 20-25; 
colonial policy, 23-25, 497; ri- 
valry with England, 32; com- 
mercial policy, 24; government 
of, 23; Council for Indies, 23; 
India House (Casa de Contrata- 
cion), 23; wars against Dutch, 
68; relations with United States 
in 1785, 192; treaty with, 1795, 
229 

Spanish war, 506, 510 

Specie circular, 312 

Spotswood, Governor, 119 

Spottsylvania, battle of, 403 

Stamp Act, passed, 145; opposition 
to, 146; Congress, 146; repeal, 
147 

Standard Oil Company, 473, 518 

"Standpatters," 524 

Stanton, Edwin, Secretary of War, 
428 

Star of the West, 372 

Starved Rock, 110 

State sovereignty in Georgia, 292 

Steamboat, invention of, 249; in- 
fluence on growth of West, 275, 
276 

Stephens, Alexander H., 372-373 

Steuben, Baron, 168 

Stevens, Thaddeus, 422, 428 



Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 340 

Strabo, 3 

Strikes, 454-455, 528 

Stuart, Gilbert, 212, 213 

Stuyvesant, Peter, Governor, 71, 73, 

83 
Submarine, war zone, 555, 556 
Suffrage, recent legislation, 521, 580 
Sumner, Charles, 347; attack on, 

350; reconstruction policy, 422, 

435 
Sumter, Fort, 371, 372, 374, 396 
Sumter, General Thos., 176 
Surplus revenue, distribution of, 

312 
Survey of western land, 188 
Swedes, colonization, 71, 74, 81, 82 
Swiss, in colonies, 76 
Symmes, John Cleves, 190-191 

Taft, William H., in Philip- 
tines, 503; in Cuba, 504; elect- 
ed President, 524-525, 530, 579 

Talon, 107 

Taney, Roger B., Secretary of 
Treasury, 310; 360 

Tariff, the first, 215-216; of 1816, 
271; of 1824, 289; of 1828, 293; 
of 1832, 307; of 1833, 308; of 
1846, 328; of 1857, 357; or 1861, 
387-389; of Civil War, 400-401, 
440-441; commission of 1883, 
467-468; as a political issue, 
467-469; McKinley Act, 470; of 
1894, 493-496; of 1897, 494; re- 
vision of, 510 

Taxes, Civil War, 442 

Taylor, General Zachary, in Mexi- 
can War, 329-331; elected Pres- 
ident, 334 

Tea, controversy over, 151-152 

Tecumseh, 257; death of, 265 

Telephone, 491-492, 563 

Temperance reform, 305 

Tennessee, settled, 171; admitted, 
238; reconstruction, 418, 425 

Tenure of office act, 427-428 

Texas, independent, 322; admitted. 
324 

Thirty Years' War, 71 

Thomas, General George H., 398 

Tilden, Samuel J., 446 

Tippecanoe, battle of, 257 

Tobacco, in Virginia, 42, 45, 48; 
in Maryland, 47; price of, 86 

Toleration Act, in Maryland, 65 

Tonty, Henri de. 111 

Topeka Constitution, 339, 350 



Index 



619 



Toscanelli, 9 

Town, in New England, 58 

Townshend, Charles, 148 

Trade Unions, 519 

Trading companies, 37, 38 

Transylvania, 171 

Treaty of Berlin, 1889, 504 

Trent affair, 381, 397 

Trenton, victory at, 164 

Trusts, 472-473, 475, 510. 517 

Turks, 6 

Tuscania, 569 

Tuskegee Institute, 520 

Tweed ring, 446 

Tyler, John, President, 320. 373 

Uncle Tom's Cabin, 340 
Underground Railroad, 340 
Union Republican Party, 405 
United Mine Workers, 519 
United States a world power, 510- 

511 
United States notes, 388, 443-444, 

449, 450, 457, 481 
United States Steel Corporation, 

517, 525 
United War Work Campaign, 573 
Utah, 494 

Vaca, Cabeca de, 21, 26 

Vail, Alfred, 324 

Valley Forge, suffering at, 168 

Van Buren, Martin, Secretary of 
State, 306; elected President, 
312-313 

Vanderlip, Frank A., 568 

Vane, Sir Henry, 360 

Venezuelan question, 486-487, 495- 
496 

Vera Cruz, 545 

Vermont, admitted, 238 

Verazzano, Giovanni da, 29, 36 

Versailles, 579 

Vespucius, Americus, 12-14 

Vicksburg, 383, campaign of, 394- 
395, 397 . ' 

Vikings, 2; ship of, 15 

Villa, 545 

Vinland, 2 

Virgin Islands, 553 

Virginia, named, 34; colony, 38- 
45; government of, 41-42; Sla- 
very in, 43; land system, 43; 
representative government, 44 , 
colony during Commonwealth, 
64; after Restoration, 86-87 

Virginia and Kentucky Resolu- 
tions, 235 



Virginia Plan, 199, 200 
Vote, right to, 213 

Waldseemuller, 14 

War of 1812, declaration, 260; plans 
for, 261 

War Industries Board, 564 

War Labor Board, 565 

War saving stamp, 568 

Washington, Booker T., 520 

Washington, George, at Fort Ne- 
cessity, 121; and Boston Port 
Bill, 152; commander-in-chief, 
155; campaign about New York, 
162; retreat through New Jersey, 
162, 163; President of Constitu- 
tional Convention, 198; inaugu- 
rated President, 215; re-elected, 
224; Farewell address, 231 

Washington City, capture of, 1814, 
266 

Washington, Treaty of 1871, 438- 
439 

Wasp vs. Frolic, 263, 264 

Watson, Thomas, 483 

Wayne, General Anthony, 230 

Weaver, James B., 479 

Webb-Kenyon, law, 552 

Webster, Daniel, Secretary of State, 
320; seventh of March speech, 
337; Ashburton treaty, 320, 321; 
debate with Hayne, 306, 307 

Wells, Gideon, 374 

Welsh, in colonies, 82 

Wesley, Charles and John, 100 

West, Benjamin, 212 

West, the, growth of in 1812, 279; 
character of life in, 280; growth 
of, 353, 354, 455; the Far, 521 

Western settlement, earliest be- 
yond Alleghany Mountains, 170, 
171; in 1784, 186, 188 

Western settlers, character of, 173 

West Virginia, admission of, 380 

Westward migration, in New Eng- 
land, 61; in Virginia, 40; influ- 
ence of physical geography, 118, 
119, 120; in New York, 119; in 
Pennsylvania, 120; from Caro- 
linas, 170; routes, 171, 172, 173; 
in 1787, 190; after 1815, 276- 
281; prior to 1812, 273 

Wheeler, General Joseph, 502 

Whig Party, origin, 311; down- 
fall, 341 

Whigs, "Conscience," 337 

Whiskey Insurrection, 231 

White, Father Andrew, 49 



620 



Index 



White, Henry, 578 
White, John, 34 
Whitney, Eli, 239 
W^ilclerness, battles of, 403 
Wilkes, Captain Charles, 381 
William III and Mary, 90 
William, King, war, 113 
Williams, Roger, 58-60, 67, 68 
Wilmot Proviso, 332 
Wilson, tariff bill. 493, 496 
Wilson, Woodrow, 549, 551, 

563, 566, 567, 578 
Winchester, battle of, 407 
Wlngfield, Edward M., 41, 49 



552,' 



Winnebago Indians, 108 
Winthrop, John, 88 
Witchcraft, 94 
Wood, Colonel Leonard, 501 
World's Fair, Chicago, 488 
Writs of Assistance, disputes over, 
143 

X. Y. Z. Affair, 233, 234 

York, Duke of, 73, 74, 80, 89, 90 
Yorktown, surrender of, 178, 179 
Yucatan, 18 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




